UNIVER 

Received 


REESE  LIBRARY 
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IFORNIA. 

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Accession 


No.     92372     .   Class  No. 


OF 


• 


THE    LIFE 


GEORGE     WASHINGTON 


WASHINGTON     IRVING 

ir 

IN    FOUR    VOLUMES 
Vols.  I.  and  II. 


ILLUSTRATED 
REVISED     EDITION 

UNIVERSH 

OF 

NEW   YORK 

THOMAS    Y.    CROWELL    &    COMPANY 

PUBLISHERS 


£312 

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PllEFACE. 


The  following  work  was  commenced  several  years  ago,  but 
the  prosecution  of  it  has  been  repeatedly  interrupted  by  other 
occupations,  by  a  long  absence  in  Europe,  and  by  occasional 
derangement  of  health.  It  is  only  within  the  last  two  or 
three  years  that  I  have  been  able  to  apply  myself  to  it  stead- 
ily.    This  is  stated  to  account  for  the  delay  in  its  publication. 

The  present  volume  treats  of  the  earlier  part  of  Washing- 
ton's life  previous  to  the  war  of  the  Revolution,  giving  his 
expeditions  into  the  wilderness',  his  campaigns  on  the  frontier 
in  the  old  French  war;  and  the  other  "experiences,"  by 
which  his  character  was  formed,  and  he  was  gradually  trained 
up  and  prepared  for  his  great  destiny. 

Though  a  biography,  and  of  course  admitting  of  familiar 
anecdote,  excursive  digressions,  and  a  flexible  texture  of 
narrative,  yet,  for  the  most  part,  it  is  essentially  historic. 
Washington,  in  fact,  had  very  little  private  life,  but  was 
eminently  a  public  character.  All  his  actions  and  concerns 
almost  from  boyhood  were  connected  with  the  history  of  his 
country.  In  writing  his  biography,  therefore,  I  am  obliged 
to  take  glances  over  collateral  history,  as  seen  from  his  point 
of  view  and  influencing  his  plans,  and  to  narrate  distant 
transactions  apparently  disconnected  with  his  concerns,  but 
eventually  bearing  upon  the  great  drama  in  which  he  was  the 
principal  actor. 

I  have  endeavored  to  execute  my  task  with  candor  and 
fidelity  ;  stating  facts  on  what  appeared  to  be  good  authority, 
and  avoiding  as  much  as  possible  all  false  coloring  and  ex- 
aggeration. My  work  is  founded  on  the  correspondence  of 
Washington,  which,  in  fact,  affords  the  amplest  and  surest 
groundwork  for  his  biography.  This  I  have  consulted  as  it 
exists  in  manuscript  in  the  archives  of  the  Department  of 
State,  to  which  I  have  had  full  and  frequent  access.  I  have 
also  made  frequent  use  of  "  Washington's  Writings,"  as  pub- 

92372  3 


4  PREFACE. 

lished  by  Mr.  Sparks  ;  a  careful  collation  of  man}7  of  them 
with  the  originals  having  convinced  me  of  the  general  correct- 
ness of  the  collection,  and  of  the  safety  with  which  it  may  be 
relied  upon  for  historical  purposes  ;  and  I  am  happy  to  bear 
this  testimony  to  the  essential  accuracy  of  one  whom  I  con- 
sider among  the  greatest  benefactors  to  our  national  litera- 
ture ;  and  to  whose  writings  and  researches  I  acknowledge 
myself  largely  indebted  throughout  my  work. 

W.  I. 

SUNNYSIDB,  1855. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 

Genealogy  of  the  Washington  Family 15 

CHAPTER  II. 

Thenome  of  Washington's  Boyhood  — His  Early  Education  — Lawrence  Washing- 
ton and  his  Campaign  in  the  West  Indies  — Death  of  Washington's  Father  — The 
Widowed  Mother  and  her  Children  — School  Exercises    „ 2G 

CHAPTER  III. 

Paternal  Conduct  of  an  Elder  Brother  — The  Fairfax  Family  — Washington's  Code 
of  Morals  and  Manners  —  Soldiers'  Tales  —  Their  Influence  —  Washington  prepares 
for  the  Navy  — A  Mother's  Objections— Return  to  School— Studies  and  Exer- 
cises—A School-boy  Passion  — The  Lowland  Beauty— Love  Ditties  at  Mount 
Vernon  —  Visit  to  Belvoir  —  Lord  Fairfax  —  His  Character  —  Fox-IIunting  a 
Remedy  for  Love  — Proposition  for  a  Surveying  Expedition 30 

CHAPTER   IV. 

Expedition  beyond  the  Blue  Ridge  — The  Valley  of  the  Shenandoah  —  Lord  Fairfax 

—  Lodge  in  the  Wilderness  —  Surveying  —  Life  in  the  Backwoods  —  Indians  — 
War-Dance  —  German  Settlers  —  Return  Home  —  Washington  as  Public  Surveyor 

—  Sojourn  at  G reen way  Court  —  Horses,  Hounds,  and  Books  —  Rugged  Experience 
among  the  Mountains 37 

CHAPTER  V. 

English  and  French  Claims  to  the  Ohio  Valley  — Wild  State  of  the  Country  — 
Projects  of  Settlements  — The  Ohio  Company —  Enlightened  Views  of  Lawrence 
Washington  — French  Rivalry —  Celeron  de  Bienville  — His  Signs  of  Occupation 

—  Hugh  Crawford  —  George  Croghan,  a  Veteran  Trader,  and  Montour,  his  Inter- 
preter—  Their  Mission  from  Pennsylvania  to  the  Ohio  Tribes  — Christopher  Gist, 
the  Pioneer  of  the  Yadkin  — Agent  of  the  Ohio  Company  — His  Expedition  to  the 
Frontier  —  Reprobate  Traders  at  Logstown  — Negotiations  with  the  Indians  — 
Scenes  in  the  Ohio  Country  —  Diplomacy  at  Piqua—  Kegs  of  Brandy  and  Rolfs  of 
Tobacco  —  Gist's  Return  across  Kentucky  —  A  Deserted  Home  —  French  Schemes 

—  Captain  Joncai re,  a  Diplomat  of  the  Wilderness  — His  Speech  at  Logstown  — 
The  Indians' Land  — "Where?" 42 

5 


b  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  VI. 

PAGE 

Preparations  for  Hostilities  —  Washington  appointed  District  Adjutant-General  — 
Mount  Vernon  a  School  of  Arms  — Adjutant  Muse  a  Veteran  Campaigner  — Jacob 
Van  Braam  the  Master  of  Fence  — 111  Health  of  Washington's  Brother  Lawrence  — 
Voyage  with  him  to  the  West  Indies— Scenes  at  Barbadoes  —  Tropical  Fruits- 
Beefsteak  and  Tripe  Club  —  Return  Home  of  Washington  —  Death  of  Lawrence  .      53 


CHAPTER  VH. 

Council  of  the  Ohio  Tribes  at  Logstown  — Treaty  with  the  English  — Gist's  Settle- 
ment —  Speeches  of  the  Half-King  and  the  French  Commandant  —  French 
Aggressions  —  The  Ruins  of  Piqua  —  Washington  sent  on  a  Mission  to  the  French 
Commander  — Jacob  Van  Braam,  his  Interpreter  — Christopher  Gist,  his  Guide 
—  Halt  at  the  Confluence  of  the  Monongahela  and  Allegany  — Projected  Fort  — 
Shingiss,  a  Delaware  Sachem  —  Logstowu  —  The  Half-King  —  Indian  Councils  — 
Indian  Diplomacy  — Rumors  concerning  Joncaire  —  Indian  Escorts  — The  Half- 
King,  Jeskakake,  and  White  Thunder .      57 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

Arrival  at  Venango— Captain  Joncaire  — Frontier  Revelry  —  Discussions  over  the 
Bottle  — The  Old  Diplomatist  and  the  Young  — The  Half-King,  Jeskakake,  and 
White  Thunder  staggered  —  The  Speech-Belt  — Departure  — La  Force,  the  Wily 
Commissary  —  Fort  at  French  Creek  — The  Chevalier  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre, 
Knight  of  St.  Louis  —  Captain  Reparti  —  Transactions  at  the  Fort  —  Attempts  to 
seduce  the  Sachems  — Mischief  brewing  on  the  Frontier —  Difficulties  and  Delays 
in  Parting  —  Descent  of  French  Creek  —  Arrival  at  Venango 


CHAPTER  IX. 

Return  from  Venango  — A  Tramp  on  Foot  — Murdering  Town  — The  Indian  Guide 
—  Treachery  —  An  Anxious  Night  —  Perils  on  the  Allegany  River  —  Queen 
Aliquippa  — The  Old  Watch-Coat  — Return  across  the  Blue  Ridge  .    .....      70 


CHAPTER  X. 

Reply  of  the  Chevalier  de  St.  Pierre  —  Trent's  Mission  to  the  Frontier  —  Washington 
recruits  Troops  — Dinwiddie  and  the  House  of  Burgesses  —  Independent  Conduct 
of  the  Virginians  — Expedients  to  gain  Recruits  — Jacob  Van  Braam  in  Service- 
Toilful  March  to  Wills'  Creek  —  Contreceeur  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio  — Trent's 
Refractory  Troops 75 


CHAPTER  XI. 

March  to  the  Little  Meadows— Rumors  from  the  Ohio  — Correspondence  from  the 
Banks  of  the  Youghiogeny  — Attempt  to  descend  that  River  — Alarming  Reports 
—  Scouting  Parties— Perilous  Situation  of  the  Camp  — Gist  and  La  Force  — 
Message  from  the  Half-King  —  French  Tracks  —  The  Jumonville  Skirmish- 
Treatment  of  La  Force— Position  at  the  Great  Meadows  — Belligerent  Feelings 
of  a  Young  Soldier 82 


CONTENTS.  1 

CHAPTER  XII. 

PAGB 

Scarcity  in  the  Camp  — Death  of  Colonel  Fry  —  Promotions  —  Mackay  and  his 
Independent  Company  — Major  Muse  — Indian  Ceremonials  — Public  Prayers  in 
Camp  — Alarms— Independence  of  an  Independent  Company  —  Affairs  at  the 
Great  Meadows  —  Desertion  of  the  Indian  Allies  — Capitulation  of  Fort  Necessity 

—  Van  Braaraasan  Interpreter  — Indian  Plunderers  — Return  to  Williamsburg  — 
Vote  of  Thanks  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  —  Subsequent  Fortunes  of  the  Half-King 

—  Commeuts  on  the  Affair  of  Jumonville  and  the  Conduct  of  Van  Braam     ...      90 

CHAPTER  XIII. 
Founding  of  Fort  Cumberland  —  Secret  Letter  of  Stobo  —  The  Indian  Messenger  — 
Project  of  Dinwiddie— His  Perplexities  —  A  Taint  of  Republicanism  in  the 
Colonial  Assemblies  —  Dinwiddie's  Military  Measures  —  Washington  quits  the 
Service  —  Overtures  of  Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland  — Washington's  Dignified 
Reply  —  Questions  of  Rank  between  Royal  and  Provincial  Troops  —  Treatment  of 
the  French  Prisoners  —  Fate  of  La  Force  —  Anecdotes  of  Stobo  and  Van  Braam  .    100 

CHAPTER  XIV. 
Return  to  Quiet  Life  — French  and  English  prepare  for  Hostilities  — Plan  of  a 
Campaign  —  General  Braddock  —  His  Character  —  Sir  John  St.  Clair  Quarter- 
master-General —  His  Tour  of  Inspection  —  Projected  Roads  —  Arrival  of  Braddock 

—  Military  Consultations  and  Plans  —  Commodore  Keppel  and  his  Seamen  — 
Ships  and  Troops  at  Alexandria  —  Excitement  of  Washington  —  Invited  to  join 
the  Staff  of  Braddock  — A  Mother's  Objections  — Washington  at  Alexandria  — 
Grand  Council  of  Governors  —  Military  Arrangements  —  Colonel  William  Johnson 

—  Sir  John  St.  Clair  at  Fort  Cumberland  — His  Explosions  of  Wrath  — Their 
Effects  —  Indians  to  be  enlisted  —  Captain  Jack  and  his  Baud  of  Bush-Beaters      .    105 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Washington  proclaimed  Aide-de-Camp  —  Disappointments  at  Fredericktown  — 
Benjamin  Franklin  and  Braddock  —  Contracts  —  Departure  for  Wills'  Creek  — 
Rough  Roads  — The  General  in  his  Chariot  —  Camp  at  Fort  Cumberland  —  Hugh 
Mercer  —  Dr.  Craik  —  Military  Tactics  —  Camp  Rules  —  Secretary  Peters  — 
Indians  in  Camp  —Indian  Beauties  — The  Princess  Bright  Lightning  — Errand  to 
Williamsburg  —  Braddock's  Opinion  of  Contractors  and  Indians  —  Arrival  of 
Conveyances 115 

CHAPTER  XVI. 
March  from  Fort  Cumberland —The  Great  Savage  Mountain  — Camp  at  the  Little 
Meadows  — Division  of  the  Forces  — Captain  Jack  and  his  Band  —  Scarooyadi  in 
Danger  —  Illness  of  Washington  —  His  Halt  at  the  Youghiogeny  —  March  of 
Braddock  — The  Great  Meadows  — Lurking  Enemies —Their  Tracks  — Precau- 
tions —  Thickety  Run  —  Scouts  —  Indian  Murders  —  Funeral  of  an  Indian  Warrior 

—  Camp  on  the  Monongahela  — Washington's  Arrival  There— March  for  Fort 
Duquesne  — The  Fording  of  the  Monongahela  —  The  Battle— The  Retreat  — 
Death  of  Braddock 123 

CHAPTER  XVII. 
Arrival  at  Fort  Cumberland —  Letters  of  Washington  to  his  Family  — Panic  of 
Dunbar  — Triumph  of  the  French 138 


8  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XVIII. 

PAGE 

Costs  of  Campaigning  —  Measures  for  Public  Safety  —  Washington  in  Command  — 

Head-Quarters  at  Winchester  —  Lord  Fairfax  and  his  Troop  of  Horse  — Indian 

Ravages  —  Panic  at  Winchester  — Cause  of  the  Alarm  — Operations  Elsewhere  — 

Shirley  against  Niagara  —  Johnson  against  Crown  Point  —  Affair  at  Lake  George 

—  Death  of  Dieskau 141 

CHAPTER  XIX. 

Reform  in  the  Militia  Laws  —  Discipline  of  the  Troops  —  Dagworthy  and  the 
Question  of  Precedence  —  Washington's  Journey  to  Boston  — Style  of  Travelling 

—  Conference  with  Shirley  —  The  Earl  of  Loudoun  —  Military  Rule  for  the 
Colonies  — Washington  at  New  York  — Miss  Mary  Philipse 151 

CHAPTER  XX. 

Troubles  in  the  Shenandoah  Valley  —  Greenway  Court  and  Lord  Fairfax  in  Danger 

—  Alarms  at  Winchester  — Washington  appealed  to,  for  Protection  —  Attacked  by 
the  Virginia  Press  —  Honored  by  the  Public  —  Projects  for  Defence  —  Suggestions 
of  Washington  —  The  Gentlemen  Associators  —  Retreat  of  the  Savages  —  Expedi- 
tion against  Kittanning  —  Captain  Hugh  Mercer  —  Second  Struggle  through  the 
Wilderness 156 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Founding  of  Fort  Loudoun  —  Washington's  Tour  of  Inspection  —  Inefficiency  of  the 
Militia  System  —  Gentlemen  Soldiers  —  Cross-Purposes  with  Dinwiddle  —  Military 
Affairs  in  the  North  —  Delays  of  Lord  Loudoun  —  Activity  of  Montcalm  — 
Loudoun  in  Winter  Quarters 164 

CHAPTER  XXII. 

Washington  vindicates  his  Conduct  to  Lord  Loudoun  — His  Reception  by  his 
Lordship  —  Military  Plans  —  Lord  Loudoun  at  Halifax  —  Montcalm  on  Lake 
George  —  His  Triumphs  —  Lord  Loudoun's  Failures  —  Washington  at  Winchester 

—  Continued  Misunderstandings  with  Dinwiddie  —  Return  to  Mount  Vernon  .  •  .    169 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Washington  recovers  his  Health  — Again  in  Command  at  Fort  Loudoun —Admin- 
istration of  Pitt  —  Loudoun  succeeded  by  General  Abercrombie  —  Military 
Arrangements  —  Washington  Commander-in-Chief  of  the  Virginia  Forces  — 
Amherst  against  Louisburg  — General  Wolfe  — Montgomery  — Capture  of  Louis- 
burg  —  Abercrombie  on  Lake  George  —  Death  of  Lord  Howe  —  Repulse  of 
Abercrombie  — Success  of  Bradstreet  at  Oswego 175 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Slow  Operations  —  Washington  orders  out  the  Militia  — Mission  to  Williamsburg  — 
Halt  at  Mr.  Chamberlayne's  — Mrs.  Martha  Custis  — A  Brief  Courtship  — An 
Engagement  — Return  to  Winchester  —  The  Rifle  Dress  — Indian  Scouts  — Wash- 
ington elected  to  the  House  of  Burgesses  —  Tidings  of  Amherst's  Success  —  The 
New  Road  to  Fort  Duquesne  —  March  for  the  Fort  —  Indiscreet  Conduct  of  Major 
Grant  —  Disastrous  Consequences — Washington  advances  against  Fort  Duquesne 

—  End  of  the  Expedition  —  Washington  returns  Home—  His  Marriage     ....     182 


CONTENTS.  9 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

PAGE 

Plan  of  Operations  for  1759  — Investment  of  Fort  Niagara  —  Death  of  Prideaux  — 
Success  of  Sir  William  Johnson  —  Amherst  at  Ticonderoga  —  Wolfe  at  Quebec  — 
His  Triumph  and  Death  —  Fate  of  Montcalm  —  Capitulation  of  Quebec  —  Attempt 
of  De  Levi  to  retake  it  — Arrival  of  a  British  Fleet  — Last  Stand  of  the  French  at 
Montreal  —  Surrender  of  Canada «, 191 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 
Washington's  Installation  in  the  House  of  Burgesses  — His  Rural  Life  — Mount 
Vernon  and  its  Vicinity  —  Aristocratical  Days  of  Virginia  — Washington's  Man- 
agement of  his  Estate  —  Domestic  Habits  —  Fox-IIunting  —  Lord  Fairfax  —  Fishing 
and  Duck-Shooting  —  The  Poacher  —  Lynch  Law  —  Aquatic  State  —  Life  at 
Annapolis — Washington  in  the  Dismal  Swamp 203 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 
Treaty  of  Peace  —  Pontiac's  War  —  Course  of  Public  Events  —  Board  of  Trade 
against  Paper  Currency  —  Restrictive  Policy  of  England  —  Navigation  Laws  — 
Discontents  in  New  England  —  Of  the  Other  Colonies  —Projects  to  raise  Revenue 
by  Taxation — Blow  at  the  Independence  of  the  Judiciary  —  Naval  Commanders 
employed  as  Custom-house  Officers  —  Retaliation  of  the  Colonists  —  Taxation 
resisted  in  Boston  —  Passing  of  the  Stamp  Act  — Burst  of  Opposition  in  Virginia 
—  Speech  of  Patrick  Henry 213 

CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Washington's  Ideas  concerning  the  Stamp  Act  —  Opposition  to  it  in  the  Colonies  — 
Portentous  Ceremonies  at  Boston  and  New  York — Nonimportation  Agreement 
among  the  Merchants  — Washington  and  George  Mason  — Dismissal  of  Grenville 
from  the  British  Cabinet  —  Franklin  before  the  House  of  Commons  — Repeal  of 
the  Stamp  Act  —  Joy  of  Washington — Fresh  Causes  of  Colonial  Dissensions  — 
Circular  of  the  General  Court  of  Massachusetts  — Embarkation  of  Troops  for 
Boston  —  Measures  of  the  Bostonians 220 

CHAPTER  XXIX. 
Cheerful  Life  at  Mount  Vernon  —  Washington  and  George  Mason  —  Correspondence 
concerning  the  Non-Importation  Agreement  —  Feeling  toward  England  —  Opening 
of  the  Legislative  Session  —  Semi-regal  State  of  Lord  Botetourt  — High-toned 
Proceedings  of  the  House  — Sympathy  with  New  England  — Dissolved  by  Lord 
Botetourt  — Washington  and  the  Articles  of  Association 226 

CHAPTER  XXX. 
Hood  at  Boston  —  The  General  Court  refuses  to  do  Business  under  Military  Sway — 
Resists  the  Billeting  Act  —  Effect  of  the  Non-Importation   Association  —  Lord 
North  Premier  —  Duties  revoked  except  on  Tea  —  The  Boston  Massacre  —  Disuse 
of  Tea  — Conciliatory  Conduct  of  Lord  Botetourt  — His  Death 232 

CHAPTER  XXXI. 
Expedition  of  Washington  to  the  Ohio,  in  behalf  of  Soldiers'  Claims— Uneasy 
State  of  the  Frontier  —  Visit  to  Fort  Pitt  —  George  Croghan  —  His  Mishaps  during 
I'ontiac's  War  —  Washington  descends  the  Ohio— Scenes  and  Adventures  along 
the  River  — Indian  Hunting  Camp  — Interview  with  an  Old  Sachem  at  the  Mouth 
of  the  Kanawha  —  Return  — Claims  of  Stobo  and  Van  Braam  —  Letter  to  Colonel 
Geoige  Muse 235 


10  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXXn. 

PAGE 

Lord  Dunmore  Governor  of  Virginia  — Piques  the  Pride  of  the  Virginians  —  Oppo- 
sition of  the  Assembly  —  Corresponding  Committees  — Death  of  Miss  Custis  — 
Washington's  Guardianship  of  John  Parke  Custis  — His  Opinions  as  to  Premature 
Travel  and  Premature  Marriage 241 

CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

Lord  North's  Bill  favoring  the  Exportation  of  Teas—  Ships  freighted  with  Tea  to 
the  Colonies  — Sent  back  from  Some  of  the  Ports— Tea  destroyed  at  Boston  — 
Passage  of  the  Boston  Port  Bill  — Session  of  the  House  of  Burgesses  —  Splendid 
Opening  — Burst  of  Indignation  at  the  Port  Bill  — House  dissolved  —  Resolutions 
at  the  Raleigh  Tavern  —  Project  of  a  General  Congress  —  Washington  and  Lord 
Dunmore  — The  Port  Bill  goes  into  Effect  —  General  Gage  at  Boston  —  League 
and  Covenant 245 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

Washington  Chairman  of  a  Political  Meeting  —  Correspondence  with  Bryan  Fairfax  — 
Patriotic  Resolutions  —  Washington's  Opinions  on  Public  Affairs  — Non-Importa- 
tion Scheme  —  Convention  at  Williamsburg  —  Washington  appointed  a  Delegate 
to  the  General  Congress  —  Letter  from  Bryan  Fairfax  —  Perplexities  of  General 
Gage  at  Boston 250 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 

Meeting  of  the  First  Congress  —  Opening  Ceremonies  —  Eloquence  of  Patrick  Henry 
and  Henry  Lee  —  Declaratory  Resolution  —  Bill  of  Rights  —  State  Papers  — 
Chatham's  Opinions  of  Congress  —  Washington's  Correspondence  with  Captain 
Mackenzie  —  Views  with  respect  to  Independence  — Departure  of  Fairfax  for 
England 256 

CHAPTER  XXX VL 

Gage's  Military  Measures  — Removal  of  Gunpowder  from  the  Arsenal  — Public 
Agitation  —  Alarms  in  the  Country  —  Civil  Government  obstructed  —  Belligerent 
Symptoms  —  Israel  Putnam  and  General  Charles  Lee,  their  Characters  and  Stories 

—  General  Election  —  Self-constituted  Congress  —  Hancock  President  —  Adjourns 
to  Concord  —  Remonstrance  to  Gage  —  His  Perplexities  —  Generals  Artemaa 
Ward  and  Seth  Pomeroy  — Committee  of  Safety —  Committee  of  Supplies  — 
Restlessness  throughout  the  Land  —  Independent  Companies  in  Virginia  —  Military 
Tone  at  Mount  Vernon  — Washington's  Military  Guests —  Major  Horatio  Gates  — 
Anecdotes  concerning  him  —  General  Charles  Lee —  His  Peculiarities  and  Dogs 

—  Washington  at  the  Richmond  Convention  —  War  Speech  of  Patrick  Henry  — 
Washington's  Military  Intentions 264 

CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

Infatuation  in  British  Councils  — Colonel  Grant,  the  Braggart  —  Coercive  Measures 

—  Expedition  against  the  Military  Magazine  at  Concord  —  Battle  of  Lexington  — 
The  Cry  of  Blood  through  the  Land  — Old  Soldiers  of  the  French  War  — John 
Stark  — Israel  Putnam  — Rising  of  the  Yeomanry —  Measures  of  Lord  Dunmore 
in  Virginia  — Indignation  of  the  Virginians  — Hugh  Mercer  and  the  Friends  of 
Liberty  —  Arrival  of  the  News  of  Lexington  at  Mount  Vernon  —  Effect  an  Bryan 
Fairfax,  Gates,  and  Washington ■  •    « 274 


CONTENTS.  11 

CHAPTER  XXXVin. 

PAGE 

Enlisting  of  Troops  in  the  East  — Camp  at  Boston  —  General  Artemas  Ward  — 
Scheme  to  surprise  Ticonderoga  —  New  Hampshire  Grants  — Ethan  Allen  and  the 
Green  Mountain  Boys  —  Benedict  Arnold  —  Affair  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown 
Point  — A  Dash  at  St.  Johns 282 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

Second  Session  of  Congress  —  John  Hancock  —  Petition  to  the  King  —  Federal 
Union  — Military  Measures  — Debates  about  the  Army —  Question  as  to  Comman- 
der-in-Chief—Appointment  of  Washington  —  Other  Appointments  —  Letters  of 
Washington  to  his  Wife  and  Brother  — Preparations  for  Departure 287 

CHAPTER  XL. 
More  Troops  arrive  at  Boston  —  Generals  Howe,  Burgoyne,  and  Clinton  —  Proq- 
lamation  of  Gage  — Nature  of  the  American  Army  —  Scornful  Conduct  of  the 
British  Officers  —  Project  of  the  Americans  to  seize  upon  Breed's  Hill  —  Putnam's 
Opinion  of  it  — Sanctioned  by  Prescott  —  Nocturnal  March  of  the  Detachment  — 
Fortifying  of  Bunker's  Hill  —  Break  of  Day,  and  Astonishment  of  the  Enemy      .    293 

CHAPTER  XLI. 
Battle  of  Bunker's  Hill 300 

CHAPTER  XLTT. 
Departure  from  Philadelphia—  Anecdotes  of  General  Schuyler  — Of  Lee— Tidings 
of  Bunker's  Hill  — Military  Councils— Population  of  New  York  — The  Johnson 
Family  —  Governor  Tryon —  Arrival  at  New  York — Mi-litary  Instructions  to 
Schuvler  —  Arrival  at  the  Camp 309 

CHAPTER  XLIII. 
Washington  takes  Command  of  the  Armies  — Sketch  of  General  Lee  —  Characters 
of  the  British  Commanders,  Howe,  Clinton,  and  Burgoyne  — Survey  of  the  Camps 
from  Prospect  Hill  — The  Camps  contrasted  —  Description  of  the  Revolutionary 
Army  — Rhode  Island  Troops  —  Character  of  General  Greene  —  Washington 
represents  the  Deficiencies  of  the  Army — His  Apology  for  the  Massachusetts 
Troops  —  Governor  Trumbull  —  Craigie  House,  Washington's  Head-Quarters  .     .    318 

CHAPTER  XLIV. 
Questions  of  Military  Rank  —  Popularity  of  Putnam  —  Arrangements  at  nead-Quar- 
ters  —  Colonel  Mifflin  and  John  Trumbull,  Aides-de-Camp  —  Joseph  Reed, 
Washington's  Secretary  and  Confidential  Friend  — Gates  as  Adjutant-General  — 
Hazardous  Situation  of  the  Army  —  Strengthening  of  the  Defences  —  Efficiency  of 
Putnam  — Rapid  Changes  —New  Distribution  of  the  Forces  — Rigid  Discipline  — 
Lee  and  his  Cane—  His  Idea  as  to  Strong  Battalions  — Arrival  of  Rifle  Companies 

—  Daniel  Morgan  and  his  Sharp-Shooters  —  Washington  declines  to  detach 
Troops  to  Distant  Points  for  their  Protection  —  His  Reasons  for  so  doing      .    .    .    325 

CHAPTER  XLV. 
Washington's  Object  in  distressing  Boston  — Scarcity  and  Sickness  in  the  Town  — 
A  Startling  Discovery  —  Scarcity  of  Powder  in  the  Camp  —  Its  Perilous  Situation 

—  Economy  of  Ammunition  —  Correspondence  between  Lee  and  Burgoyne  — 
Correspondence  between  Washington  and  Gage  —  The  Dignity  of  the  Patriot 
Army  asserted „ 332 


12  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XL VI. 

PAGE 

Dangers  in  the  Interior  —  Machinations  of  the  Johnson  Family  —  Rivalry  of  Ethan 
Allen  aud  Benedict  Arnold  —  Government  Perplexities  about  the  Ticonderoga 
Capture  —  Measures  to  secure  the  Prize  —  Allen  and  Arnold  ambitious  of  Further 
Laurels— Projects  for  the  Invasion  of  Canada  — Ethan  Allen  and  Seth  Warner 
honored  by  Congress  —  Arnold  displaced  by  a  Committee  of  Inquiry  —  His 
Indignation  — News  from  Canada  — The  Revolution  to  be  extended  into  that 
Province  —  Enlistment  of  Green  Mountain  Boys  —  Schuyler  at  Ticonderoga— State 
of  Affairs  There —  Election  for  Officers  of  the  Green  Mountain  Boys  — Ethan 
Allen  dismounted  —  Joins  the  Army  as  a  Volunteer  —  Preparations  for  the 
Invasion  of  Canada  —  General  Montgomery  —  Indian  Chiefs  at  Cambridge  — 
Council  Fire  — Plan  for  an  Expedition  against  Quebec  —  Departure  of  Troops 
from  Ticonderoga  —  Arrival  at  Isle  aux  Noix 339 

CHAPTER  XLVIL 

A  Challenge  declined— A  Blow  meditated — A  Cautious  Council  of  War  — Prepa- 
rations for  the  Quebec  Expedition  — Benedict  Arnold  the  Leader  —  Advice  and 
Instructions  — Departure  — General  Schuyler  on  the  Sorel  —  Reconuoitres  St. 
Johns  —  Camp  at  Isle  aux  Noix  —Illness  of  Schuyler  — Returns  to  Ticonderoga 
—  Expedition  of  Montgomery  against  St.  Johns  —Letter  of  Ethan  Allen  —  His 
Dash  against  Montreal  —  Its  Catastrophe  —  A  Hero  in  Irons  —  Correspondence  of 
Washington  with  Schuyler  and  Arnold  —  His  Anxiety  about  Them 351 

CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

British  in  Boston  send  out  Cruisers  —  Depredations  of  Captain  Wallace  along  the 
Coast  — Treason  in  the  Camp  — Arrest  of  Dr.  Church  — His  Trial  and  Fate  — 
Conflagration  of  Falmouth  — Irritation  throughout  the  Country  — Fitting  out  of 
Vessels  of  War —  Embarkation  of  General  Gage  for  England  —  Committee  from 
Congress  — Conferences  with  Washington  —  Resolutions  of  Congress  to  carry  on 
the  War  — Return  of  Secretary  Reed  to  Philadelphia 363 

CHAPTER  XLIX. 

Measures  of  General  Howe  —  Desecration  of  Churches  — Three  Proclamations  — 
Seizure  of  Tories  —  Want  of  Artillery  —  Henry  Knox,  the  Artillerist  —  His  Mission 
to  Ticonderoga  —  Re-enlistment  of  Troops  — Lack  of  Public  Spirit  —  Comments 
of  General  Greene 370  \ 

CHAPTER  L. 

Affairs  in  Canada  —  Capture  of  Fort  Chamblee  —  Siege  of  St.  Johns  —  Maclean  and 
his  Highlanders  — Montgomery  on  the  Treatment  of  Ethan  Allen  — Repulse  of 
Carleton  —  Capitulation  of  the  Garrison  of  St.  Johns  —Generous  Conduct  of 
Montgomery — Maclean  re-embarks  for  Quebec  — Weary  Struggle  of  Arnold 
through  the  Wilderness —Defection  of  Colonel  Enos  — Arnold  in  the  Valley  of 
the  Chaudiere— His  Arrival  opposite  Quebec  — Surrender  of  Montreal  — Escape 
of  Carleton  — Home-Sickness  of  the  American  Troops 374 

CHAPTER  LI. 

Washington's  Anticipations  of  Success  at  Quebec  — His  Eulogiura  of  Arnold  — 
Schuyler  and  Montgomery  talk  of  Resigning  — Expostulations  of  Washington  — 
Their  Effect  —  Schuyler's  Conduct  to  a  Captive  Foe 382 


CONTENTS.  13 

CHAPTER  LII. 

PAGE 
Difficulties  in  filling  up  the  Array  — The  Connecticut  Troops  persist  in  going 
Home  — Their  Reception  There  —  Timely  Arrival  of  Spoils  in  the  Camp  —  Putnam 
and  the  Prize  Mortar  — A  Maraud  by  Americans  — Rebuked  by  Washington  — 
Correspondence  of  Washington  with  General  Howe  about  the  Treatment  of  Ethan 
Allen  —  Fraternal  Zeal  of  Levi  Allen  —  Treatment  of  General  Prescott  —  Prepara- 
tions to  bombard  Boston— Battery  at  Lechmere's  Point  — Prayer  of  Putnam  for 
Powder ^8", 

CHAPTER  LIII. 

Mount  Vernon  in  Danger  — Mrs.  Washington  invited  to  the  Camp  — Lund  Wash- 
ington, the  General's  Agent— Terras  on  which  he  serves— Instructed  to  keep  up 
the  Hospitality  of  the  House  — Journey  of  Mrs.  Washington  to  Camp  — Her 
Equipage  and  Liveries  —  Arrival  at  Camp  —  Domestic  Affairs  at  Head-Quarters  — 
•Gayeties  in  Camp  —  A  Brawl  between  Round  Jackets  and  Rifle  Shirts     ....    392 

CHAPTER  LIV. 

Affairs  in  Canada  — Arnold  at  Point  Levi  — Quebec  re-enforced  — Crossing  of  the 
St.  Lawrence  —  Landing  in  Wolfe's  Cove  — Arnold  on  the  Heights  of  Abraham- 
Cautious  Counsel— Quebec  aroused— The  Invaders  baffled  — Withdraw  to  Point 
aux  Trembles  —  Booming  of  Cannon  —  Carleton  at  Quebec  —  Letter  of  Washing- 
ton to  Arnold 397 


LIST   OF   ILLUSTRATIONS 


Vols.  I.  and  II. 


George  Washington Frontispiece 

Israel  Putnam Vol.     I.  p.  179 

Benjamin  Franklin "      I.  p.  218 

John  Hancock "      I.  p.  270 

Mrs.  Martha  Washington "      I.  p.  392 

Richard  Montgomery Vol.  II.  p.     25 

Philip  Schuyler "     II.  p.  102 

Daniel  Morgan "     II.  p.  158 

Arthur  St.  Clair "     II.  p.  294 


UNIVERSITY 

OF 

LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  I. 

GENEALOGY   OF   THE    WASHINGTON    FAMILY. 

The  Washington  family  is  of  an  ancient  English  stock, 
the  genealogy  of  which  has  been  traced  up  to  the  century 
immediately  succeeding  the  Conquest.  At  that  time  it  was  in 
possession  of  landed  estates  and  manorial  privileges  in  the 
county  of  Durham,  such  as  were  enjoyed  only  by  those, 
or  their  descendants,  who  had  come  over  from  Normandy 
with  the  Conqueror,  or  fought  under  his  standard.  When 
William  the  Conqueror  laid  waste  the  whole  country  north 
of  the  Humber,  in  punishment  of  the  insurrection  of  the  Nor- 
thumbrians, he  apportioned  the  estates  among  his  followers, 
and  advanced  Normans  and  other  foreigners  to  the  principal 
ecclesiastical  dignities.  One  of  the  most  wealthy  and  impor- 
tant sees  was  that  of  Durham.  Hither  had  been  transported 
the  bones  of  St.  Cuthbert  from  their  original  shrine  at  Lin- 
disfarne,  when  it  was  ravaged  by  the  Danes.  That  saint, 
says  Camden,  was  esteemd  by  princes  and  gentry  a  titular 
saint  against  the  Scots.1  His  shrine,  therefore,  had  been  held 
in  peculiar  reverence  by  the  Saxons,  and  the  see  of  Durham 
endowed  with  extraordinary  privileges. 

William  continued  and  increased  those  privileges.  He 
needed  a  powerful  adherent  on  this  frontier  to  keep  the  rest- 
less Northumbrians  in  order,  and  check  Scottish  invasion  ;  and 
no  doubt  considered  an  enlightened  ecclesiastic,  appointed 
by  the  crown,  a  safer  depositary  of  such  power  than  an  hered- 
itary noble. 

Having  placed  a  noble  and  learned  native  of  Loraine  in  the 
diocese,  therefore,  he  erected  it  into  a  palatinate,  over  which 

1  Camden,  Brit,  iv.,  349. 

15 


16  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

che  bishop,  as  Count  Palatine,  had  temporal,  as  well  as  spirit- 
ual jurisdiction.  He  built  a  strong  castle  for  his  protection, 
and  to  serve  as  a  barrier  against  the  Northern  foe.  He  made 
him  lord  high-admiral  of  the  sea  and  waters  adjoining  his 
palatinate,  —  lord  warden  of  the  marches,  and  conservator  of 
the  league  between  England  and  Scotland.  Thenceforth,  we 
are  told,  the  prelates  of  Durham  owned  no  earthly  superior 
within  their  diocese,  but  continued  for  centuries  to  exercise 
every  right  attached  to  an  independent  sovereign.1 

The  bishop,  as  Count  Palatine,  lived  in  almost  royal  state 
and  splendor.  He  had  his  lay  chancellor,  chamberlains, 
secretaries,  steward,  treasurer,  master  of  the  horse,  and  a  host 
of  minor  officers.  Still  he  was  under  feudal  obligations.  All 
landed  property  in  those  warlike  times,  implied  military 
service.  Bishops  and  abbots,  equally  with  great  barons  who 
held  estates  immediately  of  the  crown,  were  obliged,  when 
required,  to  furnish  the  king  with  armed  men  in  proportion 
to  their  domains  ;  but  they  had  their  feudatories  under  them  to 
aid  them  in  this  service. 

The  princely  prelate  of  Durham  had  his  barons  and  knights, 
who  held  estates  of  him  on  feudal  tenure,  and  were  bound  to 
serve  him  in  peace  and  war.  They  sat  occasionally  in  his 
councils,  gave  martial  splendor  to  his  court,  and  were  obliged 
to  have  horse  and  weapon  ready  for  service,  for  they  lived  in 
a  belligerent  neighborhood,  disturbed  occasionally  by  civil 
war,  and  often  by  Scottish  foray.  When  the  banner  of  St. 
Cuthbert,  the  royal  standard  of  the  province,  was  displayed, 
no  armed  feudatory  of  the  bishop  could  refuse  to  take  the 
field.2 

Some,  of  these  prelates,  in  token  of  the  warlike  duties  of 
their  diocese,  engraved  on  their  seals  a  knight  on  horseback 
armed  at  all  points,  brandishing  in  one  hand  a  sword,  and 
holding  forth  in  the  other  the  arms  of  the  see.8 

Among  the  knights  who  held  estates  in  the  palatinate  on 
these  warlike  conditions,  was  William  de  Hertburn,  the 
progenitor  of  the  Washingtons.  His  Norman  name  of  Wil- 
liam would  seem  to  point  out  his  national  descent;  and  the 
family  long  continued  to  have  Norman  names  of  baptism. 
The  surname  of  De  Hertburn  was  taken  from  a  village  on  the 
palatinate  which  he  held  of  the  bishop  in  knight's  fee;  prob- 

1  Annals  of  Roger  de  Ilovedon.  Hutchinson's  Durham,  vol.  ii.  Collectanea 
Curioea,  vol.  ii.,  p.  83. 

8  Robert  de  Graystanes,  Ang.  Sac,  p.  746. 
8  Camden,  Brit,  iv.,  349. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  17 

ably  the  same  now  called  Hartburn  on  the  banks  of  the  Tees. 
It  had  become  a  custom  among  the  Norman  families  of  rank 
about  the  time  of  the  Conquest,  to  take  surnames  from  their 
castles  or  estates  ;  it  was  not  until  some  time  afterward  that 
surnames  became  generally  assumed  by  the  people.1 

How  or  when  the  De  Hertburns  first  acquired  possession  of 
their  village  is  not  known.  They  may  have  been  companions 
in  arms  with  Robert  de  Brus  (or  Bruce)  a  noble  knight  of 
Normandy,  rewarded  by  William  the  Conqueror  with  great 
possessions  in  the  North,  and  among  others,  with  the  lordships 
of  Hert  and  Hertness  in  the  county  of  Durham. 

The  first  actual  mention  we  find  of  the  family  is  in  the 
Bolden  Book,  a  record  of  all  the  lands  appertaining  to  the 
diocese  in  1183.  In  this  it  is  stated  that  William  de  Hert- 
burn  had  exchanged  his  village  of  Hertburn  for  the  manor 
and  village  of  Wessyngton,  likewise  in  the  diocese ;  paying 
the  bishop  a  quit-rent  of  four  pounds,  and  engaging  to  attend 
him  with  two  greyhounds  in  grand  hunts,  and  to  furnish  a 
man  at  arms  whenever  military  aid  should  be  required  of  the 
palatinate.2 

The  family  changed  its  surname  with  its  estate,  and  thence- 
forward assumed  that  of  De  Wessyngton.3  The  condition  of 
military  service  attached  to  its  manor  will  be  found  to  have 
been  often  exacted,  nor  was  the  service  in  the  grand  hunt  an 
idle  form.  Hunting  came  next  to  war  in  those  days,  as  the 
occupation  of  the  nobility  and  gentiy.  The  clergy  engaged 
in  it  equally  with  the  laity.  The  hunting  establishment  of 
the  Bishop  of  Durham  was  on  a  princely  scale.  He  had  his 
forests,  chases  and  parks,  with  their  train  of  foresters,  rangers, 

1  Lower  on  Surnames,  vol.  i.,  p.  43.  Fuller  says,  that  the  custom  of  surnames  was 
brought  from  France  in  Edward  the  Confessor's  time,  about  fifty  years  before  the 
Conquest;  but  did  not  become  universally  settled  until  some  hundred  years  afterwards. 
At  first  they  did  not  descend  hereditarily  on  the  family.  —  Fuller,  Church  History. 
Roll  Battle  Abbey. 

-  The  Bolden  Book.  As  this  ancient  document  gives  the  first  trace  of  the  Wash- 
ington family,  it  merits  especial  mention.  In  1183,  a  survey  was  made  by  order  of 
Bishop  de  Pusaz  of  all  the  lands  of  the  see  held  in  demesne,  or  by  tenants  in  villanage. 
The  record  was  entered  in  a  book  called  the  Bolden  Buke;  the  parish  of  Bolden  oc 
curring  first  in  alphabetical  arrangement.  The  document  commences  in  the  following; 
manner:  Incipit  liber  qui  vocatur  Bolden  Book.  Anno  Dominice  Incarnationis, 
1183,  etc. 

The  following  is  the  memorandum  in  question  :  — 

Willus  de  Herteburn  habet  Wessyngton  (excepta  ecclesia  et  terra  ecclesie  partiuen) 
;ul  excftmb.  pro  villa,  de  Herteburn  quam  pro  hac  quietam  clamavit.  Et  reddit  4  I,. 
Et  vadit  in  magna  caza  cum  2  Leporar.  Et  quando  commune  auxilium  venerit  debut 
dare  1  Militem  ad  plus  de  auxilio,  etc.  —  Collectanea  Curiosa,  vol.  ii.,  p.  89. 

The  Bolden  Buke  is  a  small  folio,  deposited  in  the  office  of  the  bishop's  auditor,  at 
Durham. 

3  The  name  is  probably  of  Saxon  origin.  It  existed  in  England  prior  to  the  Conquest. 
The  village  of  Wassengtone  i»  mentioned  in  a  Saxon  charter  as  granted  by  king  Edgar 
in  973  to  Thorney  Abbey.  —  Collectanea  Topographlca,  iv.,  55. 


18  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

and  park  keepers.  A  grand  hunt  was  a  splendid  pageant 
in  which  all  his  barons  and  knights  attended  him  with  horse 
and  hound.  The  stipulations  with  the  Seignior  of  Wessyng- 
ton  show  how  strictly  the  rights  of  the  chase  were  defined. 
All  the  game  taken  by  him  in  going  to  the  forest  belonged  to 
the  bishop  ;  all  taken  on  returning  belonged  to  himself.1 

Hugh  de  Pusaz  (or  De  Pudsay),  during  whose  episcopate 
we  meet  with  this  first  trace  of  the  De  Wessyngtons,  was  a 
nephew  of  King  Stephen,  and  a  prelate  of  great  pretensions ; 
fond  of  appearing  with  a  train  of  ecclesiastics  and  an  armed 
retinue.  When  Richard  Coeur  de  Lion  put  every  thing  at 
pawn  and  sale  to  raise  funds  for  a  crusade  to  the  Holy  Land, 
the  bishop  resolved  to  accompany  him.  More  wealthy  than 
his  sovereign,  he  made  magnificent  preparations.  Besides 
ships  to  convey  his  troops  and  retinue,  he  had  a  sumptuous 
galley  for  himself,  fitted  up  with  a  throne  or  episcopal  chair 
of  silver,  and  all  the  household,  and  even  culinary,  utensils, 
were  of  the  same  costly  material.  In  a  word,  had  not  the 
prelate  been  induced  to  stay  at  home,  and  aid  the  king  with  his 
treasures,  by  being  made  one  of  the  regents  of  the  kingdom,  and 
Earl  of  Northumberland  for  life,  the  De  Wessyngtons  might 
have  followed  the  banner  of  St.  Cuthbert  to  the  Holy  wars. 

Nearly  seventy  years  afterward  we  find  the  family  still 
retaining  its  manorial  estate  in  the  palatinate.  The  names  of 
Bondo  de  Wessyngton  and  William  his  son  appear  on  charters 
of  land,  granted  in  1257  to  religious  houses.  Soon  after  oc- 
curred the  wars  of  the  barons,  in  which  the  throne  of  Henry 
III.  was  shaken  by  the  De  Mountforts.  The  chivalry  of  the 
palatinate  rallied  under  the  royal  standard.  On  the  list  of 
loyal  knights  who  fought  for  their  sovereign  in  the  disastrous 
battle  of  Lewes  (1264),  in  which  the  king  was  taken  prisoner, 
we  find  the  name  of  William  Weshington,  of  Weshington.2 

During  the  splendid  pontificate  of  Anthony  Beke  (or  Beak), 
the  knights  of  the  palatinate  had  continually  to  be  in  the  sad- 
dle, or  buckled  in  armor.  The  prelate  was  so  impatient  of 
rest  that  he  never  took  more  than  one  sleep,  saying  it  was 
unbecoming  a  man  to  turn  from  one  side  to  another  in  bed. 
He  was  perpetually,  when  within  his  diocese,  either  riding 
from  one  manor  to  another,  or  hunting  and  hawking.  Twice 
he  assisted  Edward  I.  with  all  his  force  in  invading  Scotland. 
In  the  progress   northward  with  the  king,  the  bishop  led  the 

1  Hutchinson's  Durham,  vol.  ii.,  p.  489. 

2  This  list  of  knights  was  inserted  in  the  Bolden  Book  as  an  additional  entry.  It  Is 
cited  at  full  length  by  Hutchinson.  —  Hist.  Durham,  vol.  i.,  p.  220, 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  19 

van,  marching  a  day  in  advance  of  the  main  body,  with  a 
mercenary  force,  paid  by  himself,  of  one  thousand  foot  and 
five  hundred  horse.  Besides  these  he  had  his  feudatories  of 
the  palatinate ;  six  bannerets  and  one  hundred  and  sixty 
knights,  not  one  of  whom,  says  an  old  poem,  but  surpassed 
Arthur  himself,  though  endowed  with  the  charmed  gifts  of 
Merlin.1  We  presume  the  De  Wessyngtons  were  among 
those  preux  chevaliers,  as  the  banner  of  St.  Cuthbert  had 
been  taken  from  its  shrine  on  the  occasion,  and  of  course  all 
the  armed  force  of  the  diocese  was  bound  to  follow.  It  was 
borne  in  front  of  the  army  by  a  monk  of  Durham.  There 
were  many  rich  caparisons,  says  the  old  poem,  many  beautiful 
pennons,  fluttering  from  lances,  and  much  neighing  of  steeds. 
The  hills  and  valleys  were  covered  with  sumpter  horses  and 
wagons  laden  with  tents  and  provisions.  The  Bishop  of 
Durham  in  his  warlike  state  appeared,  we  are  told,  more  like 
a  powerful  prince,  than  a  priest  or  prelate.2 

At  the  surrender  of  the  crown  of  Scotland  by  John  Baliol, 
which  ended  this  invasion,  the  bishop  negotiated  on  the  part 
of  England.  As  a  trophy  of  the  event,  the  chair  of  Schone 
used  on  the  inauguration  of  the  Scottish  inonarchs,  and  con- 
taining the  stone  on  which  Jacob  dreamed,  the  palladium 
of  Scotland,  was  transferred  to  England  and  deposited  in 
Westminster  Abbey.3 

In  the  reign  of  Edward  III.  we  find  the  De  Wessyngtons 
still  mingling  in  chivalrous  scenes.  The  name  of  Sir  Stephen 
de  Wessyngton  appears  on  a  list  of  knights  (noble  chevaliers) 
who  were  to  tilt  at  a  tournament  at  Dunstable  in  1334.  He 
bore  for  his  device  a  golden  rose  on  an  azure  field.4 

1  Ouques  Artous  pour  touz  ces  charmes, 
Si  beau  prisent  tie  ot  de  Merlyn. 
Siege  op  Karlavekock;  an  old  Poem  in  Norman  French. 

*  Robert  de  Graystanes,  Aug.  Sac,  p.  746,  cited  by  Hutchinson,  vol.  i.,  p.  239. 

3  An  extract  from  an  inedited  poem,  cited  by  Nicolas  in  his  translation  of  the  Siege 
of  Carlavarock,  gives  a  striking  picture  of  the  palatinate  in  these  days  ot  its  pride  and 
splendor  :  — 

There  valour  bowed  before  the  rood  and  book, 
And  kneeling  knighthood  served  a  prelate  lord, 

Yet  little  deigned  he  on  such  train  to  look, 
Or  glance  of  ruth  or  pity  to  afford. 

There  time  has  heard  the  peal  rung  out  at  night, 
Has  seen  from  every  tower  the  cressets  stream, 

"When  the  red  bale  fire  on  yon  western  height 
Had  roused  the  warder  from  his  fitful  dream. 

Has  seen  old  Durham's  lion  banner  float 
O'er  the  proud  bulwark,  that,  with  giant  pride 

And  feet  deep  plunged  amidst  the  circling  moat, 
The  efforts  of  the  roving  Scot  defied. 

4  Collect.  Topog.  et  Genealog.  T.  iv.,  p.  395. 


20  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

He  was  soon  called  to  exercise  his  arms  on  a  sterner  field. 
In  1346,  Edward  and  his  son,  the  Black  Prince,  being  absent 
with  the  armies  in  France,  king  David  of  Scotland  invaded 
Northumberland  with  a  powerful  army.  Queen  Philippa, 
who  had  remained  in  England  as  regent,  immediately  took 
the  field,  calling  the  northern  prelates  and  nobles  to  join  her 
standard.  They  all  hastened  to  obey.  Among  the  prelates 
was  Hatfield,  the  Bishop  of  Durham.  The  sacred  banner 
of  St.  Cuthbert  was  again  displayed,  and  the  chivalry  of  the 
palatinate  assisted  at  the  famous  battle  of  NeviPs  cross,  near 
Durham,  in  which. the  Scottish  army  was  defeated  and  king 
David  taken  prisoner. 

Queen  Philippa  hastened  with  a  victorious  train  to  cross 
the  sea  at  Dover,  and  join  king  Edward  in  his  camp  before 
Calais.  The  prelate  of  Durham  accompanied  her.  His  mili- 
tary train  consisted  of  three  bannerets,  forty-eight  knights, 
one  hundred  and  sixty- four  esquires,  and  eighty  archers,  on 
horseback.1  They  all  arrived  to  witness  the  surrender  of 
Calais  (1346),  on  which  occasion  queen  Philippa  distinguished 
herself  by  her  noble  interference  in  saving  the  lives  of  its 
patriot  citizens. 

Such  were  the  warlike  and  stately  scenes  in  which  the  De 
Wessyngtons  were  called  to  mingle  by  their  feudal  duties  as 
knights  of  the  palatinate.  A  few  years  after  the  last  event 
(1350),  William  at  that  time  lord  of  the  manor  of  Wessjmg- 
ton,  had  license  to  settle  it  and  the  village  upon  himself,  his 
wife,  and  "  his  own  right  heirs."  He  died  in  1367,  and  his 
son  and  heir,  William,  succeeded  to  the  estate.  The  latter  is 
mentioned  under  the  name  of  Sir  William  de  Weschington 
as  one  of  the  knights  who  sat  in  the  privy  council  of  the 
county  during  the  episcopate  of  John  Fordham.2  During  this 
time  the  whole  force  of  the  palatinate  was  roused  to  pursue  a 
foray  of  Scots,  under  Sir  William  Douglas,  who,  having 
ravaged  the  countiy,  were  returning  laden  with  spoil.  It 
was  a  fruit  of  the  feud  between  the  Douglasses  and  the  Percys. 
The  marauders  were  overtaken  by  Hotspur  Percy,  and  then 
took  place  the  battle  of  Otterbourne,  in  which  Percy  was  taken 
prisoner  and  Douglas  slain.3 

For  upward  of  two  hundred  years  the  De  Wessyngtons  had 
now  sat  in  the  councils  of  the  palatinate ;  had  mingled  with 

»  Collier's  Eccles.  Hist.,  Book  VI.,  Cent.  XIV. 

2  Hutchinson,  vol.  ii. 

3  Theare  the  Dowglas  lost  his  life, 
And  the  Percye  was  led  away. 

Fordun.     Quoted  by  Surtee's  Hist.  Durham,  vol  L 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  21 

horse  and  hound  in  the  stately  hunts  of  its  prelates,  and 
followed  the  banner  of  St.  Cuthbert  to  the  field ;  but  Sir  Wil- 
liam, just  mentioned,  was  the  last  of  the  family  that  rendered 
this  feudal  service.  He  was  the  last  male  of  the  line  to  which 
the  inheritance  of  the  manor,  by  the  license  granted  to  his 
father,  was  confined.  It  passed  away  from  the  De  Wessyng- 
tons,  after  his  death,  by  the  marriage  of  his  only  daughter 
and  heir,  Dionisia,  with  Sir  William  Temple  of  Studley.  *By 
the  year  1400  it  had  become  the  property  of  the  Blaykestons.1 

But  though  the  name  of  De  Wessyngton  no  longer  figured 
on  the  chivalrous  roll  of  the  palatinate,  it  continued  for  a 
time  to  flourish  in  the  cloisters.  In  the  year  1416,  John  de 
Wessyngton  was  elected  prior  of  the  Benedictine  convent,  at- 
tached to  the  cathedral.  The  monks  of  this  convent  had  been 
licensed  by  Pope  Gregory  VII.  to  perform  the  solemn  duties 
of  the  cathedral  in  place  of  secular  clergy,  and  William  the 
Conqueror  had  ordained  that  the  priors  of  Durham  should 
enjoy  all  the  liberties,  dignities  and  honors  of  abbots  ;  should 
hold  their  lands  and  churches  in  their  own  hands  and  free 
disposition,  and  have  the  abbot's  seat  on  the  left  side  of  the 
choir  —  thus  taking  rank  of  every  one  but  the  bishop.2 

In  the  course  of  three  centuries  and  upward,  which  had 
since  elapsed,  these  honors  and  privileges  had  been  subject 
to  repeated  dispute  and  encroachment,  and  the  prior  had 
nearly  been  elbowed  out  of  the  abbot's  chair  by  the  arch- 
deacon. John  de  Wessyngton  was  not  a  man  to  submit 
tamely  to  such  infringements  of  his  rights.  He  forthwith  set 
himself  up  as  the  champion  of  his  priory,  and  in  a  learned 
tract,  de  Juribus  et  Possessioiiibus  Ecclesice  Dunelm,  estab- 
lished the  validity  of  the  long  controverted  claims,  and  fixed 
himself  firmly  in  the  abbot's  chair.  His  success  in  this  con- 
troversy gained  him  much  renown  among  his  brethren  of  the 
cowl,  and  in  1426  he  presided  at  the  general  chapter  of  the  order 
of  St.  Benedict,  held  at  Northampton. 

The  stout  prior  of  Durham  had  other  disputes  with  the 
bishop  and  the  secular  clergy  touching  his  ecclesiastical  func- 
tions, in  which  he  was  equally  victorious,  and  several  tracts 
remain  in  manuscript  in  the  dean  and  chapter's  library ; 
weapons  hung  up  in  the  church  armory  as  memorials  of  his 
polemical  battles. 

Finally,  after  fighting  divers  good  fights  for  the  honor  of  his 


1  Hutchinson's  Durham,  vol.  ii.,  p.  489. 

2  Dugdale  Monastieon  Anglicanura.    T.  i.,  p.  231.    Loudon  ed.  1846. 


22  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

priory,  and  filling  the  abbot's  chair  for  thirty  years,  he  died, 
to  use  an  ancient  phrase,  "  in  all  the  odor  of  sanctity,"  in 
1446,  and  was  buried  like  a  soldier  on  his  battle-field,  at  the 
door  of  the  north  aisle  of  his  church,  near  to  the  altar  of  St. 
Benedict.  On  his  tombstone  was  an  inscription  in  brass,  now 
unfortunately  obliterated,  which  may  have  set  forth  the  valiant 
deeds  of  this  Washington  of  the  cloisters.1 

By  this  time  the  primitive  stock  of  the  De  Wessyngtons 
had  separated  into  divers  branches,  holding  estates  in  various 
parts  of  England ;  some  distinguishing  themselves  in  the 
learned  professions,  others  receiving  knighthood  for  public 
services.  Their  names  are  to  be  found  honorably  recorded  in 
county  histories,  or  engraved  on  monuments  in  time-worn 
churches  and  cathedrals,  those  garnering  places  of  English 
worthies.  By  degrees  the  seignorial  sign  of  de  disappeared 
from  before  the  family  surname,  which  also  varied  from 
Wessyngton  to  Wassington,  Wasshington,  and  finallv,  to 
Washington.2  A  parish  in  the  county  of  Durham  bears  the 
name  as  last  written,  and  in  this  probably  the  ancient  manor  of 
Wessyngton  was  situated.  There  is  another  parish  of  the 
name  in  the  county  of  Sussex. 

The  branch  of  the  family  to  which  our  Washington  imme- 
diately belongs  sprang  from  Laurence  Washington,  Esquire, 
of  Gray's  Inn,  son  of  John  Washington,  of  Warton  in  Lan- 
cashire. This  Laurence  Washington  was  for  some  time  mayor 
of  Northampton,  and  on  the  dissolution  of  the  priories  by 
Henry  VIII.  he  received,  in  1538,  a  grant  of  the  manor  of 
Sulgrave,  in  Northamptonshire,  with  other  lands  in  the  vicinity, 
all  confiscated  property  formerly  belonging  to  the  monastery 
of  St.  Andrew's. 

Sulgrave  remained  in  the  family  until  1620,  and  was  com- 
monly called  "  Washington's  manor."  3 

1  Hutchinson's  Durham,  vol.  ii.,  passim. 

2  "  The  de  came  to  be  omitted,"  says  an  old  treatise,  "  when  Englishmen  and  English 
manners  began  to  prevail  upon  the  recovery  of  lost  credit."  —  Restitution  of  decayed 
intelligence  in  antiquities.    Lond.  1634.  - 

About  the  time  of  Henry  VI.,  says  another  treatise,  the  de  or  d'  was  generally 
dropped  from  surnames,  when  the  title  of  armiger,  esquier,  among  the  heads  of  families 
and  generosus,  or  gentylman,  among  younger  sons,  was  substituted.-1—  Lower  on 
Surnames,  vol.  i. 

3  The  manor  of  Garsdon  in  Wiltshire  has  been  mentioned  as  the  homestead  of  the 
ancestors  of  our  Washington.  This  is  a  mistake.  It  was  the  residence  of  Sir  Laurence 
Washington,  second  eon  of  the  above-mentioned  grantee  of  Sulgrave.  Elizabeth, 
granddaughter  of  this  Sir  Laurence,  married  Robert  Shirley,  Earl  Ferrers  and  Viscount 
of  Tamworth.  Washington  became  a  baptismal  name  among  the  Shirleys  —  several  of 
the  Earls  Ferrers  have  borne  it. 

The  writer  of  these  pages  visited  Sulgrave  a  few  years  since.  It  was  in  a  quiet 
rural  neighborhood,  where  the  farmhouses  were  quaint  and  antiquated.  A  part  only  of 
the  manor  house  remained,  and  was  inhabited  by  a  farmer.     The  Washington  crest,  in 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  23 

One  of  the  direct  descendants  of  the  grantee  of  Snlgrave 
was  Sir  William  Washington,  of  Packington,  in  the  county 
of  Kent.  He  married  a  sister  of  George  Villiers,  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  the  unfortunate  favorite  of  Charles  I.  This 
ma}T  have  attached  the  Sulgrave  Washingtons  to  the  Stuart 
dynasty,  to  which  they  adhered  loyally  and  generously 
throughout  all  its  vicissitudes.  One  of  the  family,  Lieuten- 
ant Colonel  James  Washington,  took  up  arms  in  the  cause  of 
king  Charles,  and  lost  his  life  at  the  siege  of  Pontefract  cas- 
tle. Another  of  the  Sulgrave  line,  Sir  Henry  Washington, 
son  and  heir  of  Sir  William,  before  mentioned,  exhibited  in 
the  civil  wars  the  old  chivalrous  spirit  of  the  knights  of  the 
palatinate.  He  served  under  prince  Rupert  at  the  storming 
of  Bristol,  in  1643,  and  when  the  assailants  were  beaten  off  at 
every  point,  he  broke  in  with  a  handful  of  infantry  at  a  weak 
part  of  the  wall,  made  room  for  the  horse  to  follow,  and 
opened  a  path  to  victory.1 

He  distinguished  himself  still  more  in  1646,  when  elevated 
to  the  command  of  Worcester,  the  governor  having  been  cap- 
tured by  the  enemy.  It  was  a  time  of  confusion  and  dismay. 
The  king  had  fled  from  Oxford  in  disguise  and  gone  to  the 
parliamentary  camp  at  Newark.  The  royal  cause  was  des- 
perate. In  this  crisis  Sir  Henry  received  a  letter  from  Fair- 
fax, who,  with  his  victorious  army,  was  at  Haddington, 
demanding  the  surrender  of  Worcester.  The  following  was 
Colonel  Washington's  reply : 

Sir,  It  is  acknowledged  by  your  books  and  by  report  of  your 
own  quarter,  that  the  king  is  in  some  of  your  armies.  That 
granted,  it  may  be  easy  for  you  to  procure  his  Majesty's  com- 
mands for  the  disposal  of  this  garrison.  Till  then  I  shall 
make  good  the  trust  reposed  in  me.  As  for  conditions,  if  I 
shall  be  necessitated,  I  shall  make  the  best  I  can.  The  worst 
I  know  and  fear  not ;  if  I  had,  the  profession  of  a  soldier  had 
not  been  begun,  nor  so  long  continued  by  your  Excellency's 
humble  servant, 

HENRY  WASHINGTON.2 


colored  glass,  was  to  be  seen  in  a  window  of  what  was  now  the  buttery.  A  window 
on  which  the  whole  family  arras  was  emblazoned  had  been  removed  to  the  residence  of 
the  actual  proprietor  of  the  manor.  Another  relic  of  the  ancient  manor  of  the  Wash- 
ingtons was  a  rookery  in  a  venerable  grove  hard  by.  The  rooks,  those  stanch  adherents 
to  old  family  abodes,  still  hovered  and  cawed  about  their  hereditary  nests.  In  the  pave- 
ment of  the  parish  church  we  were  shown  a  stone  slab  bearing  effigies  on  plates  of  brass 
of  Laurence  Wasshington,  gent.,  and  Anne  his  wife,  and  their  four  sons  and  eleven 
daughters.     The  inscription  in  black  letter  was  dated  1564. 

1  Clarendon,  Book  vii.  *  Greene's  Antiquities  of  Worcester,  p.  273. 


24  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

In  a  few  daj's  Colonel  Whalley  invested  the  city  with  five 
thousand  troops.  Sir  Henry  despatched  messenger  after 
messenger  in  quest  of  the  king  to  know  his  pleasure.  None 
of  them  returned.  A  female  emissary  was  equally  unavail- 
ing. Week  after  week  elapsed,  until  nearly  three  months  had 
expired.  Provisions  began  to  fail.  The  city  was  in  confu- 
sion. The  troops  grew  insubordinate.  Yet  Sir  Henry  per- 
sisted in  the  defence.  General  Fairfax,  with  1,500  horse 
and  foot,  was  daily  expected.  There  was  not  powder  enough 
for  an  hour's  contest  should  the  city  be  stormed.  Still  Sir 
Henry  "  awaited  his  Majesty's  commands." 

At  length  news  arrived  that  the  king  had  issued  an  order 
for  the  surrender  of  all  towns,  castles,  and  forts.  A  printed 
cop}T  of  the  order  was  shown  to  Sir  Henry,  and  on  the  faith 
of  that  document  he  capitulated  (19th  July,  1646)  on  honor- 
able terms,  won  by  his  fortitude  and  perseverance.  Those 
who  believe  in  hereditary  virtues  may  see  foreshadowed  in 
the  conduct  of  this  Washington  of  Worcester,  the  magnani- 
mous constancy  of  purpose,  the  disposition  to  "  hope  against 
hope  "  which  bore  our  Washington  triumphantly  through  the 
darkest  days  of  our  revolution. 

We  have  little  note  of  the  Sulgrave  branch  of  the  family 
after  the  death  of  Charles  I.  and  the  exile  of  his  successor. 
England,  during  the  protectorate,  became  an  uncomfortable 
residence  to  such  as  had  signalized  themselves  as  adherents  to 
the  house  of  Stuart.  In  1655,  an  attempt  at  a  general  insur- 
rection drew  on  them  the  vengeance  of  Cromwell.  Many  of 
their  party  who  had  no  share  in  the  conspiracy,  yet  sought 
refuge  in  other  lands,  where  they  might  live  free  from  molesta- 
tion. This  may  have  been  the  case  with  two  brothers,  John 
and  Andrew  Washington,  great-grandsons  of  the  grantee  of 
Sulgrave,  and  uncles  of  Sir  Henry,  the  gallant  defender  of 
Worcester.  John  had  for  .some  time  resided  at  South  Cave, 
in  the  East  Riding  of  Yorkshire ; 1  but  now  emigrated  with 
his  brother  to  Virginia ;  which  colony,  from  its  allegiance  to 
the  exiled  monarch  and  the  Anglican  Church  had  become 
a  favorite  resort  of  the  Cavaliers.  The  brothers  arrived  in 
Virginia  in  1657,  and  purchased  lands  in  Westmoreland 
County  on  the  northern  neck,  between  the  Potomac  and 
Rappahannock  rivers.     John  married  a  Miss  Anne  Pope,  of 

1  South  Cave  is  near  the  Huraber.  "  In  the  vicinity  is  Cave  Castle,  an  embattled 
edifice.  It  has  a  noble  collection  of  paintings,  including  a  portrait  of  General  Washing- 
ton, whose  ancestors  possessed  a  portion  of  the  estate."  —  Lewes  Topog.  Diet.,  vol.  i., 
p.  5S0. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  25 

the  same  county,  and  took  up  his  residence  on  Bridges 
Creek,  near  where  it  falls  into  the  Potomac.  He  became  an 
extensive  planter,  and,  in  process  of  time,  a  magistrate  and 
member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses.  Having  a  spark  of  the 
old  military  fire  of  the  family,  we  find  him,  as  Colonel  Wash- 
ington, leading  the  Virginia  forces,  in  co-operation  with  those 
of  Maryland,  against  a  band  of  Seneca  Indians,  who  were 
ravaging  the  settlements  along  the  Potomac.  In  honor  of  his 
public  services  and  private  virtues  the  parish  in  which  he  re- 
sided was  called  after  him,  and  still  bears  the  name  of  Wash- 
ington. He  lies  buried  in  a  vault  on  Bridges  Creek  which, 
for  generations,  was  the  family  place  of  sepulture. 

The  estate  continued  in  the  family.  His  grandson  Augus- 
tine, the  father  of  our  Washington,  was  born  there  in  1694. 
He  was  twice  married;  first  (April  20,  1715),  to  Jane, 
daughter  of  Caleb  Butler,  Esquire,  of  Westmoreland  County, 
by  whom  he  had  four  children,  of  whom  only  two,  Lawrence 
and  Augustine,  survived  the  years  of  childhood ;  their  mother 
died  November  24,  1728,  and  was  buried  in  the  family  vault. 

On  the  6th  of  March,  1730,  he  married  in  second  nuptials, 
Mary,  the  daughter  of  Colonel  Ball,  a  young  and  beautiful 
girl,  said  to  be  the  belle  of  the  Northern  Neck.  By  her  he 
had  four  sons,  George,  Samuel,  John  Augustine,  and 
Charles;  and  two  daughters,  Elizabeth,  or  Betty,  as  she  was 
commonry  called,  and  Mildred,  who  died  in  infancy. 

George,  the  eldest,  the  subject  of  this  biography,  was  born 
on  the  22d  of  February  (11th,  O.S.),  1732,  in  the  homestead 
on  Bridges  Creek.  This  house  commanded  a  view  over 
many  miles  of  the  Potomac,  and  the  opposite  shore  of  Mary- 
land. It  had  probably  been  purchased  with  the  property, 
and  was  one  of  the  primitive  farm-houses  of  Virginia.  The 
roof  was  steep,  and  sloped  down  into  low  projecting  eaves. 
It  had  four  rooms  on  the  ground  floor,  and  others  in  the 
attic,  and  an  immense  chimney  at  each  end.  Not  a  vestige 
of  it  remains.  Two  or  three  decayed  fig  trees,  with  shrubs 
and  vines,  linger  about  the  place,  and  here  and  there  a  flower 
grown  wild  serves  "to  mark  where  a  garden  has  been." 
Such,  at  least,  was  the  case  a  few  years  since ;  but  these  may 
have  likewise  passed  away.  A  stone1  marks  the  site  of  the 
house,  and  an  inscription  denotes  its  being  the  birthplace  of 
Washington. 

We  have  entered  with  some  minuteness   into  this   genealo- 

1  Placed  there  by  George  W.  P.  Custis,  Esq. 


26  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

gical  detail ;  tracing  the  family  step  by  step  through  the  pages 
of  historical  documents  for  upward  of  six  centuries  ;  and  we 
have  been  tempted  to  do  so  by  the  documentary  proofs  it 
gives  of  the  lineal  and  enduring  worth  of  the  race.  We  have 
shown  that,  for  many  generations,  and  through  a  variety  of 
eventful  scenes,  it  has  maintained  an  equality  of  fortune  and 
respectability,  and  whenever  brought  to  the  test  has  acquitted 
itself  with  honor  and  loyalty.  Hereditary  rank  may  be  an 
illusion  ;  but  hereditary  virtue  gives  a  patent  of  innate  noble- 
ness beyond  all  the  blazonry  of  the  Herald's  College. 


CHAPTER  II. 

THE    HOME    OF   WASHINGTON'S    BOYHOOD HTS    EARLY    EDUCATION 

LAWRENCE    WASHINGTON    AND    HIS    CAMPAIGN    IN    THE    WEST 

INDIES DEATH     OF    WASHINGTON'S     FATHER THE     WIDOWED 

MOTHER   AND   HER   CHILDREN SCHOOL    EXERCISES. 

Not  long  after  the  birth  of  George,  his  father  removed  to 
an  estate  in  Stafford  County,  opposite  Fredericksburg.  The 
house  was  similar  in  style  to  the  one  at  Bridges  Creek,  and 
stood  on  a  rising  ground  overlooking  a  meadow  which  bor- 
dered the  Rappahannock.  This  was  the  home  of  George's 
boyhood  ;  the  meadow  was  his  play-ground,  and  the  scene  of 
his  early  athletic  sports ;  but  this  home,  like  that  in  which 
he  was  born ,  has  disappeared ;  the  site  is  only  to  be  traced 
by  fragments  of  bricks,  china,  and  earthenware.  In  those 
days  the  means  of  instruction  in  Virginia  were  limited,  and 
it  was  the  custom  among  the  wealthy  planters  to  send  their 
sons  to  England  to  complete  their  education.  This  was  done 
I  by  Augustine  Washington  with  his  eldest  son  Lawrence,  then 
about  fifteen  years  of  age,  and  whom  he  no  doubt  considered 
the  future  head  of  the  family.  George  was  yet  in  early 
childhood;  as  his  intellect  dawned  he  received  the  rudiments 
of  education  in  the  best  establishment  for  the  purpose  that  the 
neighborhood  afforded.  It  was  what  was  called,  in  popular 
parlance,  an  "old  field  school-house;"  humble  enough  in  its 
pretensions,  and  kept  by  one  of  his  father's  tenants  named 
Hobby,  who  moreover  was  sexton  of  the  parish.  The  instruction 
doled  out  by  him  must  have  been  of  the  simplest  kind  —  reading, 
writing,  and  ciphering,  perhaps;  but  George  had  the  benefit  of 
mental  and  moral  culture  at  home,  from  an  excellent  father 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  27 

Several  traditional  anecdotes  have  been  given  to  the  world, 
somewhat  prolix  and  trite,  but  illustrative  of  the  familiar  and 
practical  manner  in  which  Augustine  Washington,  in  the 
daily  intercourse  of  domestic  life,  impressed  the  ductile  mind 
of  his  child  with  high  maxims  of  religion  and  virtue,  and 
imbued  him  with  a  spirit  of  justice  and  generosity,  and  above 
all  a  scrupulous  love  of  truth. 

When  George  was  about  seven  or  eight  years  old  his 
brother  Lawrence  returned  from  England,  a  well-educated  and 
accomplished  youth.  There  was  a  difference  of  fourteen 
years  in  their  ages,  which  may  have  been  one  cause  of  the 
strong  attachment  which  took  place  between  them.  Law- 
rence looked  down  with  a  protecting  eye  upon  the  boy  whose 
dawning  intelligence  and  perfect  rectitude  won  his  regard ; 
while  George  looked  up  to  his  manly  and  cultivated  brother  as 
a  model  in  mind  and  manners.  We  call  particular  attention  to 
this  brotherly  interchange  of  affection,  from  the  influence  it 
had  on  all  the  future  career  of  the  subject  of  this  memoir. 

Lawrence  Washington  had  something  of  the  old  military 
spirit  of  the  family,  and  circumstances  soon  called  it  into  ac- 
tion. Spanish  depredations  on  BritisTi  commerce  had  recently 
provoked  reprisals.  Admiral  Vernon,  commander-in-chief  in 
the  West  Indies,  had  accordingly  captured  Porto  Bello,  oiw 
the  Isthmus  of  Darien.  The  Spaniards  were  preparing  to 
revenge  the  blow  ;  the  French  were  fitting  out  ships  to  aid 
them.  Troops  were  embarked  in  England  for  another  cam- 
paign in  the  West  Indies  ;  a  regiment  of  four  battalions  was 
to  be  raised  in  the  colonies  and  sent  to  join  them  at  Jamaica. 
There  was  a  sudden  outbreak  of  military  ardor  in  the  prov- 
ince ;  the  sound  of  drum  and  fife  was  heard  in  the  villages 
with  the  parade  of  recruiting  parties.  Lawrence  Washing- 
ton, now  twenty-two  years  of  age,  caught  the  infection.  He 
obtained  a  captain's  commission  in  the  newly  raised  regiment, 
and  embarked  with  it  for  the  West  Indies  in  1740.  He 
served  in  the  joint  expeditions  of  Admiral  Vernon  and  Gen- 
eral Wentworth,  in  the  land  forces  commanded  by  the  latter, 
and  acquired  the  friendship  and  confidence  of  both  of  those 
officers.  He  was  present  at  the  siege  of  Carthagena,  when 
it  was  bombarded  by  the  fleet,  and  when  the  troops  attempted 
to  escalade  the  citadel.  It  was  an  ineffectual  attack ;  the 
ships  could  not  get  near  enough  to  throw  their  shells  into 
the  town,  and  the  scaling  ladders  proved  too  short.  That 
part  of  the  attack,  however,  with  which  Lawrence  was  con- 
cerned, distinguished  itself    by  its   bravery.     The  troops  sus- 


28  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

tained  unflinching  a  destructive  fire  for  several  hours,  and  at 
length  retired  with  honor,  their  small  force  having  sustained 
a  loss  of  about  six  hundred  in  killed  and  wounded. 

We  have  here  the  secret  of  that  martial  spirit  so  often  cited 
of  George  in  his  boyish  days.  He  had  seen  his  brother  fitted 
i  out  for  the  wars.  He  had  heard  by  letter  and  otherwise  of 
,  the  warlike  scenes  in  which  he  was  mingling.  All  his  amuse- 
I  inents  took  a  military  turn.  He  made  soldiers  of  his  school- 
mates ;  they  had  their  mimic  parades,  reviews,  and  sham 
\ lights;  a  boy  named  William  Bustle  was  sometimes  his  com- 
petitor, but  George  was  commander-in-chief  of  Hobby's  school. 

Lawrence  Washington  returned  home  in  the  autumn  of  1742, 
the  campaigns  in  the  West  Indies  being  ended,  and  Admiral 
Vernon  and  General  Went  worth  being  recalled  to  England. 
It  was  the  intention  of  Lawrence  to  rejoin  his  regiment  in 
that  country,  and  seek  promotion  in  the  army,  but  circum- 
stances completely  altered  his  plans.  He  formed  an  attach- 
ment to  Anne,  the  eldest  daughter  of  the  Honorable  William 
Fairfax,  of  Fairfax  County ;  his  addresses  were  well  received, 
and  they  became  engaged.  Their  nuptials  were  delayed  by 
the  sudden  and  untimely  death  of  his  father,  which  took  place 
on  the  12th  of  April,  1743,  after  a  short  but  severe  attack  of 
gout  in  the ,  stomach,  and  when  but  forty-nine  years  of  age. 
George  had  been  absent  from  home  on  a  visit  during  his 
father's  illness,  and  just  returned  in  time  to  receive  a  parting 
look  of  affection. 

Augustine  Washington  left  large  possessions,  distributed  by 
will  among  his  children.  To  Lawrence,  the  estate  on  the 
banks  of  the  Potomac,  with  other  real  property,  and  several 
shares  in  iron  works.  To  Augustine,  the  second  son  by  the 
first  marriage,  the  old  homestead  and  estate  in  Westmoreland. 
The  children  by  the  second  marriage  were  severally  well  pro- 
vided for,  and  George,  when  he  became  of  age,  was  to  have 
the  house  and  lands  on  the  Rappahannock. 

In  the  month  of  July  the  marriage  of  Lawrence  with  Miss 
Fairfax  took  place.  He  now  gave  up  all  thoughts  of  foreign 
service,  and  settled  himself  on  his  estate  on  the  banks  of  the 
Potomac,  to  which  he  gave  the  name  of  Mount  Vernon,  in 
honor  of  the  admiral. 

Augustine  took  up  his  abode  at  the  homestead  on  Bridges 
Creek,  and  married  Anne,  daughter  and  co-heiress  of  William 
Aylett,  Esquire,  of  Westmoreland  County. 

George,  now  eleven  years  of  age,  and  the  other  children 
of  the  second  manage,  had  been  left  under  the  guardianship  of 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  29 

their  mother,  to  whom  was  intrusted  the  proceeds  of  all  their 
property  until  the3T  should  severally  come  of  age.  She  proved  J 
herself  worthy  of  the  trust.  Endowed  with  plain,  direct  good 
sense,  thorough  conscientiousness,  and  prompt  decision,  she  gov- 
erned her  family  strictly,  but  kindly,  exacting  deference  while 
she  inspired  affection.  George,  being  her  eldest  son,  was 
thought  to  be  her  favorite,  yet  she  never  gave  him  undue  pref- 
erence, and  the  implicit  deference  exacted  from  him  in  child- 
hood continued  to  be  habitually  observed  by  him  to  the  day  of 
her  death.  He  inherited  from  her  a  high  temper  and  a  spirit 
of  command,  but  her  early  precepts  and  example  taught  him  to 
restrain  and  govern  that  temper,  and  to  square  his  conduct  on 
the  exact  principles  of  equity  and  justice. 

Tradition  gives  an  interesting  picture  of  the  widow,  with 
her  little  flock  gathered  round  her,  as  was  her  daily  wont, 
reading  to  them  lessons  of  religion  and  morality  out  of  some 
standard  work.  Her  favorite  volume  was  Sir  Matthew  Hale's 
Contemplations,  moral  and  divine.  The  admirable  maxims 
therein  contained,  for  outward  action  as  well  as  self-govern- 
ment, sank  deep  into  the  mind  of  George,  and,  doubtless,  had 
a  great  influence  in  forming  his  character.  They  certainly 
were  exemplified  in  his  conduct  throughout  life.  This  mother's 
manual,  bearing  his  mother's  name,  Mary  Washington, 
written  with  her  own  hand,  was  ever  preserved  by  him  with 
filial  care,  and  may  still  be  seen  in  the  archives  of  Mount 
Vernon.  A  precious  document!  Let  those  who  wish  to  know 
the  moral  foundation  of  his  character  consult  its  pages. 

Having  no  longer  the   benefit  of    a  father's  instructions  at 
home,  and  the  scope  of  tuition  of  Hobb}',  the  sexton,  being  too' 
limited  for  the  growing  wants  of  his  pupil,  George  was  now  I 
sent  to  reside  with  Augustine  Washington,  at  Bridges  Creek, 
and  enjoy  the  benefit  of  a  superior  school  in  that  neighborhood 
kept  by  a  Mr.  Williams.     His  education,  however,  was  plain 
and   practical.     He   never  attempted   the   learned   languages, 
nor  manifested    any  inclination    for  rhetoric   or    belles-lettres. 
His  object,  or  the  object  of  his  friends,  seems  to  have  been 
confined  to  fitting  him  for  ordinary  business.     His  manuscript  ; 
school    books    still   exist,    and    are    models   of    neatness   and  ' 
accuracy.     One  of  them,  it  is  true,  a  ciphering  book,  preserved 
in  the  library  at  Mount  Vernon,  has  some  school-boy  attempts 
at  calligraphy  :  nondescript  birds,  executed  with  a  flourish  of 
the  pen,  or  profiles  of  faces,  probably  intended  for  those  of  his 
schoolmates  ;  the  rest  are  all  grave  and  business-like.     Before 
he  was  thirteen  years  of  age  he  had  copied  into  a  volume  forms 


30  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

for  all  kinds  of  mercantile  and  legal  papers  ;  bills  of  exchange, 
notes  of  hand,  deeds,  bonds,  and  the  like.  This  early  self -tui- 
tion gave  him  throughout  life  a  lawyer's  skill  in  drafting  docu- 
ments, and  a  merchant's  exactness  in  keeping  accounts  ;  so  that 
all  the  concerns  of  his  various  estates ;  his  dealings  with  his 
domestic  steward  and  foreign  agents ;  his  accounts  with  gov- 
ernment, and  all  his  financial  transactions  are  to  this  day  to  be 
seen  posted  up  in  books,  in  his  own  handwriting,  monuments 
r  of  his  method  and  unwearied  accuracy. 

He  was  a  self-disciplinarian  in  physical  as  well  as  mental 
matters,  and  practised  himself  in  all  kinds  of  athletic  exercises, 
such  as  running,  leaping,  wrestling,  pitching  quoits  and  toss- 
ing bars.  His  frame  even  in  infancy  had  been  large  and 
powerful,  and  he  now  excelled  most  of  his  playmates  in  con- 
tests of  agility  and  strength.  As  a  proof  of  his  muscular 
power,  a  place  is  still  pointed  out  at  Fredericksburg,  near  the 
lower  ferry,  where,  when  a  boy,  he  flung  a  stone  across  the 
Rappahannock.  In  horsemanship  too  he  already  excelled,  and 
was  ready  to  back,  and  able  to  manage  the  most  fiery  steed. 
Traditional  anecdotes  remain  of  his  achievements  in  this  respect. 

Above  all,  his  inherent  probity  and  the  principles  of  justice 
on  which  he  regulated  all  his  conduct,  even  at  this  early 
period  of  life,  were  soon  appreciated  by  his  schoolmates ;  he 
was  referred  to  as  an  umpire  in  their  disputes,  and  his  de- 
cisions were  never  reversed.  As  he  had  formerly  been  mili- 
tary chieftain,  he  was  now  legislator  of  the  school ;  thus 
displaying  in  boyhood  a  type  of  the  future  man. 


CHAPTER   III. 

paternal  conduct  of  an  elder  brother the  fairfax  family 

—  Washington's  code  of  morals  and  manners  —  soldiers' 

tales their  influence washington  prepares  for  tub 

navy a  mother's  objections return  to  school studies 

and    exercises a    school-boy    passion  the    lowland 

beauty love  ditties  at  mount  vernon  —  visit  to  belvoir 

lord  fairfax his  character fox-hunting  a  remedy 

for  love proposition  for  a  surveying  expedition. 

The  attachment  of  Lawrence  Washington  to  his  brother 
George  seems  to  have  acquired  additional  strength  and  ten- 
derness on  their  father's  death ;  he  now  took  a  truly  paternal 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  31 

(  interest  in  his  concerns,  and  had  him  as  frequently  as  possi- 
ble a  guest  at  Mount  Vernon.  Lawrence  had  deservedly  be- 
come a  popular  and  leading  personage  in  the  country.  He 
was  a  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  and  Adjutant  Gen- 
eral of  the  district,  with  the  rank  of  major,  and  a  regular  salary. 
A  frequent  sojourn  with  him  brought  George  into  familiar  inter- 
course with  the  family  of  his  father-in-law,  the  Hon.  William 
Fairfax,  who  resided  at  a  beautiful  seat  called  Bel  voir,  a  few 

I  miles  below  Mount  Vernon,  and  on  the  same  woody  ridge  bor- 
dering the  Potomac. 

I  William  Fairfax  was  a  man  of  liberal  education  and  intrinsic 
worth  ;  he  had  seen  much  of  the  world  and  his  mind  had  been 
enriched  and  ripened  by  varied  and  adventurous  experience. 
Of  an  ancient  English  family  iu  Yorkshire,  he  had  entered  the 
army  at  the  age  of  twenty-one ;  had  served  with  honor  both  iu 
the  East  and  West  Indies,  and  officiated  as  governor  of  New 
Providence,  after  having  aided  in  rescuing  it  from  pirates. 
For  some  years  past  he  had  resided  in  Virginia,  to  manage  the 
immense  landed  estates  of  his  cousin,  Lord  Fairfax,  and  lived 
at  Bel  voir  in  the  style  of  an  English  country  gentleman,  sur- 
rounded by  an  intelligent  and  cultivated  family  of  sons  and 
daughters. 

An  intimacy, with  a  family  like  this,  in  which  the  frankness; 
and  simplicity  of  rural  and  colonial  life  were  united  with/ 
European  refinement,  could  not  but  have  a  beneficial  effect  in 
moulding  the  character  and  manners  of  a  somewhat  homebred) 
school-boy.  It  was  probably  his  intercourse  with  them,  and  his 
ambition  to  acquit  himself  well  in  their  society,  that  set  him 
upon  compiling  a  code  of  morals  and  manners  which  still  exists 
in  a  manuscript  in  his  own  handwriting,  entitled  "rules  for 
behavior  in  company  and  conversation."  It  is  extremely 
minute  and  circumstantial.  Some  of  the  rules  for  personal 
deportment  extend  to  such  trivial  matters,  and  are  so  quaint 
and  formal,  as  almost  to  provoke  a  smile ;  but  in  the  main, 
a  better  manual  of  conduct  could  not  be  put  into  the  hands  of  a 
youth:  The  whole  code  evinces  that  rigid  propriety  and  self 
control  to  which  he  subjected  himself,  and  by  which  he  brought 
all  the  impulses  of  a  somewhat  ardent  temper  under  conscien- 
tious government. 

Other  influences  were  brough't  to  bear  on  George  during  his 
visit  at  Mount  Vernon.  His  brother  Lawrence  still  retained 
some  of  his  military  inclinations,  fostered  no  doubt  by  his  post 
of  Adjutant  General.  William  Fairfax,  as  we  have  shown, 
had  been   a   soldier,   and   in   many  trying   scenes.     Some   of 


32  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

Lawrence's  comrades  of  the  provincial  regiment,  who  had 
served  with  him  in  the  West  Indies,  were  occasional  visitors  at 
Mount  Vernon  ;  or  a  ship  of  war,  possibly  one  of  Vernon's 
old  fleet,  would  anchor  in  the  Potomac,  and  its  officers  be  wel- 
come guests  at  the  tables  of  Lawrence  and  his  father-in-law. 
Thus  military  scenes  on  sea  and  shore  would  become  the  topics 
of  conversation.  The  capture  of  Porto  Bello ;  the  bombard- 
ment of  Carthagena ;  old  stories  of  cruisings  in  the  East  and 
West  Indies,  and  campaigns  against  the  pirates.  We  can 
picture  to  ourselves  George,  a  grave  and  earnest  boy,  with  an 
expanding  intellect,  and  deep-seated  passion  for  enterprise, 
listening  to  such  conversations  with  a  kindling  spirit  and  a 
growing  desire  for  military  life.  In  this  way  most  probably 
was  produced  that  desire  to  enter  the  navy  which  he  evinced 
when  about  fourteen  years  of  age.     The  opportunity  for  grati- 


fying it  appeared  at  hand.  Ships  of  war  frequented  the 
colonies,  and  at  times,  as  we  have  hinted,  were  anchored  in 
the  Potomac.  The  inclination  was  encouraged  by  Lawrence 
AVashingtou  and  Mr.  Fairfax.  Lawrence  retained  pleasant 
recollections  of  his  cruisings  in  the  fleet  of  Admiral  Vernon, 
and  considered  the  naval  service  a  popular  path  to  fame  and 
fortune.  George  was  at  a  suitable  age  to  enter  the  navy. 
The  great  difficulty  was  to  procure  the  assent, of  his  mother. 
She  was  brought,  however,  to  acquiesce ;  a  midshipman's  war- 
rant was  obtained,  and  it  is  even  said  that  the  lus-oaoe  of  the 

'  CO      o 

youth  was  actually  on  board  of  a  man  of  war,  anchored  in 
the  river  just  below  Mount  Vernon. 

)  At  the  eleventh  hour  the  mother's  heart  faltered.  This  was 
her  eldest  born.  A  son,  whose  strong  and  steadfast  character 
promised  to  be  a  support  to  herself  and  a  protection  to  her 
other  children.  The  thought  of  his  being  completely  severed 
from  her  and  exposed  to  the  hardships  and  perils  of  a  boisterous 
profession  overcame  even  her  resolute  mind,  and  at  her  urgent 
remonstrances  the  nautical  scheme  was  given  up. 

To  school,  therefore,  George  returned,  and  continued  his  stud- 
ies for  nearly  two  years  longer,  devoting  himself  especially  to 
mathematics,  and  accomplishing  himself  in  those  branches  cal- 
culated to  fit  him  either  for  civil  or  military  service.  Among 
these,  one  of  the  most  important  in  the  actual  state  of  the  coun- 
try was  land  surveying.  In  this  he  schooled  himself  thorough- 
ly, using  the  highest  processes  of  the  art ;  making  surveys  about 
the  neighborhood,  and  keeping  regular  field  books,  some  of 
which  we  have  examined,  in  which  the  boundaries  and  measure- 
ments   of    the    fields    surveyed    were    carefully   entered,    and 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  33 

diagrams  made,  with  a  neatness  and  exactness  as  if  the  whole 
related  to  important  land~transactions  instead  of  being  mere 
school  exercises.  Thus,  in  his  earliest  days,  there  was  perse- 
verance and  completeness  in  all  his  undertakings.  Nothing  \ 
was  left  half  done,  or  done  in  a  hurried  and  sloveuty  manner 
The  habit  of  mind  thus  cultivated  continued  throughout  life ; 
so  that  however  complicated  his  tasks  and  overwhelming  his 
cares,  in  the  arduous  and  hazardous  situations  in  which  he  was 
often  placed,  he  found  time  to  do  every  thing,  and  to  do  it 
well.  He  had  acquired  the  magic  of  method,  which  of  itself 
works  wonders. 

In  one  of  these  manuscript  memorials  of  his  practical  studies 
and  exercises,  we  have  come  upon  some  documents  singularly 
in  contrast  with  all  that  we  have  just  cited,  and  with  his  appar- 
ently unromantic  character.  In  a  word,  there  are  evidences  in 
his  own  handwriting,  that,  before  he  was  fifteen  years  of  .age, 
he  had  conceived  a  passion  for  some  unknown  beauty,  so  serious  ! 
as  to  disturb  his  otherwise  well-regulated  mind,  and  to  make  him 
really  unhappy.  Why  this  juvenile  attachment  was  a  source  of 
unhappiness  we  have  no  positive  means  of  ascertaining.  Per- 
haps the  object  of  it  may  have  considered  him  a  mere  school- 
boy, and  treated  him  as  such,  or  his  own  shyness  may  have 
been  in  his  wa}T,  and  his  "  rules  for  behavior  and  conversa- 
tion "  may  as  yet  have  sat  awkwardly  on  him,  and  rendered 
him  formal  and  ungainly  when  he  most  sought  to  please. 
Even  in  later  years  he  was  apt  to  be  silent  and  embarrassed 
in  female  society.  "  He  was  a  very  bashful  young  man,"  said 
an  old  lady,  whom  he  used  to  visit  when  they  were  both 
in  their  nonage.  "I  used  often  to  wish  that  he  would  talk  J 
more." 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  reason,  this  early  attachment 
seems  to  have  been  a  source  of  poignant  discomfort  to  him. 
It  clung  to  him  after  he  took  a  final  leave  of  school  in  the 
autumn  of  1747,  and  went  to  reside  with  his  brother  Lawrence 
at  Mount  Vernon.  Here  he  continued  his  mathematical  studies 
and  his  practice  in  surveying,  disturbed  at  times  by  recurrences 
of  his  unlucky  passion.  Though  by  no  means  of  a  poetical 
temperament,  the  waste  pages  of  his  journal  betray  several 
attempts  to  pour  forth  his  amorous  sorrows  in  verse.  They  are 
mere  commonplace  rhymes,  such  as  lovers  at  his  age  are  apt  to 
write,  in  which  he  bewails  his  "  poor  restless  heart,  wounded  by 
Cupid's  dart,"  and  "bleeding  for  one  who  remains  pitiless  of 
his  griefs  and  woes." 

The  tenor  of  some  of  his  verses  induces  us  to  believe  that  he 


34  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

never  told  his  love ;  .but,  as  we  have  already  surmised,  was 
prevented  by  his  bashfulness. 

"  Ah,  woe  is  me,  that  I  should  love  and  conceal ; 
Long  have  I  wished  and  never  dare  reveal." 

It  is  difficult  to  reconcile  one's  self  to  the  idea  of  the  cool  and 
sedate  Washington,  the  great  champion  of  American  liberty,  a 
woe- worn  lover  in  his  youthful  days,  "sighing  like  furnace," 
and  inditing  plaintive  verses  about  the  groves  of  Mount  Vernon. 
We  are  glad  of  an  opportunity,  however,  of  penetrating  to  his 
native  feelings,  and  finding  that  under  his  studied  decorum  and 
reserve  he  had  a  heart  of  flesh  throbbing  with  the  warm  im- 
pulses of  human  nature. 

Being  a  favorite  of  Sir  William  Fairfax,  he  was  now  an  oc- 
casional inmate  of  Belvoir.  Among  the  persons  at  present 
residing  there  was  Thomas,  Lord  Fairfax,  cousin  of  William 
Fairfax,  and  of  whose  immense  landed  property  the  latter  was 
the  agent.  As  this  nobleman  was  one  of  Washington's  earli- 
est friends,  and  in  some  degree  the  founder  of  his  fortunes,  his 
character  and  history  are  worthy  of  especial  note. 

Lord  Fairfax  was  now  nearly  sixty  years  of  age,  upward  of 
six  feet  high,  gaunt  and  raw-boned,  near-sighted,  with  light 
gray  eyes,  sharp  features  and  an  aquiline  nose.  However  un- 
gainly  his  present  appearance,  he  had  figured  to  advantage  in 
London  life  in  his  younger  days.  He  had  received  his  educa- 
tion at  the  university  of  Oxford,  where  he  acquitted  himself  with 
credit.  He  afterward  held  a  commission,  and  remained  for 
some  time  in  a  regiment  of  horse  called  the  Blues.  His  title 
and  connections,  of  course,  gave  him  access  to  the  best  society, 
in  which  he  acquired  additional  currency  by  contributing  a  paper 
or  two  to  Addison's  Spectator,  then  in  great  vogue. 

In  the  height  of  his  fashionable  career,  he  became  strongly 
attached  to  a  young  lady  of  rank ;  paid  his  addresses,  and  was 
accepted.  The  wedding  day  was  fixed ;  the  wedding  dresses 
were  provided ;  together  with  servants  and  equipages  for  the 
matrimonial  establishment.  Suddenly  the  lady  broke  her  en- 
gagement. She  had  been  dazzled  by  the  superior  brilliancy  of 
a  ducal  coronet. 

It  was  a  cruel  blow,  alike  to  the  affection  and  pride  of  Lord 
Fairfax,  and  wrought  a  change  in  both  character  and  conduct. 
From  that  time  he  almost  avoided  the  sex,  and  became  shy  and 
embarrassed  in  their  society,  excepting  among  those  with  whom 
he  was  connected  or  particularly  intimate.    This  may  have  been 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  35 

among  the  reasons  which  ultimately  induced  him  to  abandon  the 
gay  world  and  bury  himself  in  the  wilds  of  America.  He  made 
a  voyage  to  Virginia  about  the  year  1739,  to  visit  his  vast  es- 
tates there.  These  he  inherited  from  his  mother,  Catharine, 
daughter  of  Thomas,  Lord  Culpepper,  to  whom  they  had 
been  granted  by  Charles  II.  The  original  grant  was  for  all  the 
lands  lying  between  the  Rappahannock  and  Potomac  rivers ; 
meaning  thereby,  it  is  said,  merely  the  territory  on  the  northern 
neck,  east  of  the  Blue  Ridge.  His  lordship,  however,  discov- 
ering that  the  Potomac  headed  in  the  Allegany  Mountains,  re- 
turned to  England  and  claimed  a  correspondent  definition  of 
his  grant.  It  was  arranged  by  compromise ;  extending  his 
domain  into  the  Allegany  Mountains,  and  comprising,  among 
other  lands,  a  great  portion  of  the  Shenandoah  Valley. 

Lord  Fairfax  had  been  delighted  with  his  visit  to  Virginia. 
The  amenity  of  the  climate,  the  magnificence  of  the  forest 
scenery,  the  abundance  of  game,  —  all  pointed  it  out  as  a 
favored  land.  He  was  pleased,  too,  with  the  frank,  cordial 
character  of  the  Virginians,  and  their  independent  mode  of  life  ; 
and  returned  to  it  with  the  resolution  of  taking  up  his  abode 
there  for  the  remainder  of  his  days.  His  early  disappointment 
in  love  was  the  cause  of  some  eccentricities  in  his  conduct ;  yet 
he  was  amiable  and  courteous  in  his  manners,  and  of  a  liberal 
and  generous  spirit. 

Another  inmate  of  Belvoir  at  this  time  was  George  William 
Fairfax,  about  twenty-two  years  of  age,  the  eldest  son  of  the 
proprietor.  He  had  been  educated  in  England,  and  since  his 
return  had  married  a  daughter  of  Colonel  Carey,  of  Hampton, 
on  James  River.  He  had  recently  brought  home  his  bride  and 
her  sister  to  his  father's  house. 

The  merits  of  Washington  were  known  and  appreciated  by 
the  Fairfax  family.  Though  not  quite  sixteen  years  of  age,  he 
no  longer  seemed  a  boy,  nor  was  he  treated  as  such.  Tall, 
athletic,  and  manly  for  his  years,  his  early  self-training,  and 
the  code  of  conduct  he  had  devised,  gave  a  gravity  and  decision 
to  his  conduct ;  his  frankness  and  modesty  inspired  cordial 
regard,  and  the  melancholy,  of  which  he  speaks,  may  have  pro- 
duced a  softness  in  his  manner  calculated  to  win  favor  in 
ladies'  eyes.  According  to  his  own  account,  the  female  society 
by  which  he  was  surrounded  had  a  soothing  effect  on  that  mel- 
ancholy. The  charms  of  Miss  Carey,  the  sister  of  the  bride, 
seem  even  to  have  caused  a  slight  fluttering  in  his  bosom  ; 
which,  however,  was  constantly  rebuked  by  the  remembrance 
of  his  former  passion  —  so  at  least  we  judge  from  letters  to  his 


36  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

youthful  confidants,  rough  drafts  of  which  are  still  to  be  seen 
in  his  tell-tale  journal. 

To  one  whom  he  addresses  as  his  dear  friend  Robin,  he 
writes  :  "  My  residence  is  at  present  at  his  lordship's,  where  I 
might,  was  my  heart  disengaged,  pass  my  time  very  pleasantly, 
as  there's  a  very  agreeable  young  lady  lives  in  the  same  house 
(Colonel  George  Fairfax's  wife's  sister)  ;  but  as  that's  only 
adding  fuel  to  fire,  it  makes  me  the  more  uneasy,  for  by  often 
and  unavoidably  being  in  company  with  her,  revives  my  former 
passion  for  your  Lowland  Beauty  ;  whereas  was  I  to  live  more 
retired  from  young  women,  I  might  in  some  measure  alleviate 
my  sorrows,  by  burying  that  chaste  and  troublesome  passion  in 
the  grave  of  oblivion,"  etc' 

Similar  avowals  he  makes  to  another  of  his  young  corre- 
spondents, whom  he  styles,  "  Dear  friend  John  ;  "  as  also  to  a 
female  confidant,  styled  "Dear  Sally,"  to  whom  he  acknowl- 
edges that  the  company  of  the  "very  agreeable  young  lad}', 
j  sister-in-law  of  Colonel  George  Fairfax,"  in  a  great  measure 
)  cheers  his  sorrow  and  dejectedness. 

The  object  of  this  early  passion  is  not  positively  known. 
Tradition  states  that  the  "lowland  beauty"  was  a  Miss 
Grimes,  of  Westmoreland,  afterward  Mrs.  Lee,  and  mother  of 
General  Henry  Lee,  who  figured  in  revolutionary  history  as 
Light  Horse  Harry,  and  was  always  a  favorite  with  Washing- 
ton, probably  from  the  recollections  of  his  early  tenderness  for 
the  mother. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  soothing  effect  of  the  female 
society  by  which  he  was  surrounded  at  Belvoir,  the  youth  found 
a  more  effectual  remedy  for  his  love  melancholy  in  the  company 
of  Lord  Fairfax.  His  lordship  was  a  stanch  fox-hunter,  and 
kept  horses  and  hounds  in  the  English  style.  The  hunting 
season  had  arrived.  The  neighborhood  abounded  with  sport ; 
j  but  fox-hunting  in  Virginia  required  bold  and  skilful  horseman- 
ship. He  found  Washington  as  bold  as  himself  in  the  saddle, 
and  as  eager  to  follow  the  hounds.  He  forthwith  took  him 
into  peculiar  favor,  made  him  his  hunting  companion  ;  and  it 
was  probably  under  the  tuition  of  this  hard-riding  old  noble- 
man that  the  youth  imbibed  that  fondness  for  the  chase  for 
which  he  was  afterward  remarked. 

Their  fox-hunting  intercourse  was  attended  with  more  im- 
portant results.  His  lordship's  possessions  beyond  the  Blue 
Ridge  had  never  been  regularly  settled  nor  surveyed.  Lawless 
intruders  —  squatters,  as  they  were  called  —  were  planting 
themselves  along  the  finest  streams  and  in  the  richest  valleys, 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  37 

and  virtually  taking  possession  of  the  country.  It  was  the 
anxious  desire  of  Lord  Fairfax  to  have  these  lands  examined, 
surveyed,  and  portioned  out  into  lots,  preparatory  to  ejecting 
these  interlopers  or  bringing  them  to  reasonable  terms.  In 
Washington,  notwithstanding  his  youth,  he  beheld  one  fit  for 
the  task  —  having  noticed  the  exercises  in  surveying  which  he 
kept  up  while  at  Mount  Vernon,  and  the  aptness  and  exactness 
with  which  every  process  was  executed.  He  was  well  calcu- 
lated, too,  by  his  vigor  and  activity,  his  courage  and  hardihood, 
to  cope  with  the  wild  country  to  be  surveyed,  and  with  its  still 
wilder  inhabitants.  The  proposition  had  only  to  be  offered  to 
Washington  to  be  eagerly  accepted.  It  was  the  very  kind  of 
occupation  for  which  he  had  been  diligently  training  himself. 
All  the  preparations  required  by  one  of  his  simple  habits  were 
soon  made,  and  in  a  very  few  days  he  was  ready  for  his  first 
expedition  into  the  wilderness. 


CHAPTER  IV. 

EXPEDITION     BEYOND     THE     BLUE     RIDGE THE     VALLEY     OP    THE 

SHENANDOAH LORD   FAIRFAX LODGE    IN  THE  WILDERNESS 

SURVEYING LIFE  IN  THE  BACKWOODS INDIANS WAR-DANCE 

GERMAN    SETTLERS RETURN    HOME WASHINGTON   AS    PUB- 
LIC      SURVEYOR SOJOURN     AT      GREENWAY     COURT HORSES, 

HOUNDS,      AND      BOOKS RUGGED      EXPERIENCE     AMONG      THE 

MOUNTAINS. 

It  was  in  the  month  of  March  (1748),  and  just  after  he  had 
completed  his  sixteenth  year,  that  Washington  set  out  on  horse- 
back on  this  surveying  expedition,  in  company  with  George 
William  Fairfax.  Their  route  lay  \>y  Ashley's  Gap,  a  pass 
through  the  Blue  Ridge,  that  beautiful  line  of  mountains  which, 
as  yet,  almost  formed  the  western  frontier  of  inhabited  Vir- 
ginia. Winter  still  lingered  on  the  tops  of  the  mountains, 
whence  melting  snows  sent  down  torrents,  which  swelled  the 
rivers  and  occasionally  rendered  them  almost  impassable. 
Spring,  however,  was  softening  the  lower  parts  of  the  land- 
scape and  smiling  in  the  valleys. 

They  entered  the  great  valley  of  Virginia,  where  it  is  about 
twenty-five  miles  wide  ;  a  lovely  and  temperate  region,  diversi- 
fied by  gentle  swells  and  slopes,  admirably  adapted  to  cultiva- 
tion.    The   Blue    Ridge    bounds   it  on   one   side,    the   North 


38  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Mountain,  a  ridge  of  the  Alleganies,  on  the  other;  while 
through  it  flows  that  bright  and  abounding  river,  which,  on 
account  of  its  surpassing  beauty,  was  named  by  the  Indians  the 
Shenandoah  —  that  is  to  say,  "  the  daughter  of  the  stars." 

The  first  station  of  the  travellers  was  at  a  kind  of  lodge  in 
the  wilderness,  where  the  steward  or  land-bailiff  of  Lord  Fairfax 
resided,  with  such  negroes  as  were  required  for  fanning  pur- 
poses, and  which  Washington  terms  "his  lordship's  quarter." 
It  was  situated  not  far  from  the  Shenandoah,  and  about  twelve 
miles  from  the  site  of  the  present  town  of  Winchester. 
-  In  a  diary  kept  with  his  usual  minuteness,  Washington 
speaks  with  delight  of  the  beauty  of  the  trees  and  the  richness 
of  the  land  in  the  neighborhood,  and  of  his  riding  through  a 
noble  grove  of  sugar  maples  on  the  banks  of  the  Shenandoah ; 
and  at  the  present  day,  the  magnificence  of  the  forests  which 
still  exist  in  this  favored  region  justifies  his  eulogium. 

He  looked  around,  however,  with  an  eye  to  the  profitable 
rather  than  the  poetical.  The  gleam  of  poetry  and  romance, 
inspired  by  his  "lowland  beauty,"  occurs  no  more.  The  real 
business  of  life  has  commenced  with  him.  His  diary  affords 
no  food  for  fancy.  Every  thing  is  practical.  The  qualities  of 
the  soil,  the  relative  value  of  sites  and  localities,  are  faithfully 
recorded.  In  these  his  early  habits  of  observation  and  his 
exercises  in  surveying  had  already  made  him  a  proficient. 

His  surveys  commenced  in  the  lower  part  of  the  valley,  some 
distance  above  the  junction  of  the  Shenandoah  with  the 
Potomac,  and  extended  for  many  miles  along  the  former  river. 
Here  and  there  partial  "  clearings  "  had  been  made  by  squatters 
and  hardy  pioneers,  and  their  rude  husbandry  had  pro- 
duced abundant  crops  of  grain,  hemp,  and  tobacco ;  civiliza- 
tion, however,  had  hardly  yet  entered  the  valley,  if  we  may 
judge  from  the  note  of  a  night's  lodging  at  the  house  of  one  of 
the  settlers  —  Captain  Hite,  near  the  site  of  the  present  town 
of  Winchester.  Here,  after  supper,  most  of  the  company 
stretched  themselves  in  backwood  style,  before  the  fire ;  but 
Washington  was  shown  into  a  bedroom.  Fatigued  with  a  hard 
day's  work  at  surve}ring,  he  soon  undressed  ;  but  instead  of 
being  nestled  between  sheets  in  a  comfortable  bed,  as  at  the 
maternal  home,  or  at  Mount  Vernon,  he  found  himself  on  a 
couch  of  matted  straw,  under  a  threadbare  blanket,  swarming 
with  unwelcome  bedfellows.  After  tossing  about  for  a  few 
moments,  he  was  glad  to  put  on  his  clothes  again,  and  rejoin 
his  companions  before  the  fire. 

Such  was  his  first  experience  of  life  in  the  wilderness ;  he 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  &§ 

soon,  however,  accustomed  himself  to  "  rough  it,"  and  adapt; 
himself  to  fare  of  all  kinds,  though  he  generally  preferred  a\ 
bivouac  before  a  fire,  in  the  open  air,  to  the  accommodations  of  J 
a  woodman's  cabin.     Proceeding  down  the  valley  to  the  banks 
of  the  Potomac,  they  found  that  river  so  much  swollen  by  the 
rain  which  had  fallen  among  the  Alleganies,  as  to  be  unford- 
able.     To  while  away  the  time  until  it  should  subside,  they 
made  an  excursion  to  examine  certain  warm  springs  in  a  valley 
among  the  mountains,  since  called  the  Berkeley  Springs.    There 
they  camped  out  at  night,  under  the  stars  ;  the  diary  makes  no 
complaint  of  their  accommodations  ;  and  their  camping-ground 
is  now  known  as  Bath,  one  of  the  favorite  watering-places  of 
Virginia.     One  of  the  warm  springs  was  subsequently  appropri- 
ated by  Lord  Fairfax  to  his  own  use,  and  still  bears  his  name. 

After  watching  in  vain  for  the  river  to  subside,  they  procured 
a  canoe,  on  which  they  crossed  to  the  Maryland  side  ;  swim- 
ming their  horses.  A  weary  day's  ride  of  forty  miles  up  the 
left  side  of  the  river,  in  a  continual  rain,  and  over  what  Wash- 
ington pronounces  the  worst  road  ever  trod  by  man  or  beast, 
brought  them  to  the  house  of  a  Colonel  Cresap,  opposite  the 
south  branch  of  the  Potomac,  where  they  put  up  for  the  night. 

Here  they  were  detained  three  or  four  days  by  inclement 
weather.  On  the  second  day  they  were  surprised  by  the  appear- 
ance of  a  war  party  of  thirty  Indians,  bearing  a  scalp  as  a 
trophy.  A  little  liquor  procured  the  spectacle  of  a  war-dance. 
A  large  space  was  cleared,  and  a  fire  made  in  the  centre,  round 
which  the  warriors  took  their  seats.  The  principal  orator  made 
a  speech,  reciting  their  recent  exploits,  and  rousing  them  to 
triumph.  One  of  the  warriors  started  up  as  if  from  sleep,  and 
began  a  series  of  movements,  half -grotesque,  half-tragical ;  the 
rest  followed.  For  music,  one  savage  drummed  on  a  deerskin, 
stretched  over  a  pot  half  filled  with  water ;  another  rattled  a 
gourd,  containing  a  few  shot,  and  decorated  with  a  horse's  tail. 
Their  strange  outcries,  and  uncouth  forms  and  garbs,  seen  by 
the  glare  of  the  fire,  and  their  whoops  and  yells,  made  them 
appear  more  like  demons  than  human  beings.  All  this  savage 
gambol  was  no  novelty  to  Washington's  companions,  experienced 
in  frontier  life ;  but  to  the  youth,  fresh  from  school,  it  was  a 
strange  spectacle,  which  he  sat  contemplating  with  deep  interest, 
and  carefully  noted  down  in  his  journal.  It  will  be  found  that 
he  soon  made  himself  acquainted  with  the  savage  character,  and 
became  expert  at  dealing  with  these  inhabitants  of  the  wilderness. 

From  this  encampment  the  party  proceeded  to  the  mouth  of 
Patterson's  Creek,  where  they  recrossed  the  river  in  a  canoe, 


40  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

swimming  their  horses  as  before.  More  than  two  weeks  were 
now  passed  by  them  in  the  wild  mountainous  regions  of  Fred- 
erick County,  and  about  the  south  branch  of  the  Potomac,  sur- 
veying lands  and  laying  out  lots,  camped  out  the  greater  part  of 
the  time,  and  subsisting  on  wild  turkeys  and  other  game.  Each 
one  was  his  own  cook  ;  forked  sticks  served  for  spits,  and  chips 
of  wood  for  dishes.  The  weather  was  unsettled.  At  one  time 
their  tent  was  blown  down  ;  at  another  they  were  driven  out  of 
it  by  smoke  ;  now  they  were  drenched  with  rain,  and  now  the 
straw  on  which  Washington  was  sleeping  caught  fire,  and  he  was 
awakened  by  a  companion  just  in  time  to  escape  a  scorching. 

The  only  variety  to  this  camp  life  was  a  supper  at  the  house 
of  one  Solomon  Hedge,  Esquire,  his  majesty's  justice  of  the 
peace,  where  there  were  no  forks  at  table,  nor  any  knives,  but 
such  as  the  guests  brought  in  their  pockets.  During  their  sur- 
veys they  were  followed  by  numbers  of  people,  some  of  them 
squatters,  anxious,  doubtless,  to  procure  a  cheap  title  to  the 
land  they  had  appropriated ;  others,  German  emigrants,  with 
their  wives  and  children,  seeking  a  new  home  in  the  wilderness. 
Most  of  the  latter  could  not  speak  English ;  but  when  spoken 
to,  answered  in  their  native  tongue.  They  appeared  to  Wash- 
ington ignorant  as  Indians,  and  uncouth,  but  "  merry  and  full 
of  antic  tricks."  Such  were  the  progenitors  of  the  sturdy 
yeomanry  now  inhabiting  those  parts,  many  of  whom  still  pre- 
serve their  strong  German  characteristics. 

"I  have  not  slept  above  three  or  four  nights  in  a  bed," 
writes  Washington  to  one  of  his  young  friends  at  home,  "but 
after  walking  a  good  deal  all  the  day  I  have  lain  down  before 
the  lire  upon  a  little  straw  or  fodder,  or  a  bear  skin,  whichever 
was  to  be  had,  with  man,  wife,  and  children,  like  dogs  and  cats  : 
and  happy  is  he  who  gets  the  berth  nearest  the  fire." 

Having  completed  his  surveys,  he  set  forth  from  the  south 
branch  of  the  Potomac  on  his  return  homeward ;  crossed  the 
mountains  to  the  great  Cacapehon  ;  traversed  the  Shenandoah 
valley;  passed  through  the  Blue  Ridge,  and  on  the  12th  of 
April  found  himself  once  more  at  Mount  Vernon.  For  his  ser- 
vices he  received,  according  to  his  note-book,  a  doubloon  per  day 
when  actively  employed,  and  sometimes  six  pistoles.1 

The  manner  in  which  he  had  acquitted  himself  in  this  arduous 
expedition,  and  his  accounts  of  the  country  surveyed,  gave  great 
satisfaction  to  Lord  Fairfax,  who  shortly  afterward  moved 
across  the  Blue  Ridge,  and  took  up  his  residence  at  the  place 

»  A  pistole  is  $3.60. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  41 

heretofore  noted  as  his  "  quarters."  Here  he  laid  out  a  manor, 
containing  ten  thousand  acres  of  arable  grazing  lands,  vast 
meadows,  and  noble  forests,  and  projected  a  spacious  manor 
house,  giving  to  the  place  the  name  of  Greenway  Court. 

It  was  probably  through  the  influence  of  Lord  Fairfax  that 
Washington  received  the  appointment  of  public  surveyor.  This 
conferred  authority  on  his  surveys,  and  entitled  them  to  be  re- 
corded in  the  county  offices,  and  so  invariably  correct  have  these 
surveys  been  found  that,  to  this  day,  wherever  any  of  them 
stand  on  record,  they  receive  implicit  credit. 

For  three  years  he  continued  in  this  occupation,  which  proved 
extremely  profitable,  from  the  vast  extent  of  country  to  be  sur- 
veyed and  the  very  limited  number  of  public  surveyors.  It 
made  him  acquainted,  also,  with  the  country,  the  nature  of  the 
soil  in  various  parts,  and  the  value  of  localities  ;  all  which  proved 
advantageous  to  him  in  his  purchases  in  after  years.  Many  of 
the  finest  parts  of  the  Shenandoah  valley  are  yet  owned  by 
members  of  the  Washington  family. 

While  thus  employed  for  months  at  a  time  surveying  the  lands 
beyond  the  Blue  Ridge,  he  was  often  an  inmate  of  Greenway 
Court.  The  projected  manor  house  was  never  even  commenced. 
On  a  green  knoll  overshadowed  by  trees  was  a  long  stone  build- 
ing one  story  in  height,  with  dormer  windows,  two  wooden  bel- 
fries, chimneys  studded  with  swallow  and  martin  coops,  and  a 
roof  sloping  down  in  the  old  Virginia  fashion,  into  low  projecting 
eaves  that  formed  a  veranda  the  whole  length  of  the  house.  It 
was  probably  the  house  originally  occupied  by  his  steward  or 
land  agent,  but  was  now  devoted  to  hospitable  purposes,  and 
the  reception  of  guests.  As  to  his  lordship,  it  was  one  of  his 
many  eccentricities,  that  he  never  slept  in  the  main  edifice,  but 
lodged  apart  in  a  wooden  house  not  much  above  twelve  feet 
square.  In  a  small  building  was  his  office,  where  quit-rents  were 
given,  deeds  drawn,  and  business  transacted  with  his  tenants. 

About  the  knoll  were  out-houses  for  his  numerous  servants, 
black  and  white,  with  stables  for  saddle-horses  and  hunters,  and 
kennels  for  his  hounds,  for  his  lordship  retained  his  keen  hunting 
propensities,  and  the  neighborhood  abounded  in  game.  Indians, 
half-breeds,  and  leathern-clad  woodsmen  loitered  about  the  place, 
and  partook  of  the  abundance  of  the  kitchen.  His  lordship'3 
table  was  plentiful  but  plain,  and  served  in  the  English  fashion. 

Here  Washington  had  full  opportunity,  in  the  proper  seasons, 
of  indulging  his  fondness  for  field  sports,  and  once  more  accom- 
panying his  lordship  in  the  chase.  The  conversation  of  Lord 
Fairfax,  too,  was  full  of  interest  and  instruction  to  an  inexpe- 


42  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

rienced  youth,  from  his  cultivated  talents,  his  literary  taste,  and 
his  past  intercourse  with  the  best  society  of  Europe,  and  its 
most  distinguished  authors.  He  had  brought  books,  too,  with 
him  into  the  wilderness,  and  from  Washington's  diary  we  find 
that  during  his  sojourn  here  he  was  diligently  reading  the  history 
of  England,  and  the  essays  of  the  Spectator. 

Such  was  Green  way  Court  in  these  its  palmy  days.  We 
visited  it  recently  and  found  it  tottering  to  its  fall,  mouldering 
in  the  midst  of  a  magnificent  country,  where  nature  still  flour- 
ishes in  full  luxuriance  and  beauty. 

Three  or  four  years  were  thus  passed  by  Washington,  the 
greater  part  of  the  time  beyond  the  Blue  Ridge,  but  occasionally 
with  his  brother  Lawrence  at  Mount  Vernon.  His  rugged  and 
toilsome  expeditions  in  the  mountains,  among  rude  scenes  and 
rough  people,  inured  him  to  hardships,  and  made  him  apt  at  ex- 
pedients ;  while  his  intercourse  with  his  cultivated  brother,  and 
with  the  various  members  of  the  Fairfax  family,  had  a  happy 
effect  in  toning  up  his  mind  and  manners,  and  counteracting  the 
careless  and  self-indulgent  habitudes  of  the  wilderness. 


CHAPTER  V. 

ENGLISH  AND  FRENCH  CLAIMS  TO  THE   OHIO   VALLEY WILD    STATE 

OF  THE  COUNTRY PROJECTS  OF  SETTLEMENTS THE  OHIO  COM- 
PANY    ENLIGHTENED     VIEWS     OF     LAWRENCE     WASHINGTON  

FRENCH  RIVALRY CELERON  DE  BIENVILLE HIS  SIGNS  OF    OC- 
CUPATION  HUGH  CRAWFORD GEORGE   CROGHAN,  A   VETERAN 

TRADER,  AND  MONTOUR,  HIS  INTERPRETER THEIR  MISSION  FROM 

PENNSYLVANIA   TO    THE    OHIO   TRIBES  CHRISTOPHER  GIST,  THE 

PIONEER  OF  THE  YADKIN AGENT  OF  THE  OHIO  COMPANY HIS 

EXPEDITION  TO  THE   FRONTIER REPROBATE   TRADERS   AT   LOGS- 
TOWN  NEGOTIATIONS  WITH  THE  INDIANS SCENES  IN  THE  OHIO 

COUNTRY DIPLOMACY  AT  PIQUA KEGS  OF  BRANDY  AND  ROLLS 

OF  TOBACCO GIST'S  RETURN  ACROSS   KENTUCKY A    DESERTED 

HOME FRENCH  SCHEMES CAPTAIN  JONCAIRE,  A  DIPLOMAT  OF 

THE    WILDERNESS HIS    SPEECH    AT    LOGSTOWN THE    INDIANS' 

LAND ' '  WHERE  ?  ' ' 

During  the  time  of  Washington's  surveying  campaigns 
among  the  mountains,  a  grand  colonizing  scheme  had  been 
set  on  foot,  destined  to  enlist  him  in  hnrdy  enterprises,  and  in 
some  degree  to  shape  the  course  of  his  future  fortunes. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  43 

The  treaty  of  peace  concluded  at  Aix-la-Chapelle,  which  had 
put  an  end  to  the  general  war  of  Europe,  had  left  undefined 
the  boundaries  between  the  British  and  French  possessions  in 
America ;  a  singular  remissness,  considering  that  they  had  long 
been  a  subject  in  dispute,  and  a  cause  of  frequent  conflicts  in 
the  colonies.  Immense  regions  were  still  claimed  by  both  na- 
tions, and  each  was  now  eager  to  forestall  the  other  by  getting 
possession  of  them,  and  strengthening  its  claim  by  occupancy. 

The  most  desirable  of  these  regions  lay  west  of  the  Alle- 
gany Mountains,  extending  from  the  lakes  to  the  Ohio,  and 
embracing  the  valley  of  that  river  and  its  tributary  streams. 
An  immense  territory,  possessing  a  salubrious  climate,  fertile 
soil,  fine  hunting  and  fishing  grounds,  and  facilities  by  lakes 
and  rivers  for  a  vast  internal  commerce. 

The  French  claimed  all  this  country  quite  to  the  Allegany 
Mountains  by  the  right  of  discover}7.  In  1673,  Padre  Mar- 
quette, with  his  companion,  Joliet,  of  Quebec,  both  subjects  of. 
the  crown  of  France,  had  passed  down  the  Mississippi  in  a 
canoe  quite  to  the  Arkansas,  thereb}',  according  to  an  alleged 
maxim  in  the  law  of  nations,  establishing  the  right  of  their 
sovereign,  not  merely  to  the  river  so  discovered  and  its  ad- 
jacent lands,  but  to  all  the  country  drained  by  its  tributary 
streams,  of  which  the  Ohio  was  one ;  a  claim,  the  ramifica- 
tions of  which  might  be  spread,  like  the  meshes  of  a  web,  over 
half  the  continent. 

To  this  illimitable  claim  the  English  opposed  a  right  derived, 
at  second  hand,  from  a  traditionary  Indian  conquest.  A  treaty, 
they  said,  had  been  made  at  Lancaster,  in  1744,  between  com- 
missioners from  Penns}*lvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia,  and 
the  Iroquois,  or  Six  Nations,  whereby  the  latter,  for  four  hun- 
dred pounds,  gave  up  all  right  and  title  to  the  land  west  of  the 
Allegany  Mountains,  even  to  the  Mississippi,  which  land,  ac- 
cording to  their  traditions,  had  been  conquered  by  their  fore- 
fathers. 

It  is  undoubtedly  true  that  such  a  treaty  was  made  and  such 
a  pretended  transfer  of  title  did  take  place,  under  the  influence 
of  spirituous  liquors  ;  but  it  is  equally  true  that  the  Indians  in 
question  did  not,  at  the  time,  possess  an  acre  of  the  land  con- 
veyed ;  and  that  the  tribes  actually  in  possession  scoffed  at 
their  pretensions,  and  claimed  the  country  as  their  own  from 
time  immemorial. 

Such  were  the  shadowy  foundations  of  claims  which  the  two 
nations  were  determined  to  maintain  to  the  uttermost,  and 
which  ripened  into  a,  series  of  wars,  ending  in  a  loss  to  Eng- 


44  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON: 

land  of  a  great  part  of  her  American  possessions,  and  to 
France  of  the  whole. 

As  yet  in  the  region  in  question  there  was  not  a  single  white 
settlement.  Mixed  Iroquois  tribes  of  Delawares,  Shawnees, 
and  Mingoes,  had  migrated  into  it  early  in  the  century  from 
the  French  settlements  in  Canada,  and  taken  up  their  abodes 
about  the  Ohio  and  its  branches.  The  French  pretended  to 
hold  them  under  their  protection  ;  but  their  allegiance,  if  ever 
acknowledged,  had  been  sapped  of  late  years  by  the  influx  of 
fur  traders  from  Pennsylvania.  These  were  often  rough,  law- 
less men  ;  half  Indians  in  dress  and  habits,  prone  to  brawls, 
and  sometimes  deadly  in  their  feuds.  The}'  were  generally  in 
the  employ  of  some  trader,  who,  at  the  head  of  his  retainers 
and  a  string  of  pack-horses,  would  make  his  way  over  moun- 
tains and  through  forests  to  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  estab- 
lish his  head-quarters  in  some  Indian  town,  and  disperse  his 
followers  to  traffic  among  the  hamlets,  hunting-camps  and  wig- 
wams, exchanging  blankets,  gaudy  colored  cloth,  triuketry,  pow- 
der, shot,  and  rum,  for  valuable  furs  and  peltry.  In  this  way 
a  lucrative  trade  with  these  western  tribes  was  springing  up  and 
becoming  monopolized  by  the  Pennsylvanians. 

To  secure  a  participation  in  this  trade,  and  to  gain  a  foot- 
hold in  this  desirable  region,  became  now  the  wish  of  some  of 
the  most  intelligent  and  enterprising  men  of  Virginia  and  Mary- 
land, among  whom  were  Lawrence  and  Augustine  Washington. 
With  these  views  they  projected  a  scheme,  in  connection  with 
John  Hanbury,  a  wealthy  London  merchant,  to  obtain  a  grant  of 
land  from  the  British  government,  for  the  purpose  of  forming 
settlements  or  colonies  beyond  the  Alleganies.  Government 
readily  countenanced  a  scheme  by  which  French  encroachments 
might  be  forestalled,  and  prompt  and  quiet  possession  se- 
cured of  the  great  Ohio  valley.  An  association  was  accord- 
ingly chartered  in  1749,  by  the  name  of  "the  Ohio  Company/' 
and  five  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land  was  granted  to  it  west 
of  the  Alleganies ;  between  the  Monongahela  and  Kanawha 
rivers ;  though  part  of  the  land  might  be  taken  up  north  of  the 
Ohio,  should  it  be  deemed  expedient.  The  company  were  to 
pay  no  quit-rent  for  ten  years  ;  but  they  were  to  select  two-fifths 
of  their  lands  immediately  ;  to  settle  one  hundred  families  upon 
them  within  seven  years  ;  to  build  a  fort  at  their  own  expense, 
and  maintain  a  sufficient  garrison  in  it  for  defence  against  the 
Indians.  * 

Mr.  Thomas  Lee,  president  of  the  council  of  Virginia,  took 
the  lead  in  the  concerns  of  the  company  at  the  outset,  and  by 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  45 

man}'  has  been  considered  its  founder.  On  his  death,  which 
soon  took  place,  Lawrence  Washington  had  the  chief  manage- 
ment. His  enlightened  mind  and  liberal  spirit  shone  forth  in 
his  earliest  arrangements.  He  wished  to  form  the  settlements 
with  Germans  from  Pennsylvania.  Being  dissenters,  however, 
they  would  be  obliged,  on  becoming  residents  within  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  Virginia,  to  pay  parish  rates,  and  maintain  a  clergyman 
of  the  Church  of  England,  though  they  might  not  understand 
his  language  nor  relish  his  doctrines.  Lawrence  sought  to 
have  them  exempted  from  this  double  tax  on  purse  and  con- 
science. 

"  It  has  ever  been  my  opinion,"  said  he,  "  and  I  hope  it  ever 
will  be,  that  restraints  on  conscience  are  cruel  in  regard  to  those 
on  whom  they  are  imposed,  and  injurious  to  the  country  imposing 
them.  England,  Holland,  and  Prussia  I  may  quote  as  ex- 
amples, and  much  more  Pennsylvania,  which  has  flourished  un- 
der that  delightful  liberty,  so  as  to  become  the  admiration  of 
every  man  who  considers  the  short  time  it  has  been  settled. 
.  .  .  This  colony  (Virginia)  was  greatly  settled  in  the  latter 
part  of  Charles  the  First's  time,  and  during  the  usurpation, 
by  the  zealous  churchmen  ;  and  that  spirit,  which  was  then 
brought  in,  has  ever  since  continued ;  so  that,  except  a  few 
Quakers,  we  have  no  dissenters.  But  what  has  been  the  conse- 
quence? We  have  increased  by  slow  degrees,  whilst  our  neigh- 
boring colonies,  whose  natural  advantages  are  greatly  inferior 
to  ours,  have  become  populous." 

Such  were  the  enlightened  views  of  this  brother  of  our  Wash- 
ington, to  whom  the  latter  owed  much  of  his  moral  and  mental 
training.  The  company  proceeded  to  make  preparations  for 
their  colonizing  scheme.  Goods  were  imported  from  England 
suited  to  the  Indian  trade,  or  for  presents  to  the  chiefs.  Re- 
wards were  promised  to  veteran  warriors  and  hunters  among 
the  natives  acquainted  with  the  woods  and  mountains,  for  the 
best  route  to  the  Ohio.  Before  the  company  had  received  its 
charter,  however,  the  French  were  in  the  field.  Early  in  1749, 
the  Marquis  de  la  Galisonniere,  Governor  of  Canada,  despatched 
Celeron  de  Bienville,  an  intelligent  officer,  at  the  head  of  three 
hundred  men,  to  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  to  make  peace,  as  he 
said,  between  the  tribes  that  had  become  embroiled  with  each 
other  during  the  late  war,  and  to  renew  the  French  possession 
of  the  country. 

Celeron  de  Bienville  distributed  presents  among  the  Indians, 
made  speeches  reminding  them  of  former  friendship,  and 
warned  them  not  to  trade  with  the  English. 


46  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

He  furthermore  nailed  leaden  plates  to  trees,  and  buried 
others  in  the  earth,  at  the  confluence  of  the  Ohio  and  its  tribu- 
taries, bearing  inscriptions  purporting  that  all  the  lands  on  both 
sides  of  the  rivers  to  their  sources  appertained,  as  in  foregone 
times,  to  the  crown  of  France.1  The  Indians  gazed  at  these 
mysterious  plates  with  wondering  eyes,  but  surmised  their  pur- 
port. "They  mean  to  steal  our  country  from  us,"  murmured 
they  ;  and  they  determined  to  seek  protection  from  the  English. 

Celeron  finding  some  traders  from  Pennsylvania  trafficking 
among  the  Indians,  he  summoned  them  to  depart,  and  wrote  by 
them  to  James  Hamilton,  Governor  of  Pennsylvania,  telling 
him  the  object  of  his  errand  to  those  parts,  and  his  surprise  at 
meeting  with  imglish  traders  in  a  country  to  which  England 
had  no  pretensions  ;  intimating  that,  in  future,  any  intruders  of 
the  kind  would  be  rigorously  dealt  with. 

His  letter  and  a  report  of  his  proceedings  on  the  Ohio,  roused 
the  solicitude  of  the  governor  and  council  of  Pennsylvania,  for 
the  protection  of  their  Indian  trade.  Shortly  afterward,  one 
Hugh  Crawford,  who  had  been  trading  with  the  Miami  tribes  on 
the  Wabash,  brought  a  message  from  them,  speaking  of  the 
promises  and  threats  with  which  the  French  were  endeavoring 
to  shake  their  faith,  but  assuring  the  governor  that  their  friend- 
ship for  the  English  '4  would  last  while  the  sun  and  moon  ran 
round  the  world."  This  message  was  accompanied  by  three 
strings  of  wampum. 

Governor  Hamilton  knew  the  value  of  Indian  friendship,  and 
suggested  to  the  assembly  that  it  would  be  better  to  clinch  it 
with  presents,  and  that  as  soon  as  possible.  An  envoy  ac- 
cordingly was  sent  off  early  in  October,  who  was  supposed  to 
have  great  influence  among  the  western  tribes.  This  was  one 
George  Croghan,  a  veteran  trader,  shrewd  and  sagacious,  who 
had  been  frequently  to  the  Ohio  country  with  pack-horses  and 
followers,  and  made  himself  popular  among  the  Indians  by  dis- 
pensing presents  with  a  lavish  hand.  He  was  accompanied  by 
Andrew  Montour,  a  Canadian  of  half  Indian  descent,  who  was 
to  act  as  interpreter.  They  were  provided  with  a  small  present 
for  the  emergenc}' ;  but  were  to  convoke  a  meeting  of  all  the 
tribes  at  Logstown,  on  the  Ohio,  early  in  the  ensuing  spring,  to 
receive  an  ample  present  which  would  be  provided  by  the 
assembly. 

It  was  some  time  later  in  the  same  autumn  that  the  Ohio 
Company  brought  their  plans  into  operation,  and  despatched  an 

1  One  of  these  plates,  bearing  date  August  16,  1749,  was  found  in  recent  years  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Muskingum  with  the  Ohio. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  47 

agent  to  explore  the  lands  upon  the  Ohio  and  its  branches  as 
low  as  the  Great  Falls,  take  note  of  their  fitness  for  cultivation, 
of  the  passes  of  the  mountains,  the  courses  and  bearings  of  the 
rivers,  and  the  strength  and  disposition  of  the  native  tribes. 
The  man  chosen  for  the  purpose  was  Christopher  Gist,  a  hardy 
pioneer,  experienced  in  woodcraft  and  Indian  life,  who  had  his 
home  on  the  banks  of  the  Yadkin,  near  the  boundary  line  of 
Virginia  and  North  Carolina.  He  was  allowed  a  woodsman  or 
two  for  the  service  of  the  expedition.  He  set  out  on  the  31st 
of  October,  from  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  by  an  Indian  path 
which  the  hunters  had  pointed  out,  leading  from  Wills'  Creek, 
since  called  Fort  Cumberland,  to  the  Ohio.  Indian  paths  and 
buffalo  tracks  are  the  primitive  highways  of  the  wilderness. 
Passing  the  Juniata,  he  crossed  the  ridges  of  the  Allegany, 
arrived  at  Shannopin,  a  Delaware  village  on  the  south-east  side 
of  the  Ohio,  or  rather  of  that  upper  branch  of  it,  now  called  the 
Allegany,  swam  his  horses  across  that  river,  and  descending 
along  its  valley  arrived  at  Logstown,  an  important  Indian  vil- 
lage a  little  below  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Pittsburg. 
Here  usually  resided  Tanacharisson,  a  Seneca  chief  of  great 
note,  being  head  sachem  of  the  mixed  tribes  which  had  migrated 
to  the  Ohio  and  its  branches.  He  was  generally  surnamecl  the 
half-king,  being  subordinate  to  the  Iroquois  confederacy.  The 
chief  was  absent  at  this  time,  as  were  most  of  his  people,  it 
being  the  hunting  season.  George  Croghan,  the  envoy  from 
Pennsylvania,  with  Montour  his  interpreter,  had  passed  through 
Logstown  a  week  previously,  on  his  way  to  the  Twightwees  and 
other  tribes,  on  the  Miami  branch  of  the  Ohio.  Scarce  any  one 
was  to  be  seen  about  the  village  but  some  of  Croghan' s  rough 
people,  whom  he  had  left  behind  —  "  reprobate  Indian  traders," 
as  Gist  terms  them.  They  regarded  the  latter  with  a  jealous 
eye,  suspecting  him  of  some  rivalship  in  trade,  or  designs  on 
the  Indian  lands;  and  intimated  significantly  that  "he  would 
never  go  home  safe." 

Gist  knew  the  meaning  of  such  hints  from  men  of  this  stamp 
in  the  lawless  depths  of  the  wilderness  ;  but  quieted  their  sus- 
picious by  letting  them  know  that  he  was  on  public  business, 
and  on  good  terms  with  their  great  man,  George  Croghan,  to 
whom  he  despatched  a  letter.  He  took  his  departure  from 
Logstown,  however,  as  soon  as  possible,  preferring,  as  he  said, 
the  solitude  of  the  wilderness  to  such  company. 

At  Beaver  Creek,  a  few  miles  below  the  village,  he  left  the 
river  and  struck  into  the  interior  of  the  present  State  of  Ohio. 
Here  he  overtook  George  Croghan  at  Muskingum,  a  town  of 


48  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Wyanclots  and  Mingoes.  He  had  ordered  all  the  traders  in  his 
employ  who  were  scattered  among  the  1l  iian  villages,  to  rally  at 
this  town,  where  he  had  hoisted  the  English  flag  over  his  resi- 
dence, and  over  that  of  the  sachem.  This  was  in  consequence 
of  the  hostility  of  the  French  who  had  recently  captured,  in  the 
neighborhood,  three  white  men  in  the  employ  of  Frazier,  an 
Indian  trader,  and  had  carried  them  away  prisoners  to  Canada. 

Gist  was  well  received  by  the  people  of  Muskingum.  They 
were  indignant  at  the  French  violation  of  their  territories,  and 
the  capture  of  their  "  English  brothers."  They  had  not  for- 
gotten the  conduct  of  Celeron  de  Bienville  in  the  previous  year, 
and  the  mysterious  plates  which  he  had  nailed  against  trees  and 
sunk  in  the  ground.  "  If  the  French  claim  the  rivers  which 
run  into  the  lakes,"  said  they,  "  those  which  run  into  the  Ohio 
belong  to  us  and  to  our  brothers  the  English."  And  they  were 
anxious  that  Gist  should  settle  among  them,  and  build  a  fort 
for  their  mutual  defence. 

A  council  of  the  nation  was  now  held,  in  which  Gist  invited 
them,  in  the  name  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  to  visit  that 
province,  where  a  large  present  of  goods  awaited  them,  sent  by 
their  father,  the  great  king,  over  the  water  to  his  Ohio  children. 
The  invitation  was  graciously  received,  but  no  answer  could  be 
given  until  a  grand  council  of  the  western  tribes  had  been  held, 
which  was  to  take  place  at  Logstown  in  the  ensuing  spring. 

Similar  results  attended  visits  made  by  Gist  and  Croghan  to 
the  Delawares  and  the  Shawnees  at  their  villages  about  the 
Scioto  River ;  all  promised  to  be  at  the  gathering  at  Logstown. 
From  the  Shawnee  village,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Scioto,  the 
two  emissaries  shaped  their  course  north  two  hundred  miles, 
crossed  the  Great  Moneami,  or  Miami  River,  on  a  raft,  swim- 
ming their  horses  ;  and  on  the  17th  of  February  arrived  at  the 
Indian  town  of  Piqua. 

These  journeyings  had  carried  Gist  about  a  wide  extent  of 
country  beyond  the  Ohio.  It  was  rich  and  level,  watered  with 
streams  and  rivulets,  and  clad  with  noble  forests  of  hickory, 
walnut,  ash,  poplar,  sugar-maple,  and  wild  cherry  trees.  Oc- 
casionally there  were  spacious  plains  covered  with  wild  rye ; 
natural  meadows,  with  blue  grass  and  clover ;  and  buffaloes, 
thirty  and  forty  at  a  time,  grazing  on  them  as  in  a  cultivated 
pasture.  Deer,  elk,  and  wild  turkeys  abounded,  t*  Nothing  is 
wanted  but  cultivation,"  said  Gist,  "  to  make  this  a  most  de- 
lightful country."  Cultivation  has  since  proved  the  truth  of 
his  words.  The  country  thus  described  is  the  present  State 
of  Ohio. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  49 

Piqua,  where  Gist  and  Croghan  had  arrived,  was  the  princi- 
pal town  of  the  Twightwees  or  Miamis ;  the  most  powerful 
confederacy  of  the  West,  combining  four  tribes,  and  extending 
its  influence  even  beyond  the  Mississippi.  A  king  or  sachem 
of  one  or  other  of  the  different  tribes  presided  over  the  whole. 
The  head  chief  at  present  was  the  king  of  the  Piankeshas. 

At  this  town  Croghan  formed  a  treaty  of  alliance  in  the  name 
of  the  Governor  of  Pennsylvania  with  two  of  the  Miami  tribes. 
And  Gist  was  promised  by  the  king  of  the  Piankeshas  that  the 
chiefs  of  the  various  tribes  would  attend  the  meeting  at  Logs- 
town  to  make  a  treaty  with  Virginia. 

In  the  height  of  these  demonstrations  of  friendship,  two 
Ottawas  entered  the  council-house,  announcing  themselves  as 
envoys  from  the  French  Governor  of  Canada  to  seek  a  renewal 
of  ancient  alliance.  They  were  received  with  all  due  ceremo- 
nial ;  for  none  are  more  ceremonious  than  the  Indians.  The 
French  colors  were  set  up  beside  the  English,  and  the  ambassa- 
dors opened  their  mission.  "  Your  father,  the  French  king," 
said  they,  "remembering  his  children  on  the  Ohio,  has  sent 
them  these  two  kegs  of  milk,"  here,  with  great  solemnity,  they 
deposited  two  kegs  of  brandy,  —  u  and  this  tobacco  ;  "  —  here 
they  deposited  a  roll  ten  pounds  in  weight.  "  He  has  made  a 
clean  road  for  you  to  come  and  see  him  and  his  officers ;  and 
urges  you  to  come,  assuring  you  that  all  past  differences  will  be 
forgotten." 

The  Piankesha  chief  replied  in  the  same  figurative  style.  "  It 
is  true  our  father  has  sent  for  us  several  times,  and  has  said  the 
road  was  clear ;  but  I  understand  it  is  not  clear  —  it  is  foul  and 
bloody,  and  the  French  have  made  it  so.  We  have  cleared  a 
road  for  our  brothers,  the  English ;  the  French  have  made  it 
bad.  and  have  taken  some  of  our  brothers  prisoners.  This  we 
consider  as  done  to  ourselves."  So  saying,  he  turned  his  back 
upon  the  ambassadors,  and  stalked  out  of  the  council-house. 

In  the  end  the  ambassadors  were  assured  that  the  tribes  of 
the  Ohio  and  the  Six  Nations  were  hand  in  hand  with  their 
brothers,  the  English  ;  and  should  war  ensue  with  the  French, 
they  were  ready  to  meet  it. 

So  the  French  colors  were  taken  down  ;  the  "  kegs  of  milk  " 
and  roll  of  tobacco  were  rejected ;  the  grand  council  broke  up 
with  a  war-dance,  and  the  ambassadors  departed,  weeping  and 
howling,  and  predicting  ruin  to  the  Miamis. 

When  Gist  returned  to  the  Shawnee  town,  near  the  mouth  of 
the  Scioto,  and  reported  to  his  Indian  friends  there  the  alliance 
he  had  formed  with  the  Miami  confederacy,  there  was    great 


50  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

feasting  and  speech-making,  and  firing  of  guns.  He  had  now 
happily  accomplished  the  chief  object  of  his  mission — nothing 
remained  but  to  descend  the  Ohio  to  the  Great  Falls.  This, 
however,  he  was  cautioned  not  to  do.  A  large  party  of  Indians, 
allies  of  the  French,  were  hunting  in  that  neighborhood,  who 
might  kill  or  capture  him.  He  crossed  the  river,  attended  only 
by  a  lad  as  a  travelling  companion  and  aid,  and  proceeded 
cautiously  down  the  east  side  until  within  fifteen  miles  of  the 
Falls.  Here  he  came  upon  traps  newly  set,  and  Indian  foot- 
prints not  a  day  old  ;  and  heard  the  distant  report  of  guns. 
The  story  of  Indian  hunters  then  was  true.  He  was  in  a  dan- 
gerous neighborhood.  The  savages  might  come  upon  the  tracks 
of  his  horses,  or  hear  the  bells  put  about  their  necks,  when 
turned  loose  in  the  wilderness  to  graze. 

Abandoning  all  idea,  therefore,  of  visiting  the  Falls,  and  con- 
tenting himself  with  the  information  concerning  them  which  he 
had  received  from  others,  he  shaped  his  course  on  the  18th  of 
March  for  the  Cuttawa,  or  Kentucky  River.  From  the  top 
of  a  mountain  in  the  vicinity  he  had  a  view  to  the  south-west  as 
far  as  the  eye  could  reach,  over  a  vast  woodland  country  in  the 
fresh  garniture  of  spring,  and  watered  by  abundant  streams ; 
but  as  yet  only  the  hunting-ground  of  savage  tribes,  and  the 
scene  of  their  sanguinary  combats.  In  a  word,  Kentucky  lay 
spread  out  before  him  in  all  its  wild  magnificence  ;  long  before 
it  was  beheld  by  Daniel  Boone. 

For  six  weeks  was  this  hardy  pioneer  making  his  toilful  way 
up  the  valley  of  the  Cuttawa,  or  Kentucky  River,  to  the  banks 
of  the  Blue  Stone  ;  often  checked  by  precipices,  and  obliged  to 
seek  fords  at  the  heads  of  tributary  streams  ;  and  happy  when 
he  could  find  a  buffalo  path  broken  through  the  tangled  forests, 
or  worn  into  the  everlasting  rocks. 

On  the  1st  of  May  he  climbed  a  rock  sixty  feet  high,  crown- 
ing a  lofty  mountain,  and  had  a  distant  view  of  the  great  Kana- 
wha, breaking  its  way  through  a  vast  sierra  ;  crossing  that  river 
on  a  raft  of  his  own  construction,  he  had  many  more  weary  days 
before  him,  before  he  reached  his  frontier  abode  on  the  banks  of 
the  Yadkin.  He  arrived  there  in  the  latter  part  of  May,  but 
there  was  no  one  to  welcome  the  wanderer  home.  There  had 
been  an  Indian  massacre  in  the  neighborhood,  and  he  found  his 
house  silent  and  deserted.  His  heart  sank  within  him,  until  an 
old  man  whom  he  met  near  the  place  assured  him  his  family 
were  safe,  having  fled  for  refuge  to  a  settlement  thirty-five  miles 
off,  on  the  banks  of  the  Roanoke.  There  he  rejoined  them  on 
the  following  day. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  51 

While  Gist  had  been  making  his  painful  way  homeward,  the 
two  Ottawa  ambassadors  had  returned  to  Fort  Sandusky,  bring- 
ing word  to  the  French  that  their  flag  had  been  struck  in  the 
council-house  at  Piqua,  and  their  friendship  rejected  and  their 
hostility  defied  by  the  Miamis.  They  informed  them  also  of  the 
gathering  of  the  western  tribes  that  was  to  take  place  at  Logs- 
town,  to  conclude  a  treaty  with  the  Virginians. 

It  was  a  great  object  with  the  French  to  prevent  this  treaty, 
and  to  spirit  up  the  Ohio  Indians  against  the  English.  This 
they  hoped  to  effect  through  the  agency  of  one  Captain  Joncaire, 
a  veteran  diplomatist  of  the  wilderness,  whose  character  and 
story  deserve  a  passing  notice. 

He  had  been  taken  prisoner  when  quite  young  by  the  Iroquois, 
and  adopted  into  one  of  their  tribes.  This  was  the  making  of 
his  fortune.  He  had  grown  up  among  them,  acquired  their 
language,  adapted  himself  to  their  habits,  and  was  considered 
by  them  as  one  of  themselves.  On  returning  to  civilized  life  he 
became  a  prime  instrument  in  the  hands  of  the  Canadian  govern- 
ment, for  managing  and  cajoling  the  Indians.  Sometimes  he 
was  an  ambassador  to  the  Iroquois  ;  sometimes  a  mediator 
between  the  jarring  tribes  ;  sometimes  a  leader  of  their  warriors 
when  employed  by  the  French.  When  in  1728  the  Delawares 
and  Shawnees  migrated  to  the  banks  of  the  Ohio,  Joncaire  was 
the  agent  who  followed  them,  and  prevailed  on  them  to  consider 
themselves  under  French  protection.  When  the  French  wanted 
to  get  a  commanding  site  for  a  post  on  the  Iroquois  lands,  near 
Niagara,  Joncaire  was  the  man  to  manage  it.  He  craved  a 
situation  where  he  might  put  up  a  wigwam,  and  dwell  among  his 
Iroquois  brethren.  It  was  granted  of  course,  "  for  was  he  not 
a  son  of  the  tribe — was  he  not  one  of  themselves?"  By 
degrees  his  wigwam  grew  into  an  important  trading  post ;  ulti- 
mately it  became  Fort  Niagara.  Years  and  years  had  elapsed  ; 
he  had  grown  gray  in  Indian  diplomacy,  and  was  now  sent  once 
more  to  maintain  French  sovereignty  over  the  valley  of  the 
Ohio. 

He  appeared  at  Logstown  accompanied  by  another  French- 
man, and  40  Iroquois  warriors.  He  found  an  assemblage  of  the 
western  tribes,  feasting  and  rejoicing,  and  firing  of  guns,  for 
George  Croghan  and  Montour  the  interpreter  were  there,  and 
had  been  distributing  presents  on  behalf  of  the  Governor  of 
Pennsylvania. 

Joncaire  was  said  to  have  the  wit  of  a  Frenchman,  and  the 
eloquence  of  an  Iroquois.  He  made  an  animated  speech  to  the 
chiefs  in  their  own  tongue,  the  gist  of  which  was  that  their  father 


52  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Onontio  (that  is  to  say,  the  Governor  of  Canada)  desired  his 
children  of  the  Ohio  to  turn  away  the  Indian  traders,  and  never 
to  deal  with  them  again  on  pain  of  his  displeasure  ;  so  saying, 
he  laid  down  a  wampum  belt  of  uncommon  size,  by  way  of  em- 
phasis to  his  message. 

For  once  his  eloquence  was  of  no  avail ;  a  chief  rose  indig- 
nantly, shook  his  finger  in  his  face,  and  stamping  on  the  ground, 
"  This  is  our  land,"  said  he.  "  What  right  has  Onontio  here? 
The  English  are  our  brothers.  They  shall  live  amoug  us  as 
long  as  one  of  us  is  alive.  We  will  trade  with  them,  and  not 
with  you,"  and  so  saying  he  rejected  the  belt  of  wampum. 

Joncaire  returned  to  an  advanced  post  recently  established  on 
the  upper  part  of  the  river,  whence  he  wrote  to  the  Governor 
of  Pennsylvania  :  "  The  Marquis  de  la  Jonquiere,  Governor  of 
New  France,  having  ordered  me  to  watch  that  the  English  make 
no  treaty  in  the  Ohio  country,  I  have  signified  to  the  traders  of 
your  government  to  retire.  You  are  not  ignorant  that  all  these 
lands  belong  to  the  King  of  France,  and  that  the  English  have 
no  right  to  trade  in  them."  He  concluded  by  reiterating  the 
threat  made  two  years  previously  by  Celeron  de  Bienville  against 
all  intruding  fur  traders. 

In  the  mean  time,  in  the  face  of  all  these  protests  and  men- 
aces, Mr.  Gist,  under  sanction  of  the  Virginia  Legislature,  pro- 
ceeded in  the  same  year  to  survey  the  lands  within  the  grant  of 
the  Ohio  Company,  lying  on  the  south  side  of  the  Ohio  River,  as 
far  down  as  the  great  Kanawha.  An  old  Delaware  sachem, 
meeting  him  while  thus  employed,  propounded  a  somewhat 
puzzling  question.  "  The  French,"  said  he,  "  claim  all  the  land 
on  one  side  of  the  Ohio,  the  English  claim  all  the  land  on  the 
other  side  —  now  where  does  the  Indian's  land  lie?" 

Poor  savages!  Between  their  "  fathers,"  the  French,  and 
their  "  brothers,"  the  English,  they  were  in  a  fair  way  of  being 
most  lovingly  shared  out  of  the  whole  country. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  53 


CHAPTER  VI. 

PREPARATIONS     FOR    HOSTILITIES  —  WASHINGTON     APPOINTED    DIS- 
TRICT     ADJUTANT      GENERAL MOUNT      VERNON      A     SCHOOL     OF 

ARMS ADJUTANT    MUSE    A   VETERAN  CAMPAIGNER JACOB  VAN 

BRAAM    THE    MASTER    OFFENCE ILL    HEALTH  OF  WASHINGTON'S 

BROTHER    LAWRENCE VOYAGE  WITH    HIM   TO   THE  WEST    INDIES 

SCENES      AT      BARBADOES  TROPICAL      FRUITS  BEEFSTEAK 

AND    TRIPE     CLUB  —  RETURN     HOME     OF     WASHINGTON  —  DEATH 
OF    LAWRENCE. 

The  French  now  prepared  for  hostile  contingencies.  They 
launched  an  armed  vessel  of  unusual  size  on  Lake  Ontario ; 
fortified  their  trading  house  at  Niagara;  strengthened  their  out- 
posts, and  advanced  others  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Ohio.  A 
stir  of  warlike  preparation  was  likewise  to  be  observed  among 
the  British  colonies.  It  was  evident  that  the  adverse  claims  to 
the  disputed  territories,  if  pushed  home,  could  only  be  settled 
by  the  stern  arbitrament  of  the  sword. 

In  Virginia,  especially,  the  war  spirit  was  manifest.  The 
province  was  divided  into  military  districts,  each  having  an 
adjutant  general,  with  the  rank  of  major,  and  the  pay  of  one 
hundred  and  fifty  pounds  a  year,  whose  duty  was  to  attend  to 
the  organization  and  equipment  of  the  militia. 

Such  an  appointment  was  sought  by  Lawrence  Washington 
for  his  brother  George.  It  shows  what  must  have  been  the 
maturity  of  the  mind  of  the  latter,  and  the  confidence  inspired 
by  his  judicious  conduct  and  aptness  for  business,  that  the  poot 
should  not  only  be  sought  for  him,  but  readily  obtained  ;  though 
he  was  yet  but  nineteen  years  of  age.  He  proved  himself  worthy 
of  the  appointment. 

He  now  set  about  preparing  himself,  with  his  usual  method 
and  assiduity,  for  his  new  duties.  Virginia  had  among  its  float- 
ing population  some  military  relics  of  the  late  Spanish  war. 
Among  these  was  a  certain  Adjutant  Muse,  a  Westmoreland 
volunteer,  who  had  served  with  Lawrence  Washington  in  the 
campaigns  in  the  West  Indies,  and  had  been  with  him  in  the 
attack  on  Carthagena.  He  now  undertook  to  instruct  his  brother 
George  in  the  art  of  war ;  lent  him  treatises  on  military  tactics  ; 
put  him  through  the  manual  exercise,  and  gave  him  some  idea 
of  evolutions  in  the  field.  Another  of  Lawrence's  campaigning 
comrades  was  Jacob  Van  Braam,  a  Dutchman  by  birth  ;  a  soldier 


54  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

of  fortune  of  the  Dalgetty  order ;  who  had  been  in  the  British 
army,  but  was  now  out  of  service,  and,  professing  to  be  a  com- 
plete master  of  fence,  recruited  his  slender  purse  in  this  time  of 
military  excitement,  by  giving  the  Virginian  youth  lessons  in 
the  sword  exercise. 

Under  the  instructions  of  these  veterans  Mount  Vernon,  from 
being  a  quiet  rural  retreat,  where  Washington,  three  }'ears  pre- 
viously, had  indited  love  ditties  to  his  "  lowland  beauty,"  was 
suddenly  transformed  into  a  school  of  arms,  as  he  practised 
the  manual  exercise  with  Adjutant  Muse,  or  took  lessons  on  the 
broadsword  from  Van  Braam. 

His  martial  studies,  however,  were  interrupted  for  a  time  by 
the  critical  state  of  his  brother's  health.  The  constitution  of 
Lawrence  had  always  been  delicate,  and  he  had  been  obliged 
repeatedly  to  travel  for  a  change  of  air.  There  were  now  pul- 
monary symptoms  of  a  threatening  nature,  and  by  advice  of  his 
physicians  he  determined  to  pass  a  winter  in  the  West  Indies, 
taking  with  him  his  favorite  brother  George  as  a  companion. 

They  accordingly  sailed  for  Barbadoes  on  the  28th  of  Septem- 
ber, 1751.  George  kept  a  journal  of  the  voyage  with  log-book 
brevity ;  recording  the  wind  and  weather,  but  no  events  worth 
citation.  They  landed  at  Barbadoes  on  the  3d  of  November. 
The  resident  physician  of  the  place  gave  a  favorable  report  of 
Lawrence's  case,  and  held  out  hopes  of  a  cure.  The  brothers 
were  delighted  with  the  aspect  of  the  country,  as  they  drove  out 
in  the  cool  of  the  evening,  and  beheld  on  all  sides  fields  of  sugar 
cane,  and  Indian  corn,  and  groves  of  tropical  trees,  in  full  fruit 
and  foliage. 

They  took  up  their  abode  at  a  house  pleasantly  situated 
about  a  mile  from  town,  commanding  an  extensive  prospect  of 
sea  and  land,  including  Carlyle  bay  and  its  shipping,  and 
belonging  to  Captain  Crofton,  commander  of  James  Fort. 

Barbadoes  had  its  theatre,  at  which  Washington  witnessed 
for  the  first  time  a  dramatic  representation,  a  species  of  amuse- 
ment of  which  he  afterward  became  fond.  It  was  in  the  pres- 
ent instance  the  doleful  tragedy  of  George  Barnwell.  "The 
characters  of  Barnwell,  and  several  others,"  notes  he  in  his 
journal,  "were  said  to  be  well  performed.  There  was  music 
adapted  and  regularly  conducted."  A  safe  but  abstemious 
criticism. 

Among  the  hospitalities  of  the  place  the  brothers  were 
invited  to  the  house  of  a  Judge  Maynards,  to  dine  with  an 
association  of  the  first  people  of  the  place,  who  met  at  each 
other's  houses  alternately  every   Saturday,   under   the    iucon- 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  55 

testably  English  title  of  "  The  Beefsteak  and  Tripe  Club." 
Washington  notes  with  admiration  the  profusion  of  tropical 
fruits  with  which  the  table  was  loaded,  "  the  granadilla, 
sapadella,  pomegranate,  sweet  orange,  water-lemon,  forbidden 
fruit,  and  guava."  The  homely  prosaic  beefsteak  and  tripe 
must  have  contrasted  strangely,  though  sturdily,  with  these 
magnificent  poetical  fruits  of  the  tropics.  But  John  Bull  is 
faithful  to  his  native  habits  and  native  dishes,  whatever  may 
be  the  country  or  clime,  and  wouM  set  up  a  chop-house  at  the 
very  gates  of  paradise. 

The  brothers  had  scarcely  been  a  fortnight  at  the  island 
when  George  was  taken  down  by  a  severe  attack  of  small-; 
pox.  Skilful  medical  treatment,  with  the  kind  attentions  of 
friends,  and  especially  of  his  brother,  restored  him  to  health 
in  about  three  weeks  ;  but  his  face  always  remained  slightly 
marked. 

After  his  recovery  he  made  excursions  about  the  island, 
noticing  its  soil,  productions,  fortifications,  public  works,  and 
the  manners  of  its  inhabitants.  While  admiring  the  pro- 
ductiveness of  the  sugar  plantations,  he  was  shocked  at  the 
spendthrift  habits  of  the  planters,  and  their  utter  want  of 
management. 

"  How  wonderful,"  writes  he,  "  that  such  people  should  be 
in  debt,  and  not  be  able  to  indulge  themselves  in  all  the  lux- 
uries, as  well  as  the  necessaries  of  life.  Yet  so  it  happens. 
Estates  are  often  alienated  for  debts.  How  persons  coming 
to  estates  of  two,  three,  and  four  hundred  acres  can  want,  is  to 
me  most  wonderful."  How  much  does  this  wonder  speak  for 
his  own  scrupulous  principle  of  always  living  within  compass. . 

The  residence  at  Barbadoes  failed  to  have  the  anticipated 
effect  on  the  health  of  Lawrence,  and  he  determined  to  seek 
the  sweet  climate  of  Bermuda  in  the  spring.  He  felt  the 
absence  from  his  wife,  and  it  was  arranged  that  George  should 
return  to  Virginia,  and  bring  her  out  to  meet  him  at  that  island. 
Accordingly,  on  the  22d  of  December,  George  set  sail  in  the) 
Industry,  bound  to  Virginia,  where  he  arrived  on  the  1st  Feb-/ 
ruary,  1752,  after  five  weeks  of  stormy  winter  seafaring. 

Lawrence  remained  through  the  winter  at  Barbadoes  ;  but 
the  very  mildness  of  the  climate  relaxed  and  enervated  him. 
He  felt  the  want  of  the  bracing  winter  weather  to  which  he 
had  been  accustomed.  P>en  the  invariable  beauty  of  the 
climate,  the  perpetual  summer,  wearied  the  restless  invalid. 
**  This  is  the  finest  island  of  the  West  Indies,"  said  he  ;  "  but 
I  own  no  place  can  please  me  without  a  change  of  seasons. 


56  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

We  soon  tire  of  the  same  prospect.''  A  consolatory  truth  for 
the  inhabitants  of  more  capricious  climes. 

Still  some  of  the  worst  symptoms  of  his  disorder  had  disap- 
peared, and  he  seemed  to  be  slowly  recovering ;  but  the 
nervous  restlessness  and  desire  of  change,  often  incidental  to 
his  malady,  had  taken  hold  of  him,  and  early  in  March  he 
hastened  to  Bermuda.  He  had  come  too  soon.  The  keen  air 
of  early  spring  brought  on  an  aggravated  return  of  his  worst 
symptoms.  "  I  have  now  got  to  my  last  refuge,"  writes  he  to 
a  friend,  "  where  I  must  receive  my  final  sentence,  which  at 
present  Dr.  Forbes  will  not  pronounce.  He  leaves  me,  how- 
ever, I  think,  like  a  criminal  condemned,  though  not  without 
hopes  of  reprieve.  But  this  I  am  to  obtain  by  meritoriously 
abstaining  from  flesh  of  every  sort,  all  strong  liquors,  and  by 
riding  as  much  as  I  can  bear.  These  are  the  only  terms  on 
which  I  am  to  hope  for  life." 

He  was  now  afflicted  with  painful  indecision,  and  his  letters 
perplexed  his  famity,  leaving  them  uncertain  as  to  his  move- 
ments, and  at  a  loss  how  to  act.  At  one  time  he  talked  of 
remaining  a  year  at  Bermuda,  and  wrote  to  his  wife  to  come 
out  with  George  and  rejoin  him  there ;  but  the  very  same  letter 
shows  his  irresolution  and  uncertainty,  for  he  leaves  her  coming 
to  the  decision  of  herself  and  friends.  As  to  his  own  move- 
ments, he  says,  "  Six  weeks  will  determine  me  what  to  resolve 
on.  Forbes  advises  the  south  of  France,  or  else  Barbadoes." 
The  very  next  letter,  written  shortly  afterward  in  a  moment  of 
despondency,  talks  of  the  possibility  of  "  hurrying  home  to  his 
grave  ! ' ' 

•  The  last  was  no  empty  foreboding.  He  did  indeed  hasten 
back,  and  just  reached  Mount  Vernon  in  time  to  die  under  his 
own  roof,  surrounded  by  his  family  and  friends,  and  attended 
in  his  last  moments  by  that  brother  on  whose  manly  affection 
his  heart  seemed  to  repose.  His  death  took  place  on  the  2Gth 
July,  1752,  when  but  thirty-four  years  of  age.  He  was  a 
noble-spirited,  pure-minded,  accomplished  gentleman  ;  honored 
by  the  public,  and  beloved  by  his  friends.  The  paternal  care 
ever  manifested  by  him  for  his  youthful  brother,  George,  and 
the  influence  his  own  character  and  conduct  must  have  had 
upon  him  in  his  ductile  years,  should  link  their  memories 
together  in  history,  and  endear  the  name  of  Lawrence  Wash- 
ington to  every  American. 

Lawrence  left  a  wife  and  an  infant  daughter  to  inherit  his 
ample  estates.  In  case  his  daughter  should  die  without  issue, 
the  estate  of  Mount  Vernon,  and  other  lands  specified  in  his 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  57 

will,  were  to  be  enjoyed  by  her  mother  during  her  lifetime,  and 
at  her  death  to  be  inherited  by  his  brother  George.  The  latter 
was  appointed  one  of  the  executors  of  the  will ;  but  such  was 
the  implicit  confidence  reposed  in  his  judgment  and  integrity, 
that,  although  he  was  but  twenty  years  of  age,  the  manage- 
ment of  the  affairs  of  the  deceased  was  soon  devolved  upon 
him  almost  entirely.  It  is  needless  to  say  that  they  were  man- 
aged with  consummate  skill  and  scrupulous  fidelity. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

COUNCIL    OF   THE    OHIO  TRIBES    AT    LOGSTOWN TREATY  WITH  THE 

ENGLISH GIST'S    SETTLEMENT SPEECHES    OF   THE    HALF-KING 

AND     THE      FRENCH      COMMANDANT  FRENCH       AGGRESSIONS 

THE     RUINS     OF     PIQUA WASHINGTON    SENT     ON    A    MISSION   TO 

THE  FRENCH  COMMANDER JACOB  VAN  BRAAM,  HIS  INTERPRE- 
TER  CHRISTOPHER  GIST,  HIS  GUIDE HALT  AT  THE  CONFLU- 
ENCE   OF   THE   MONONGAHELA  AND  ALLEGANY PROJECTED  FORT 

SIIINGISS,  A  DELAWARE  SACHEM LOGSTOWN  THE  HALF- 
KING  INDIAN  COUNCILS INDIAN  DIPLOMACY  --  RUMORS  CON- 
CERNING      JONCAIRE  INDIAN        ESCORTS  THE       HALF-KING, 

JESKAKAKE,  AND    WHITE   THUNDER. 

The  meeting  of  the  Ohio  tribes,  Delawares,  Shawnees,  and 
Mingoes,  to  form  a  treaty  of  alliance  with  Virginia,  took  place 
at  Logstown,  at  the  appointed  time.  The  chiefs  of  the  Six 
Nations  declined  to  attend.  "  It  is  not  our  custom,"  said  they 
proudly,  "  to  meet  to  treat  of  affairs  in  the  woods  and  weeds. 
If  the  Governor  of  Virginia  wants  to  speak  with  us,  and  deliver 
us  a  present  from  our  father  (the  King) ,  we  will  meet  him  at 
Albany,  where  we  expect  the  Governor  of  New  York  will  be 
present."  1 

At  Logstown,  Colonel  Fry  and  two  other  commissioners  from 
Virginia,  concluded  a  treaty  with  the  tribes  above  named  ;  by 
which  the  latter  engaged  not  to  molest  any  English  settlers 
south  of  the  Ohio.  Tanacharisson,  the  half-king,  now  advised 
that  his  brothers  of  Virginia  should  build  a  strong  house  at  the 
fork  of  the  Monongahela,  to  resist  the  designs  of  the  French. 
Mr.  Gist  was  accordingly  instructed  to  lay  out  a  town  and 
build  a  fort  at  Chartier's  Creek,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Ohio, 

1  Letter  of  Colonel  Johnson  to  Governor  Clinton.  —  Doc.  Hist.  N.  Y.  ii.,  624. 


58  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

a  little  below  the  site  of  the  present  city  of  Pittsburg.  He 
commenced  a  settlement,  also,  in  a  valley  just  beyond  Laural 
Hill,  not  far  from  the  Youghiogeny,  and  prevailed  on  eleven 
families  to  join  him.  The  Ohio  Company,  about  the  same 
time,  established  a  trading  post,  well  stocked  with  English 
goods,  at  Wills'  Creek  (now  the  town  of  Cumberland). 

The  Ohio  tribes  were  greatly  incensed  at  the  aggressions  of 
the  French,  who  were  erecting  posts  within  their  territories, 
and  sent  deputations  to  remonstrate,  but  without  effect.  The 
half-king,  as  chief  of  the  western  tribes,  repaired  to  the 
French  post  on  Lake  Erie,  where  he  made  his  complaint  in 
person. 

"Fathers,"  said  he,  "you  are  the  disturbers  of  this  land 
by  building  towns,  and  taking  the  country  from  us  by  fraud 
and  force.  We  kindled  a  fire  a  long  time  ago  at  Montreal, 
where  we  desired  you  to  stay  and  not  to  come  and  intrude 
upon  our  land.  I  now  advise  you  to  return  to  that  place,  for 
this  land  is  ours. 

"  If  you  had  come  in  a  peaceable  manner,  like  our  brothers 
the  English,  we  should  have  traded  with  you  as  we  do  with 
them  ;  but  that  you  should  come  and  build  houses  on  our  land, 
and  take  it  by  force,  is  what  we  cannot  submit  to.  Both  you 
and  the  English  are  white.  We  live  in  a  country  between 
you  both  ;  the  land  belongs  to  neither  of  you.  The  Great  Being 
allotted  it  to  us  as  a  residence.  So,  fathers,  I  desire  you,  as  I 
have  desired  our  brothers  the  English,  to  withdraw,  for  I  will 
keep  you  both  at  arm's  length.  Whichever  most  regards  this 
request,  that  side  will  wre  stand  by  and  consider  friends.  Our 
brothers  the  English  have  heard  this,  and  I  now  come  to  tell  it 
to  you,  for  I  am  not  afraid  to  order  you  off  this  land." 

"Child,"  replied  the  French  commandant,  "  you  talk  fool- 
ishly. You  say  this  land  belongs  to  you  ;  there  is  not  the  black 
of  my  nail  yours.  It  is  my  land,  and  I  will  have  it,  let  who 
will  stand  up  against  me.  I  am  not  afraid  of  flies  and  mos- 
quitoes, for  as  such  I  consider  the  Indians.  I  tell  you  that 
down  the  river  I  will  go,  and  build  upon  it.  If  it  were  blocked 
up  I  have  forces  sufficient  to  burst  it  open  and  trample  down 
all  who  oppose  me.  My  force  is  as  the  sand  upon  the  sea- 
shore.    Therefore  here  is  your  wampum  ;  I  fling  it  at  you." 

Tanacharisson  returned,  wounded  at  heart,  both  by  the  lan- 
guage and  the  haughty  manner  of  the  French  commandant. 
He  saw  the  ruin  impending  over  his  race,  but  looked  with  hope 
and  trust  to  the  English  as  the  power  least  disposed  to  wrong 
the  red  man. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  59 

French  influence  was  successful  in  other  quarters.  Some  of 
the  Indians  who  had  been  friendly  to  the  English  showed  signs 
of  alienation.  Others  menaced  hostilities.  There  were  reports 
that  the  French  were  ascending  the  Mississippi  from  Louisiana. 
France,  it  was  said,  intended  to  connect  Louisiana  and  Canada 
by  a  chain  of  military  posts,  and  hem  the  English  within  the 
Allegany  Mountains. 

The  Ohio  Company  complained  loudly  to  the  Lieutenant- 
Governor  of  Virginia,  the  Hon.  Robert  Dinwiddie,  of  the 
hostile  conduct  of  the  French  and  their  Indian  allies.  They 
found  in  Dinwiddie  a  ready  listener ;  he  was  a  stockholder  in 
the  company. 

A  commissioner,  Captain  William  Trent,  was  sent  to  expos- 
tulate with  the  French  commander  on  the  Ohio  for  his  aggressions 
on  the  territory  of  his  Britannic  majesty  ;  he  bore  presents  also 
of  guns,  powder,  shot,  and  clothing  for  the  friendly  Indians. 

Trent  was  not  a  man  of  the  true  spirit  for  a  mission  to  the 
frontier.  He  stopped  a  short  time  at  Logstown,  though  the 
French  were  one  hundred  and  fifty  miles  further  up  the  river, 
and  directed  his  course  to  Piqua,  the  great  town  of  the  Twight- 
wees,  where  Gist  and  Croghan  had  been  so  well  received  by  the 
Miamis,  and  the  French  flag  struck  in  the  council-house.  All 
now  was  reversed.  The  place  had  been  attacked  by  the  French 
and  Indians  ;  the  Miamis  defeated  with  great  loss  ;  the  English 
traders  taken  prisoners ;  the  Piankesha  chief,  who  had  so 
proudly  turned  his  back  upon  the  Ottawa  ambassadors,  had 
been  sacrificed  by  the  hostile  savages,  and  the  French  flag 
hoisted  in  triumph  on  the  ruins  of  the  town.  The  whole  aspect 
of  affairs  was  so  threatening  on  the  frontier,  that  Trent  lost 
heart,  and  returned  home  without  accomplishing  his  errand. 

Governor  Dinwiddie  now  looked  round  for  a  person  more 
fitted  to  fulfil  a  mission  which  required  physical  strength  and 
moral  energy ;  a  courage  to  cope  with  savages,  and  a  sagacity 
to  negotiate  with  white  men.  Washington  was  pointed  out  as 
possessed  of  those  requisites.  It  is  true  he  was  not  yet  twenty- 
two  years  of  age,  but  public  confidence  in  his  judgment  and 
abilities  had  been  manifested  a  second  time,  by  renewing  his 
appointment  of  adjutant-general,  and  assigning  him  the  north- 
ern division.  He  was  acquainted  too  with  the  matters  in  litiga- 
tion, having  been  in  the  bosom  councils  of  his  deceased  brother. 
His  woodland  experience  fitted  him  for  an  expedition  through 
the  wilderness ;  and  his  great  discretion  and  self-command  for 
a  negotiation  with  wily  commanders  and  fickle  savages.  He 
was  accordingly  chosen  for  the  expedition. 


60  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

By  his  letter  of  instructions  he  was  directed  to  repair  to 
Logstown,  and  hold  a  communication  with  Tanacharisson, 
Monacatoocha,  alias  Scarooyadi,  the  next  in  command,  and  the 
other  sachems  of  the  mixed  tribes  friendly  to  the  English ; 
inform  them  of  the  purport  of  his  errand,  and  request  an  escort 
to  the  head-quarters  of  the  French  commander.  To  that  com- 
mander he  was  to  deliver  his  credentials,  and  the  letter  of 
Governor  Dinwiddie,  and  demand  an  answer  in  the  name  of  his 
Britannic  majesty  ;  but  not  to  wait  for  it  beyond  a  week.  On 
receiving  it,  he  was  to  request  a  sufficient  escort  to  protect  him 
on  his  return. 

He  was,  moreover,  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  numbers  and 
force  of  the  French  stationed  on  the  Ohio  and  in  its  vicinity ; 
their  capability  of  being  re-enforced  from  Canada  ;  the  forts  they 
had  erected  ;  where  situated,  how  garrisoned ;  the  object  of 
their  advancing  into  those  parts,  and  how  they  were  likely  to 
be  supported. 

Washington  set  off  from  Williamsburg  on  the  30th  of  October 
(1753),  the  very  day  on  which  he  received  his  credentials.  At 
Fredericksburg  he  engaged  his  old  "  master  of  fence,"  Jacob 
Van  Braam,  to  accompan}'  him  as  interpreter ;  though  it  would 
appear  from  subsequent  circumstances,  that  the  veteran 
swordsman  was  but  indifferently  versed  either  in  French  or 
English. 

Having  provided  himself  at  Alexandria  with  necessaries  for 
the  journey,  he  proceeded  to  Winchester,  then  on  the  frontier, 
where  he  procured  horses,  tents,  and  other  travelling  equip- 
ments, and  then  pushed  on  by  a  road  newly  opened  to  Wills' 
Creek  (town  of  Cumberland),  where  he  arrived  on  the  14th  of 
November. 

Here  he  met  with  Mr.  Gist,  the  intrepid  pioneer,  who  had 
explored  the  Ohio  in  the  employ  of  the  company,  and  whom 
he  engaged  to  accompany  and  pilot  him  in  the  present  expedition. 
He  secured  the  services  also  of  one  John  Davidson  as  Indian 
interpreter,  and  of  four  frontiersmen,  two  of  whom  were 
Indian  traders.  With  this  little  band,  and  his  swordsman  and 
interpreter,  Jacob  Van  Braam,  he  set  forth  on  the  15th  of 
November,  through  a  wild  country,  rendered  almost  impassable 
by  recent  storms  of  rain  and  snow. 

At  the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek,  on  the  Monongahela,  he  found 
John  Frazier  the  Indian  trader,  some  of  whose  people,  as  here- 
tofore stated,  had  been  sent  off  prisoners  to  Canada.  Frazier 
himself  had  recently  been  ejected  by  the  French  from  the  Indian 
village  of  Venango,  where  he  had  a  gunsmith's  establishment. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  61 

According  to  his  account  the  French  general  who  had  com- 
manded on  this  frontier  was  dead,  and  the  greater  part  of  the 
forces  were  retired  into  winter  quarters. 

As  the  rivers  were  all  swollen  so  that  the  horses  had  to  swim 
them,  Washington  sent  all  the  baggage  down  the  Monongahela 
in  a  canoe  under  care  of  two  of  the  men,  who  had  orders  to 
meet  him  at  the  confluence  of  that  river  with  the  Allegany, 
where  their  united  waters  form  the  Ohio. 

"As  I  got  down  before  the  canoe,"  writes  he  in  his  journal. 
"  I  spent  some  time  in  viewing  the  rivers,  and  the  land  at  the 
Fork,  which  I  think  extremely  well  situated  for  a  fort,  as  it  has 
the  absolute  command  of  both  rivers.  The  land  at  the  point  is 
twenty  or  twenty-five  feet  above  the  common  surface  of  the 
water,  and  a  considerable  bottom  of  flat,  well-timbered  land  all 
around  it,  very  convenient  for  building.  The  rivers  are  each  a 
quarter  of  a  mile  or  more  across,  and  run  here  very  nearly  at 
right  angles ;  Allegany  bearing  north-east,  and  Monongahela 
south-east.  The  former  of  these  two  is  a  very  rapid  and  swift- 
running  water,  the  other  deep  and  still,  without  any  perceptible 
fall."  The  Ohio  Company  had  intended  to  build  a  fort  about 
two  miles  from  this  place,  on  the  south-east  side  of  the  river ; 
but  Washington  gave  the  fork  the  decided  preference.  French 
engineers  of  experience  proved  the  accuracy  of  his  military  eye, 
by  subsequently  choosing  it  for  the  site  of  Fort  Duquesne, 
noted  in  frontier  history. 

In  this  neighborhood  lived  Shingiss,  the  king  or  chief  sachem 
of  the  Delawares.  Washington  visited  him  at  his  village,  to 
invite  him  to  the  council  at  Logstown.  He  was  one  of  the 
greatest  warriors  of  his  tribe,  and  subsequently  took  up  the 
hatchet  at  various  times  against  the  English,  though  now  he 
seemed  favorably  disposed,  and  readily  accepted  the  invita- 
tion. 

They  arrived  at  Logstown  after  sunset  on  the  24th  of  No- 
vember. The  half-king  was  absent  at  his  hunting  lodge  on 
Beaver  Creek,  about  fifteen  miles  distant ;  but  Washington  had 
runners  sent  out  to  invite  him  and  all  the  other  chiefs  to  a 
grand  talk  on  the  following  day. 

In  the  morning  four  French-  deserters  came  into  the  village. 
They  had  deserted  from  a  company  of  one  hundred  men,  sent 
up  from  New  Orleans  with  eight  canoes  laden  with  provisions. 
Washington  drew  from  them  an  account  of  the  French  force  at 
New  Orleans,  and  of  the  forts  along  the  Mississippi,  and  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Wabash,  by  which  they  kept  up  a  communica- 
tion with  the  lakes ;  all  which  he  carefully  noted  down.     Tho 


6*2  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

deserters  were  on  their  way  to  Philadelphia,  conducted  by  a 
Pennsylvania  trader. 

About  three  o'clock  the  half-king  arrived.  Washington  had 
a  private  conversation  with  him  in  his  tent,  through  Davidson 
the  interpreter.  He  found  him  intelligent,  patriotic  and  proud- 
ly tenacious  of  his  territorial  rights.  We  have  already  cited 
from  Washington's  papers  the  account  given  by  this  chief  in 
this  conversation,  of  his  interview  with  the  late  French  com- 
mander. He  stated,  moreover,  that  the  French  had  built  two 
forts,  differing  in  size,  but  on  the  same  model,  a  plan  of  which 
he  gave,  of  his  own  drawing.  The  largest  was  on  Lake  Erie, 
the  other  on  French  Creek,  fifteen  miles  apart,  with  a  wagon 
road  between  them.  The  nearest  and  levelest  way  to  them  was 
now  impassable,  lying  through  large  and  miry  savannas ; 
they  would  have,  therefore,  to  go  by  Venango,  and  it  would 
take  five  or  six  sleeps  (or  days)  of  good  travelling  to  reach  the 
nearest  fort. 

On  the  following  morning  at  nine  o'clock,  the  chiefs  assem- 
bled at  the  council-house ;  where  Washington,  according  to  his 
instructions,  informed  them  that  he  was  sent  by  their  brother, 
the  Governor  of  Virginia,  to  deliver  to  the  French  commandant 
a  letter  of  great  importance,  both  to  their  brothers  the  English 
and  to  themselves ;  and  that  he  was  to  ask  their  advice  and 
assistance,  and  some  of  their  young  men  to  accompany  and 
provide  for  him  on  the  way,  and  be  his  safeguard  against  the 
"French  Indians"  who  had  taken  up  the  hatchet.  He  con- 
cluded by  presenting  the  indispensable  document  in  Indian 
diplomacy,  a  string  of  wampum. 

The  chiefs,  according  to  etiquette,  sat  for  some  moments 
silent  after  he  had  concluded,  as  if  ruminating  on  what  had 
been  said,  or  to  give  him  time  for  further  remark. 

The  half -king  then  rose  and  spoke  in  behalf  of  the  tribes, 
assuring  him  that  they  considered  the  English  and  themselves 
brothers,  and  one  people  ;  and  that  they  intended  to  return  the 
French  the  "  speech-belts,"  or  wampums,  which  the  latter  had 
sent  them.  This,  in  Indian  diplomacy,  is  a  renunciation  of  all 
friendly  relations.  An  escort  would  be  furnished  to  Washing- 
ton composed  of  Mingoes,  Shannoahs,  and  Delawares,  in  token 
of  the  love  and  loyalty  of  those  several  tribes ;  but  three  days 
would  be  required  to  prepare  for  the  journey. 

Washington  remonstrated  against  such  delay ;  but  was  in- 
formed, that  an  affair  of  such  moment,  where  three  speech- 
belts  were  to  be  given  up,  was  not  to  be  entered  into  without 
due  consideration.     Besides,  the  young  men  who  were  to  form 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  63 

the  escort  were  absent  hunting,  and  the  half-king  could  not 
suffer  the  party  to  go  without  sufficient  protection.  His  owil 
French  speech-belt,  also,  was  at  his  hunting  lodge,  whither  he 
must  go  in  quest  of  it.  Moreover,  the  Shannoah  chiefs  were 
yet  absent  and  must  be  waited  for.  In  short,  Washington  had 
his  first  lesson  in  Indian  diplomacy,  which  for  punctilio, 
ceremonial,  and  secret  manoeuvring,  is  equal  at  least  to  that  oi' 
civilized  life.  He  soon  found  that  to  urge  a  more  speedy 
departure  would  be  offensive  to  Indian  dignity  and  decorum, 
so  he  was  fain  to  await  the  gathering  together  of  the  different 
chiefs  with  their  speech-belts. 

In  fact  there  was  some  reason  for  all  this  caution.  Tidings 
had  reached  the  sachems  that  Captain  Joncaire  had  called  a 
meeting  at  Venango,  of  the  Mingoes,  Delawares,  and  other 
tribes,  and  made  them  a  speech,  informing  them  that  the 
French,  for  the  present,  had  gone  into  winter  quarters,  but 
intended  to  descend  the  river  in  great  force,  and  fight  the 
English  in  the  spring.  He  had  advised  them,  therefore,  to 
stand  aloof,  for  should  they  interfere,  the  French  and  English 
would  join,  cut  them  all  off,  and  divide  their  land  between  them. 

With  these  rumors  preying  on  their  minds,  the  half-king  and 
three  other  chiefs  waited  on  Washington  in  his  tent  in  the 
evening,  and  after  representing  that  they  had  complied  with  all 
the  requisitions  of  the  Governor  of  Virginia,  endeavored  to 
draw  from  the  youthful  ambassador  the  true  purport  of  his 
mission  to  the  French  commandant.  Washington  had  antici- 
pated an  inquiry  of  the  kind,  knowing  how  natural  it  was  that 
these  poor  people  should  regard,  with  anxiety  and  distrust, 
every  movement  of  two  formidable  powers  thus  pressing  upon 
them  from  opposite  sides,  he  managed,  however,  to  answer 
them  in  such  a  manner  as  to  allay  their  solicitude  without 
transcending  the  bounds  of  diplomatic  secrecy. 

After  a  day  or  two  more  of  delay  and  further  consultations 
in  the  council-house,  the  chiefs  determined  that  but  three  of 
their  number  should  accompany  the  mission,  as  a  greater  num- 
ber might  awaken  the  suspicions  of  the  French.  Accordingly, 
on  the  30th  of  November,  Washington  set  out  for  the  French 
post,  having  his  usual  party  augmented  by  an  Indian  hunter, 
and  being  accompanied  by  the  half-king,  an  old  Shannoah 
sachem  named  Jeskakake,  and  another  chief,  sometimes  called 
Belt  of  Wampum,  from  being  the  keeper  of  the  speech-belts, 
but  generally  bearing  the  sounding  appellation  of  White 
Thunder. 


64  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  VIII. 

ARRIVAL    AT    VENANGO CAPTAIN    JONCAIRE FRONTIER    REVELRY 

DISCUSSIONS     OVER      THE      BOTTLE THE      OLD      DIPLOMATIST 

AND    THE    YOUNG THE    HALF-KING,    JESKAKAKE,     AND     WHITE 

THUNDER     STAGGERED THE     SPEECH-BELT DEPARTURE LA 

FORCE,    THE     WILY     COMMISSARY FORT    AT     FRENCH     CREEK 

THE  CHEVALIER  LEGARDEUR  DE  ST.  PIERRE,  KNIGHT  OF  ST. 
LOUIS CAPTAIN  REPARTI TRANSACTIONS  AT  THE  FORT AT- 
TEMPTS   TO    SEDUCE   THE   SACHEMS MISCHIEF   BREWING   ON   THE 

FRONTIER DIFFICULTIES    AND    DELAYS    IN    PARTING DESCENT 

OF    FRENCH    CREEK ARRIVAL    AT   VENANGO. 

Although  the  distance  to  Venango,  by  the  route  taken,  was 
not  above  seventy  miles,  yet  such  was  the  inclemency  of  the 
weather  and  the  difficulty  of  travelling,  that  Washington  and 
his  party  did  not  arrive  there  until  the  4th  of  December.  The 
French  colors  were  flying  at  a  house  whence  John  Frazier,  the 
English  trader,  had  been  driven.  Washington  repaired  thither, 
and  inquired  of  three  French  officers  whom  he  saw  there  where 
the  commandant  resided.  One  of  them  promptly  replied  that 
he  "  had  the  command  of  the  Ohio."  It  was,  in  fact,  the 
redoubtable  Captain  Joncaire,  the  veteran  intriguer  of  the  fron- 
tier. On  being  apprised,  however,  of  the  nature  of  Washing- 
ton's errand,  he  informed  him  that  there  was  a  general  officer 
at  the  next  fort,  where  he  advised  him  to  apply  for  an  answer 
to  the  letter  of  which  he  was  the  bearer. 

In  the  mean  time,  he  invited  Washington  and  his  party  to  a 
supper  at  head-quarters.  It  proved  a  jovial  one,  for  Joncaire 
appears  to  have  been  somewhat  of  a  boon  companion,  and  there 
is  always  ready  though  rough  hospitality  in  the  wilderness.  It  is 
true,  Washington,  for  so  young  a  man,  may  not  have  had  the 
most  convivial  air,  but  there  may  have  been  a  moist  look  of 
promise  in  the  old  soldier  Van  Braam. 

Joncaire  and  his  brother  officers  pushed  the  bottle  briskly. 
"The  wine,"  sa3*s  Washington,  "as  they  dosed  themselves 
pretty  plentifully  with  it,  soon  banished  the  restraint  which  at 
first  appeared  in  their  conversation,  and  gave  a  license  to  their 
tongues  to  reveal  their  sentiments  more  freely.  They  told  me 
that  it  was  their  absolute  design  to  take  possession  of  the  Ohio, 
and  by  G  —  they  would  do  it ;  for  that  although  they  were  sen- 
sible the  English  could  raise  two  men  for  their  one,  yet  they 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  65 

knew  their  motions  were  too  slow  and  dilatory  to  prevent  any 
undertaking.  They  pretend  to  have  an  undoubted  right  to  the 
river  from  a  discovery  made  by  one  La  Salle  sixty  years  ago, 
and  the  rise  of  this  expedition  is  to  prevent  our  settling  on  the 
river  or  the  waters  of  it,  as  they  heard  of  some  families  moving- 
out  in  order  thereto." 

Washington  retained  his  sobriety  and  his  composure  through- 
out all  the  rodomontade  and  bacchanalian  outbreak  of  the 
mercurial  Frenchmen  ;  leaving  the  task  of  pledging  them  to  his 
master  of  fence,  Van  Braam,  who  was  not  a  man  to  flinch  from 
potations.  He  took  careful  note,  however,  of  all  their  revela- 
tions, and  collected  a  variety  of  information  concerning  the 
French  forces ;  how  and  where  they  were  distributed ;  the 
situations  and  distances  of  their  forts,  and  their  means  and 
mode  of  obtaining'supplies.  If  the  veteran  diplomatist  of  the 
wilderness  had  intended  this  revel  for  a  snare,  he  was  completely 
foiled  by  his  youthful  competitor. 

On  the  following  day  there  was  no  travelling  on  account  of 
excessive  rain.  Joncaire,  in  the  mean  time,  having  discovered 
that  the  half-king  was  with  the  mission,  expressed  his  surprise 
that  he  had  not  accompanied  it  to  his  quarters  on  the  preceding 
day.  Washington,  in  truth,  had  feared  to  trust  the  sachem 
within  the  reach  of  the  politic  Frenchman.  Nothing  would  do 
now  but  Joncaire  must  have  the  sachems  at  head-quarters. 
Here  his  diplomacy  was  triumphant.  He  received  them  with 
open  arms.  He  was  enraptured  to  see  them.  His  Indian  broth- 
ers !  How  could  they  be  so  near  without  coming  to  visit  him? 
He  made  them  presents ;  but,  above  all,  plied  them  so  potently 
with  liquor,  that  the  poor  half-king,  Jeskakake,  and  White 
Thunder  forgot  all  about  their  wrongs,  their  speeches,  their 
speech-belts,  and  all  the  business  they  had  come  upon  ;  paid  no 
heed  to  the  repeated  cautions  of  their  English  friends,  and 
were  soon  in  a  complete  state  of  frantic  extravagance  or  drunken 
oblivion. 

The  next  day  the  half-king  made  his  appearance  at  Washing- 
ton's tent,  perfectly  sober  and  very  much  crestfallen.  He  de- 
clared, however,  that  he  still  intended  to  make  his  speech  to  the 
French,  and  offered  to  rehearse  it  on  the  spot ;  but  Washington 
advised  him  not  to  waste  his  ammunition  on  inferior  game  like 
Joncaire  and  his  comrades,  but  to  reserve  it  for  the  commandant. 
The  sachem  was  not  to  be  persuaded.  Here,  he  said,  was  the 
place  of  the  council  fire,  where  they  were  accustomed  to  transact 
their  business  with  the  French  ;  and  as  to  Joncaire,  he  had  all 
the  management  of  French  affairs  with  the  Indians. 


66  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

Washington  was  fain  to  attend  the  council  fire  and  listen  to 
the  speech.  It  was  much  the  same  in  purport  as  that  which 
he  had  made  to  the  French  general,  and  he  ended  by  offering 
to  return  the  French  speech-belt ;  but  this  Joncaire  refused  to 
receive,  telling  him  to  carry  it  to  the  commander  at  the  fort. 
All  that  day  and  the  next  was  the  party  kept  at  Venango  by  the 
stratagems  of  Joncaire  and  his  emissaries  to  detain  and  seduce 
the  sachems.  It  was  not  until  12  o'clock  on  the  7th  of  Decem- 
ber, that  Washington  was  able  to  extricate  them  out  of  their 
clutches  and  commence  his  journey. 

A  French  commissar}^  by  the  name  of  La  P^orce,  and  three 
soldiers,  set  off  in  company  with  him.  La  Force  went  as  if  on 
ordinary  business,  but  he  proved  one  of  the  most  active,  daring, 
and  mischief-making  of  those  anomalous  agents  employed  by 
the  French  among  the  Indian  tribes.  It  is  probable  that  he  was 
at  the  bottom  of  many  of  the  perplexities  experienced  by  Wash- 
ington at  Venango,  and  now  travelled  with  him  for  the  prosecu- 
tion of  his  wiles.  He  will  be  found,  hereafter,  acting  a  more 
prominent  part,  and  ultimately  reaping  the  fruit  of  his  evil 
doings. 

After  four  days  of  weary  travel  through  snow  and  rain,  and 
mire  and  swamp,  the  party  reached  the  fort.  It  was  situated 
on  a  kind  of  island  on  the  west  fork  of  French  Creek,  about 
fifteen  miles  south  of  Lake  Erie,  and  consisted  of  four  houses, 
forming  a  hollow  square,  defended  by  bastions  made  of  palisades 
twelve  feet  high,  picketed,  and  pierced  for  cannon  and  small 
arms.  Within  the  bastions  were  a  guard-house,  chapel,  and 
other  buildings,  and  outside  were  stables,  a  smith's  forge,  and 
log-houses  covered  with  bark,  for  the  soldiers. 

On  the  death  of  the  late  general,  the  fort  had  remained  in 
charge  of  one  Captain  Reparti  until  within  a  week  past,  when 
the  Chevalier  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre  had  arrived,  and  taken 
command. 

The  reception  of  Washington  at  the  fort  was  very  different 
from  the  unceremonious  one  experienced  at  the  outpost  of  Jon- 
caire and  his  convivial  messmates.  When  he  presented  himself 
at  the  gate,  accompanied  by  his  interpreter,  Van  Braam,  he  w^is 
met  by  the  officer  second  in  command  and  conducted  in  due 
military  form  to  his  supe  ior ;  an  ancient  and  silver-haired 
chevalier  of  the  military  order  of  St.  Louis,  courteous  but  cere- 
monious ;  mingling  the  polish  of  the  French  gentleman  of  the 
old  school  with  the  precision  of  the  soldier. 

Having  announced  his  errand  through  his  inteipreter,  Van 
Braam,    Washington   offered    his  credentials  and  the  letter  of 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  67 

Governor  Dinwiddie,  and  was  disposed  to  proceed  at  once  to 
business  with  the  prompt  frankness  of  a  young  man  unhack- 
neyed in  diplomacy.  The  chevalier,  however,  politely  requested 
him  to  retain  the  documents  in  his  possession  until  his  prede- 
cessor, Captain  Reparti,  should  arrive,  who  was  hourly  expected 
from  the  next  post. 

At  two  o'clock  the  captain  arrived.  The  letter  and  its 
accompanying  documents  were  then  offered  again,  and  received 
in  due  form,  and  the  chevalier  and  his  officers  retired  with  them 
into  a  private  apartment,  where  the  captain,  who  understood  a 
little  English,  officiated  as  translator.  The  translation  being 
finished,  Washington  was  requested  to  walk  in  and  bring  his 
translator  Van  Braam,  with  him,  to  peruse  and  correct  it,  which 
he  did. 

In  this  letter,  Dinwiddie  complained  of  the  intrusion  of  French 
forces  into  the  Ohio  country,  erecting  forts  and  making  settle- 
ments in  the  western  parts  of  the  colony  of  Virginia,  so  notori- 
ously known  to  be  the  property  of  the  crown  of  Great  Britain. 
He  inquired  by  whose  authority  and  instructions  the  French 
Commander-general  had  marched  this  force  from  Canada,  and 
made  this  invasion  ;  intimating  that  his  own  action  would  be 
regulated  by  the  answer  he  should  receive,  and  the  tenor  of  the 
commission,  with  which  he  was  honored.  At  the  same  time  he 
required  of  the  commandant  his  peaceable  departure,  and  that 
he  would  forbear  to  prosecute  a  purpose  "  so  interruptive  of  the 
harmony  and  good  understanding  which  his  majesty  was  desirous 
to  continue  and  cultivate  with  the  most  catholic  king." 

The  latter  part  of  the  letter  related  to  the  youthful  envoy. 
"  I  persuade  myself  you  will  receive  and  entertain  Major  Wash- 
ington with  the  candor  and  politeness  natural  to  your  nation, 
and  it  will  give  me  the  greatest  satisfaction  if  you  can  return 
him  with  an  answer  suitable  to  my  wishes  for  a  long  and  lasting 
peace  between  us." 

The  two  following  days  were  consumed  in  councils  of  the 
chevalier  and  his  officers  over  the  letter  and  the  necessary  reply. 
Washington  occupied  himself  in  the  mean  time  in  observing  and 
taking  notes  of  the  plan,  dimensions,  and  strength  of  the  fort, 
and  of  every  thing  about  it.  He  gave  orders  to  his  people,  also, 
to  take  an  exact  account  of  the  canoes  in  readiness,  and  others 
in  the  process  of  construction,  for  the  conveyance  of  troops 
down  the  river  in  the  ensuing  spring. 

As  the  weather  continued  stormy,  with  much  snow,  and  the 
horses  were  daily  losing  strength,  he  sent  them  down,  unladen, 
to  Venango,  to  await  his  return  by  water.     In  the  mean  time, 


68  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

he  discovered  that  busy  intrigues  were  going  on  to  induce  the 
half-king  and  the  other  sachems  to  abandon  him,  and  renounce 
all  friendship  with  the  English.  Upon  learning  this,  he  urged 
the  chiefs  to  deliver  up  their  "speech-belts"  immediately,  as 
they  had  promised,  thereby  shaking  off  all  dependence  upon  the 
French.  They  accordingly  pressed  for  an  audience  that  very 
evening.  A  private  one  was  at  length  granted  them  by  the 
commander,  in  presence  of  one  or  two  of  his  officers.  The  half- 
kiug  reported  the  result  of  it  to  Washington.  The  venerable 
but  astute  chevalier  cautiously  evaded  the  acceptance  of  the 
proffered  wampum  ;  made  many  professions  of  love  and  friend- 
ship, and  said  he  wished  to  live  in  peace  and  trade  amicably 
with  the  tribes  of  the  Ohio,  in  proof  of  which  he  would  send 
down  some  goods  immediately  for  them  to  Logstown. 

As  Washington  understood,  privately,  that  an  officer  was 
to  accompany  the  man  employed  to  convey  these  goods,  he 
suspected  that  the  real  design  was  to  arrest  and  bring  off 
all  straggling  English  traders  the}'  might  meet  with.  What 
strengthened  this  opinion  was  a  frank  avowal  which  had  been 
made  to  him  by  the  chevalier,  that  he  had  orders  to  capture 
every  British  subject  who  should  attempt  to  trade  upon  the  Ohio 
or  its  waters. 

Captain  Reparti,  also,  in  reply  to  his  inquiry  as  to  what  had 
been  done  with  two  Pennsylvania  traders,  who  had  been  taken 
with  all  their  goods,  informed  him  that  they  had  been  sent  to 
Canada,  but  had  since  returned  home.  He  had  stated,  further- 
more, that  during  the  time  he  held  command,  a  white  boy  had 
been  carried  captive  past  the  fort  by  a  party  of  Indians,  who 
had  with  them,  also,  two  or  three  white  men's  scalps. 

All  these  circumstances  showed  him  the  mischief  that  was 
brewing  in  these  parts,  and  the  treachery  and  violence  that  per- 
vaded the  frontier,  and  made  him  the  more  solicitous  to  accom- 
plish his  mission  successful!}7,  and  conduct  his  little  band  in 
safety  out  of  a  wily  neighborhood. 

On  the  evening  of  the  14th,  the  Chevalier  de  St.  Pierre  deliv- 
ered to  Washington  his  sealed  reply  to  the  letter  of  Governor 
Dinwiddie.  The  purport  of  previous  conversations  with  the 
chevalier,  and  the  whole  complexion  of  affairs  on  the  frontier, 
left  no  doubt  of  the  nature  of  that  reply. 

The  business  of  his  mission  being  accomplished,  Washington 
prepared  on  the  loth  to  return  by  water  to  Venango;  but  a 
secret  influence  was  at  work  which  retarded  every  movement. 

"  The  commandant,"  writes  he,  "  ordered  a  plentiful  store 
of  liquor  and  provisions  to  be  put  on  board  our  canoes,  and 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  69 

appeared  to  be  extremely  complaisant,  though  he  was  exerting 
every  artifice  which  he  could  invent  to  set  our  Indians  at  vari- 
ance with  us,  to  prevent  their  going  until  after  our  departure ; 
presents,  rewards,  and  every  thing  which  could  be  suggested  by 
him  or  his  officers.  1  cannot  say  that  ever  in  my  life  I  suffered 
so  much  anxiety  as  I  did  in  this  affair.  I  saw  that  every  strata- 
gem which  the  most  fruitful  brain  could  invent  was  practised  to 
win  the  half-king  to  their  interests,  and  that  leaving  him  there 
was  giving  them  the  opportunity  they  aimed  at.  I  went  to  the 
half-king,  and  pressed  him  in  the  strongest  terms  to  go  ;  he  told 
me  that  the  commandant  would  not  discharge  him  until  the 
morning.  I  then  went  to  the  commandant  and  desired  him  to 
do  their  business,  and  complained  to  him  of  ill  treatment ;  for, 
keeping  them,  as  they  were  a  part  of  my  company,  was  detain- 
ing me.  This  he  promised  not  to  do,  but  to  forward  my  journey 
as  much  as  he  could.  He  protested  he  did  not  keep  them,  but 
was  ignorant  of  the  cause  of  their  stay ;  though  I  soon  found  it 
out.  He  had  promised  them  a  present  of  guns  if  they  would 
wait  until  the  morning.  As  I  was  very  much  pressed  by  the 
Indians  to  wait  this  day  for  them,  I  consented,  on  the  promise 
that  nothing  should  hinder  them  in  the  morning." 

The  next  morning  (16th)  the  French,  in  fulfilment  of  their 
promise,  had  to  give  the  present  of  guns.  They  then  endeav- 
ored to  detain  the  sachems  with  liquor,  which  at  any  other 
time  might  have  prevailed,  but  Washington  reminded  the  half- 
king  that  his  royal  word  was  pledged  to  depart,  and  urged  it 
upon  him  so  closely  that  exerting  unwonted  resolution  and  self- 
denial,  he  turned  his  back  upon  the  liquor  and  embarked. 

It  was  rough  and  laborious  navigation.  French  Creek  was 
swollen  and  turbulent,  and  full  of  floating  ice.  The  frail  canoes 
were  several  times  in  danger  of  being  staved  to  pieces  against 
rocks.  Often  the  voyagers  had  to  leap  out  and  remain  in  the 
water  half  an  hour  at  a  time,  drawing  the  canoes  over  shoals, 
and  at  one  place  to  carry  them  a  quarter  of  a  mile  across  a  neck 
of  land,  the  river  being  completely  dammed  by  ice.  It  was  not 
until  the  22d  that  they  reached  Venango. 

Here  Washington  was  obliged,  most  unwillingly,  to  part 
company  with  the  sachems.  White  Thunder  had  hurt  himself 
and  was  ill  and  unable  to  walk,  and  the  others  determined  to 
remain  at  Venango  for  a  day  or  two  and  convey  him  down  the 
river  in  a  canoe.  There  was  danger  that  the  smooth-tonsfued 
and  convivial  Joncaire  would  avail  himself  of  the  interval  to  ply 
the  poor  monarchs  of  the  woods  with  flattery  and  liquor. 
Washington   endeavored   to  put  the  worthy    half-king  on  his 


70  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

guard,  knowing  that  he  had  once  before  shown  himself  but  little 
proof  against  the  seductions  of  the  bottle.  The  sachem,  how- 
ever, desired  him  not  to  be  concerned  ;  he  knew  the  French  too 
well  for  any  thing  to  engage  him  in  their  favor ;  nothing  should 
shake  his  faith  to  his  English  brothers ;  and  it  will  be  found 
that  in  these  assurances  he  was  sincere. 


CHAPTER  IX. 

RETURN   FROM  VENANGO  —  A  TRAMP  ON    FOOT MURDERING   TOWN 

THE    INDIAN     GUIDE  —  TREACHERY AN     ANXIOUS     NIGHT 

PERILS    ON     THE     ALLEGANY    RIVER QUEEN     ALIQUIPPA THE 

OLD  WATCH-COAT RETURN  ACROSS  THE  BLUE  RIDGE. 

On  the  25th  of  December,  Washington  and  his  little  party  set 
out  by  land  from  Venango  on  their  route  homeward.  They  had 
a  long  winter's  journey  before  them,  through  a  wilderness  beset 
with  dangers  and  difficulties.  The  pack-horses,  laden  with 
tents,  baggage,  and  provisions,  were  completely  jaded ;  it  was 
feared  they  would  give  out.  Washington  dismounted,  gave  up 
his  saddle-horse  to  aid  in  transporting  the  baggage,  and  re- 
quested his  companions  to  do  the  same.  None  but  the  drivers 
remained  in  the  saddle.  He  now  equipped  himself  in  an  Indian 
hunting-dress,  and  with  Van  Braam,  Gist,  and  John  Davidson, 
the  Indian  interpreter,  proceeded  on  foot. 

The  cold  increased.  There  was  deep  snow  that  froze  as  it 
fell.  The  horses  grew  less  and  less  capable  of  travelling.  For 
three  days  they  toiled  on  slowly  and  wearily.  Washington  was 
impatient  to  accomplish  his  journey,  and  make  his  report  to 
the  governor ;  he  determined,  therefore,  to  hasten  some  dis- 
tance in  advance  of  the  party,  and  then  strike  for  the  Fork  of 
the  Ohio  by  the  nearest  course  directly  through  the  woods. 
He  accordingly  put  the  cavalcade  under  the  command  of  Van 
Braam,  and  furnished  him  with  money  for  expenses ;  then 
disencumbering  himself  of  all  superfluous  clothing,  buckling 
himself  up  in  a  watch-coat,  strapping  his  pack  on  his  shoulders, 
containing  his  papers  and  provisions,  and  taking  gun  in  hand, 
he  left  the  horses  to  flounder  on,  and  struck  manfully  ahead, 
accompanied  only  by  Mr.  Gist,  who  had  equipped  himself  in 
like  manner. 

At  night  they  lit  a  fire,  and  "  camped  "  by  it  in  the  woods. 
At  two  o'clock  in  the  morning  they  were  again  on  foot,  and 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  71 

pressed  forward  until  they  struck  the  south-east  fork  of  Beaver 
Creek,  at  a  place  bearing  the "  sinister  name  of  Murdering 
Town  ;  probably  the  scene  of  some  Indian  massacre. 

Here  Washington,  in  planning  his  route,  had  intended  to 
leave  the  regular  path,  and  strike  through  the  woods  for  Shan- 
nopins  Town,  two  or  three  miles  above  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio, 
where  he  hoped  to  be  able  to  cross  the  Allegany  River  on  the 
ice. 

At  Murdering  Town  he  found  a  party  of  Indians,  who  ap- 
peared to  have  known  of  his  coming,  and  to  have  been  waiting 
for  him.  One  of  them  accosted  Mr.  Gist,  and  expressed  great 
joy  at  seeing  him.  The  wary  woodsman  regarded  him  narrow- 
ly, and  thought  he  had  seen  him  at  Joncaire's.  If  so,  he  and 
his  comrades  were  in  the  French  interest,  and  their  lying  in 
wait  boded  no  good.  The  Indian  was  very  curious  in  his  in- 
quiries as  to  when  they  had  left  Venango ;  how  they  came  to 
be  travelling  on  foot ;  where  they  had  left  their  horses,  and  when 
it  was  probable  the  latter  would  reach  this  place.  All  these 
questions  increased  the  distrust  of  Gist,  and  rendered  him 
extremely  cautious  in  reply. 

The  route  hence  to  Shannopins  Town  lay  through  a  trackless 
wild,  of  which  the  travellers  knew  nothing  ;  after  some  consul- 
tation, therefore,  it  was  deemed  expedient  to  engage  one  of  the 
Indians  as  a  guide.  He  entered  upon  his  duties  with  alacrity, 
took  Washington's  pack  upon  his  back,  and  led  the  way  by 
what  he  said  was  the  most  direct  course.  After  travelling 
briskly  for  eight  or  ten  miles  Washington  became  fatigued,  and 
his  feet  were  chafed ;  he  thought,  too,  they  were  taking  a 
direction  too  much  to  the  north-east ;  he  came  to  a  halt,  there- 
fore, and  determined  to  light  a  fire,  make  a  shelter  of  the 
bark  and  branches  of  trees,  and  encamp  there  for  the  night. 
The  Indian  demurred ;  he  offered,  as  Washington  was  fatigued, 
to  carry  his  gun,  but  the  latter  was  too  wary  to  part  with  his 
weapon.  The  Indian  now  grew  churlish.  There  were  Ottawa 
Indians  in  the  woods,  he  said,  who  might  be  attracted  by  their 
fire,  and  surprise  and  scalp  them ;  he  urged,  therefore,  that 
they  should  continue  on  :  he  would  take  them  to  his  cabin, 
where  they  would  be  safe. 

Mr.  Gist's  suspicions  increased,  but  he  said  nothing.  Wash- 
ington's also  were  awakened.  They  proceeded  some  distance 
further:  the  guide  paused  and  listened.  He  had  heard,  he 
said,  the  report  of  a  gun  toward  the  north ;  it  must  be  from 
his  cabin  ;  he  accordingly  turned  his  steps  in  that  direction. 

Washington  began  to  apprehend  an  ambuscade  of'  savages. 


72  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

He  knew  the  hostility  of  many  of  them  to  the  English,  and 
what  a  desirable  trophy  was  the  scalp  of  a  white  man.  The 
Indian  still  kept  on  toward  the  north  ;  he  pretended  to  hear  two 
whoops  —  they  were  from  his  cabin  —  it  conld  not  be  far  off. 

They  went  on  two  miles  further,  when  Washington  signified 
his  determination  to  encamp  at  the  first  water  they  should  find. 
The  guide  said  nothing,  but  kept  doggedly  on.  After  a  little 
while  they  arrived  at  an  opening  in  the  woods,  and  emerging 
from  the  deep  shadows  in  which  they  had  been  travelling,  found 
themselves  in  a  clear  meadow,  rendered  still  more  light  by 
the  glare  of  the  snow  upon  the  ground.  Scarcely  had  they 
emerged  when  the  Indian,  who  was  about  fifteen  paces  ahead, 
suddenly  turned,  levelled  his  gun,  and  fired.  Washington  was 
startled  for  an  instant,  but,  feeling  that  he  was  not  wounded, 
demanded  quickly  of  Mr.  Gist  if  he  was  shot.  The  latter 
answered  in  the  negative.  The  Indian  in  the  mean  time  had 
run  forward,  and  screened  himself  behind  a  large  white  oak, 
where  he  was  reloading  his  gnn.  They  overtook,  and  seized 
him.  Gist  would  have  put  him  to  death  on  the  spot,  but 
Washington  humanely  prevented  him.  They  permitted  him  to 
finish  the  loading  of  his  gun  ;  but,  after  he  had  put  in  the. 
ball,  took  the  weapon  from  him,  and  let  him  see  that  he  was 
under  guard. 

Arriving  at  a  small  stream  they  ordered  the  Indian  to  make 
a  fire,  and  took  turns  to  watch  over  the  guns.  While  he  was 
thus  occupied,  Gist,  a  veteran  woodsman,  and  accustomed  to 
hold  the  life  of  an  Indian  rather  cheap,  was  somewhat  in- 
commoded by  the  scruples  of  his  youthful  commander,  which 
might  enable  the  savage  to  carry  out  some  scheme  of  treachery. 
He  observed  to  Washington,  that,  since  he  would  not  suffer  the 
Indian  to  be  killed,  they  must  manage  to  get  him  out  of  the 
way,  and  then  decamp  with  all  speed,  and  travel  all  night  to 
leave  this  perfidious  neighborhood  behind  them  ;  but  first  it  was 
necessary  to  blind  the  g'iiide  as  to  their  intentions.  He  accord- 
ingly addressed  him  in  a  friendly  tone,  and  adverting  to  the 
late  circumstance,  pretended  to  suppose  that  he  had  lost  his 
way,  and  fired  his  gun  merely  as  a  signal.  The  Indian,  whether 
deceived  or  not,  readily  chimed  in  with  the  explanation.  He 
said  he  now  knew  the  way  to  his  cabin,  which  was  at  no  great 
distance.  "  Well  then,"  replied  Gist,  M  you  can  go  home,  and 
as  we  are  tired  we  will  remain  here  for  the  night,  and  follow 
your  track  at  daylight.  In  the  mean  time  here  is  a  cake  of 
bread  for  you,  and  you  must  give  us  some  meat  in  the  morning." 

Whatever  might  have  been  the  original  designs  of  the  savage, 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  73 

he  was  evidently  glad  to  get  off.  Gist  followed  him  cautiously 
for  a  distances  and  listened  until  the  sound  of  his  footsteps 
died  away;  returning  then  to  Washington,  the}'  proceeded 
about  half  a  mile,  made  another  fire,  set  their  compass  and  fixed 
their  course  by  the  light  of  it,  then  leaving  it  burning,  pushed 
forward,  and  travelled  as  fast  as  possible  ail  night,  so  as  to  gain 
a  fair  start  should  any  one  pursue  them  at  daylight.  Continu- 
ing on  the  next  day  they  never  relaxed  their  speed  until  night- 
fall, when  they  arrived  on  the  banks  of  the  Allegany  River, 
about  two  miles  above  Shannopins  Town. 

Washington  had  expected  to  find  the  river  frozen  completely 
over;  it  was  so  only  for  about  fifty  yards  from  each  shore, 
while  great  quantities  of  broken  ice  were  driving  down  the  main 
channel.  Trusting  that  he  had  out-travelled  pursuit,  he  en- 
camped on  the  border  of  the  river  ;  still  it  was  an  anxious  night, 
and  he  was  up  at  daybreak  to  devise  some  means  of  reaching 
the  opposite  bank.  No  other  mode  presented  itself  than  by  a 
raft,  and  to  construct  this  they  had  but  one  poor  hatchet. 
With  this  they  set  resolutely  to  work  and  labored  all  day,  but 
the  sun  went  clown  before  their  raft  was  finished.  They 
launched  it,  however,  and  getting  on  board,  endeavored  to  pro- 
pel it  across  with  setting  poles.  Before  they  were  half  way 
over  the  raft  became  jammed  between  cakes  of  ice,  and  they 
were  in  imminent  peril.  Washington  planted  his  pole  on  the 
bottom  of  the  stream,  and  leaned  against  it  with  all  his  might, 
to  sta}'  the  raft  until  the  ice  should  pass  by.  The  rapid 
current  forced  the  ice  against  the  pole  with  such  violence  that 
he  was  jerked  into  the  water,  where  it  was  at  least  ten  feet 
deep,  and  only  saved  himself  from  being  swept  away  and 
drowned  by  catching  hold  of  one  of  the  raft  logs. 

It  was  now  impossible  with  all  their  exertions  to  get  to  either 
shore  ;  abandoning  the  raft,  therefore,  they  got  upon  an  island, 
near  which  they  were  drifting.  Here  they  passed  the  night,  ex- 
posed to  intense  cold,  by  which  the  hands  and  feet  of  Mr.  Gist 
were  frozen.  In  the  morning  they  found  the  drift  ice  wedged 
so  closely  together,  that  they  succeeded  in  getting  from  the  is- 
land to  the  opposite  side  of  the  river ;  and  before  night  were  in 
comfortable  quarters  at  the  house  of  Frazier,  the  Indian  trader, 
at  the  mouth  of  Turtle  Creek  on  the  Monongahela. 

Here  they  learned  from  a  war  party  of  Indians  that  a  band 
of  Ottawras,  a  tribe  in  the  interest  of  the  French,  had  massacred 
a  whole  family  of  whites  on  the  banks  of  the  great  Kanawha 
liiver. 

At  Frazier's  they  were  detained  two  or  three  days  endeavor- 


74  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON 

ing  to  procure  horspa.  in  this  interval  Washington  had  again 
occasion  to  exercise  Indian  diplomacy.  About  three  miles  dis- 
tant, at  the  mouth  of  the  Youghiogeny  River,  dwelt  a  female 
sachem,  Queen  Aliquippa,  as  the  English  called  her,  whose  sov- 
ereign dignity  had  been  aggrieved,  that  the  party  on  their  way 
to  the  Ohio,  had  passed  near  her  royal  wigwam  without  paying 
their  respects  to  her. 

Aware  of  the  importance,  at  this  critical  juncture,  of  secur- 
ing the  friendship  of  the  Indians,  Washington  availed  himself 
of  the  interruption  of  his  journey,  to  pay  a  visit  of  ceremony  to 
this  native  princess.  Whatever  anger  she  may  have  felt  at 
past  neglect,  it  was  readily  appeased  by  a  present  of  his  old 
watch-coat ;  and  her  good  graces  were  completely  secured  by 
a  bottle  of  rum,  which,  he  intimates,  appeared  to  be  peculiarly 
acceptable  to  her  majesty. 

Leaving  Frazier'son  the  1st  of  January,  they  arrived  on  the 
2d  at  Gist's  residence  16  miles  from  the  Monongahela.  Here 
they  separated,  and  Washington  having  purchased  a  horse,  con- 
tinued his  homeward  course,  passing  horses  laden  with  mate- 
rials and  stores  for  the  fort  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  and 
families  going  out  to  settle  there. 

Having  crossed  the  Blue  Ridge  and  stopped  one  day  at  Bel- 
voir  to  rest,  he  reached  Williamsburg  on  the  16th  of  January, 
where  he  delivered  to  Governor  Dinwiddie  the  letter  of  the 
French  commandant,  and  made  him  a  full  report  of  the  events 
of  his  mission. 

We  have  been  minute  in  our  account  of  this  expedition  as  it 
was  an  early  test  and  development  of  the  various  talents  and 
characteristics  of  .Washington. 

The  prudence,  sagacity,  resolution,  firmness,  and  self-devo- 
tion manifested  by  him  throughout ;  his  admirable  tact  and 
self-possession  in  treating  with  fickle  savages  and  crafty  white 
men  ;  the  soldier's  eye  with  which  he  had  noticed  the  command- 
ing and  defensible  points  of  the  country,  and  every  thing  that 
would  bear  upon  military  operations  ;  and  the  hardihood  with 
which  he  had  acquitted  himself  during  a  wintry  tramp  through 
the  wilderness,  through  constant  storms  of  rain  and  snow  ;  often 
sleeping  on  the  ground  without  a  tent  in  the  open  air,  and  in 
danger  from  treacherous  foes,  —  all  pointed  him  out,  not  merely 
to  the  governor,  but  to  the  public  at  large,  as  one  eminently 
fitted,  notwithstanding  his  youth,  for  important  trusts  involv- 
ing civil  as  well  as  military  duties.  It  is  an  expedition  that 
may  be  considered  the  foundation  of  his  fortunes.  From  that 
moment  he  was  the  rising  hope  of  Virginia. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  75 


CHAPTER  X. 

REPLY  OF  THE  CHEVALIER  DE  ST.  PIERRE TRENT'S  MISSION  TO  THE 

FRONTIER WASHINGTON    RECRUITS     TROOPS  —  DINWIDDIE    AND 

THE  HOUSE  OF  BURGESSES INDEPENDENT  CONDUCT  OF  THE  VIR- 

-    GINIANS EXPEDIENTS  TO  GAIN    RECRUITS JACOB   VAN    BRAAM 

IN  SERVICE — TOILFUL  MARCH  TO  WILLS'  CREEK  —  CONTRECCEUR 
AT  THE  FORK  OF  THE  OHIO TRENT 's  REFRACTORY  TROOPS. 

The  reply  of  the  Chevalier  de  St.  Pierre  was  such  as  might 
have  been  expected  from  that  courteous,  but  wary  commander. 
He  should  transmit,  he  said,  the  letter  of  Governor  Dinwiddie 
to  his  general,  the  Marquis  du  Quesne,  "to  whom,"  observed 
he,  "  it  better  belongs  than  to  me  to  set  forth  the  evidence  and 
reality  of  the  rights  of  the  king,  my  master,  upon  the  lands  sit- 
uated along  the  river  Ohio,  and  to  contest  the  pretensions  of 
the  King  of  Great  Britain  thereto.  His  answer  shall  be  a  law 
to  me.  ...  As  to  the  summons  you  send  me  to  retire,  I  do 
not  think  myself  obliged  to  obey  it.  Whatever  may  be  your 
instructions,  I  am  here  by  virtue  of  the  orders  of  my  general ; 
and  I  entreat  you,  sir,  not  to  doubt  one  moment  but  that  I 
am  determined  to  conform  myself  to  them  with  all  the  exact- 
ness and  resolution  which  can  be  expected  from  the  best 
officer."   .   .   . 

"  I  made  it  my  particular  care,"  adds  he,  "  to  receive  Mr. 
Washington  with  a  distinction  suitable  to  your  dignity,  as  well 
as  his  own  quality  and  great  merit.  I  flatter  myself  that  he 
will  do  me  this  justice  before  you,  sir,  and  that  he  will  signify 
to  you,  in  the  manner  I  do  myself,  the  profound  respect  with 
which  I  am,  sir,"  etc.1 

This  soldier-like  and  punctilious  letter  of  the  chevalier  was 
considered  evasive,  and  only  intended  to  gain  time.  The  in- 
formation given  by  Washington  of  what  he  had  observed  on 
the  frontier  convinced  Governor  Dinwiddie  and  his  council  that 
the  French  were  preparing  to  descend  the  Ohio  in  the  spring, 
and  take  military  possession  of  the  country.  Washington's 
journal  was  printed,  and  widely  promulgated  throughout  the 
colonies  and  England,  and  awakened  the  nation  to  a  sense  of 
the  impending  danger,  and  the  necessity  of  prompt  measures  to 
anticipate  the  French  movements. 

1  London  Mag.,  June,  1754. 


76  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Captain  Trent  was  despatched  to  the  frontier,  commissioned 
to  raise  a  company  of  one  hundred  men,  march  with  all  speed 
to  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio,  and  finish  as  soon  as  possible  the 
fort  commenced  there  by  the  Ohio  Company.  He  was  enjoined 
to  act  only  on  the  defensive,  but  to  capture  or  destroy  who- 
ever should  oppose  the  construction  of  the  works,  or  disturb 
the  settlements.  The  choice  of  Captain  Trent  for  this  service, 
notwithstanding  his  late  inefficient  expedition,  was  probably 
owing  to  his  being  brother-in-law  to  George  Croghan,  who  had 
grown  to  be  quite  a  personage  of  consequence  on  the  frontier, 
where  he  had  an  establishment  or  trading-house,  and  was  sup- 
posed to  have  great  influence  among  the  western  tribes,  so  as  to 
be  able  at  any  time  to  persuade  many  of  them  to  take  up  the 
hatchet. 

Washington  was  empowered  to  raise  a  company  of  like  force 
at  Alexandria  ;  to  procure  and  forward  munitions  and  supplies 
for  the  projected  fort  at  the  Fork,  and  ultimately  to  have  com- 
mand of  both  companies.  When  on  the  frontier  he  was  to  take 
council  of  George  Croghan  and  Andrew  Montour  the  interpreter, 
in  all  matters  relating  to  the  Indians,  the}'  being  esteemed  per- 
fect oracles  in  that  department. 

Governor  Dinwiddie  in  the  mean  time  called  upon  the  govern- 
ors of  the  other  provinces  to  make  common  cause  against  the 
foe  ;  he  endeavored,  also,  to  effect  alliances  with  the  Indian  tribes 
of  the  south,  the  Catawbas  and  Cherokees,  by  way  of  counter- 
balancing the  Chippewas  and  Ottawas,  who  were  devoted  to  the 
French. 

The  colonies,  however,  felt  as  yet  too  much  like  isolated  terri- 
tories ;  the  spirit  of  union  was  wanting.  Some  pleaded  a  want 
of  military  funds  ;  some  questioned  the  justice  of  the  cause; 
some  declined  taking  any  hostile  step  that  might  involve  them 
in  a  war,  unless  they  should  have  direct  orders  from  the  crown. 

Dinwiddie  convened  the  House  of  Burgesses  to  devise  measures 
for  the  public  security.  Here  his  high  idea  of  prerogative  and 
of  gubernatorial  dignity  met  with  a  grievous  countercheck  from 
the  dawning  spirit  of  independence.  High  as  were  the  powers 
vested  in  the  colonial  government  of  Virginia,  of  which,  though 
but  lieutenant-governor,  he  had  the  actual  control ;  they  were 
counterbalanced  by  the  power  inherent  in  the  people,  growing 
out  of  their  situation  and  circumstances,  and  acting -through 
their  representatives. 

There  was  no  turbulent  factious  opposition  to  government  in 
Virginia;  no  "  fierce  democracy,"  the  rank  growth  of  crowded 
cities,  and  a  fermenting  populace  ;  but  there  was  the  independ- 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  77 

ence  of  men,  living  apart  in  patriarchal  style  on  their  own  rural 
domains ;  surrounded  by  their  families*  dependents  and  slaves, 
among  whom  their  will  was  law,  —  and  there  was  the  individu- 
ality in  character  and  action  of  men  prone  to  nurture  peculiar 
notions  and  habits  of  thinking,  in  the  thoughtful  solitariness  of 
country  life. 

When  Dinwiddie  propounded  his  scheme  of  operations  on 
the  Ohio,  some  of  the  burgesses  had  the  hardihood  to  doubt  the 
claims  of  the  king  to  the  disputed  territory  ;  a  doubt  which 
the  governor  reprobated  as  savoring  strongly  of  a  most  disloyal 
French  spirit;  he  fired,  as  he  says,  at  the  thought  "  that  an 
English  legislature  should  presume  to  doubt  the  right  of  his 
majesty  to  the  interior  parts  of  this  continent,  the  back  part  of 
his  dominions  ! ' ' 

Others  demurred  to  any  grant  of  means  for  military  purposes 
which  might  be  construed  into  an  act  of  hostility.  To  meet  this 
scruple  it  was  suggested  that  the  grant  might  be  made  for  the 
purpose  of  encouraging  and  protecting  all  settlers  on  the  waters 
of  the  Mississippi.  And  under  this  specious  plea  ten  thousand 
pounds  were  grudgingly  voted  :  but  even  this  moderate  sum  was 
not  put  at  the  absolute  disposition  of  the  governor.  A  commit- 
tee was  appointed  with  whom  he  was  to  confer  as  to  its  appro- 
priation. # 

This  precaution  Dinwiddie  considered  an  insulting  invasion 
of  the  right  he  possessed  as  governor  to  control  the  purse  as  well 
as  the  sword ;  and  he  complained  bitterly  of  the  assembly,  as 
deeply  tinctured  with  a  republican  way  of  thinking,  and  disposed 
to  encroach  on  the  prerogative  of  the  crown,  "  which  he  feared 
would  render  them  more  and  more  difficult  to  be  brought  to 
order." 

Ways  and  means  being  provided,  Governor  Dinwiddie  aug- 
mented the  number  of  troops  to  be  enlisted  to  three  hundred, 
divided  into  six  companies.  The  command  of  the  whole,  as 
before,  was  offered  to  Washington,  but  he  shrank  from  it,  as  a 
charge  too  great  for  his  youth  and  inexperience.  It  was  given, 
therefore,  to  Colonel  Joshua  Fry,  an  English  gentleman  of  worth 
and  education,  and  Washington  was  made  second  in  command, 
with  the  rank  of  lieutenant-colonel. 

The  recruiting,  at  first,  went  on  slowly.  Those  who  offered 
to  enlist,  says  Washington,  were  for  the  most  part  loose,  idle 
persons  without  hawse  or  home,  some  without  shoes  or  stock- 
ings, some  shirtless,  and  many  without  coat  or  waistcoat. 

He  was  young  in  the  recruiting  service,  or  he  would  have 
known  that  such  is  generally  the  stuff  of  which  armies  are  made- 


78  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

In  this  country  especially  it  has  always  been  difficult  to  enlist 
the  active  yeomanry  by  holding  out  merely  the  pay  of  a  soldier. 
The  means  of  subsistence  are  too  easily  obtained  by  the  indus- 
trious, for  them  to  give  up  home  and  personal  independence  for 
a  mere  daily  support.  Some  may  be  tempted  by  a  love  of  ad- 
venture ;  but  in  general,  they  require  some  prospect  of  ultimate 
advantage  that  may  "  better  their  condition." 

Governor  Dinwiddie  became  sensible  of  this,  and  resorted  to 
an  expedient  rising  out  of  the  natural  resources  of  the  country, 
which  has  since  been  frequently  adopted,  and  always  with  effi- 
cacy.  He  proclaimed  a  bounty  of  two  hundred  thousand  acres 
of  land  on  the  Ohio  River,  to  be  divided  among  the  officers  and 
soldiers  who  should  engage  in  this  expedition  ;  one  thousand  to 
be  laid  off  contiguous  to  the  fort  at  the  Fork,  for  the  use  of  the 
garrison.  This  was  a  tempting  bait  to  the  sons  of  farmers, 
who  readily  enlisted  in  the  hope  of  having,  at  the  end  of  a  short 
campaign,  a  snug  farm  of  their  own  in  this  land  of  promise. 

It  was  a  more  difficult  matter  to  get  officers  than  soldiers. 
Very  few  of  those  appointed  made  their  appearance  ;  one  of  the 
captains  had  been  promoted  ;  two  declined  ;  Washington  found 
himself  left,  almost  alone,  to  manage  a  number  of  self-willed, 
undisciplined  recruits.  Happily  he  had  with  him,  in  the  rank  of 
lieutenant,  that  soldier  of  fortune,  Jacob  Van  Braam,  his  old 
'■'  master  of  fence,"  and  travelling  interpreter. 

In  his  emergency  he  forthwith  nominated  him  captain,  and 
wrote  to  the  governor  to  confirm  the  appointment,  representing 
him  as  the  oldest  lieutenant,  and  an  experienced  officer. 

On  the  2d  of  April  Washington  set  off  from  Alexandria  for 
the  new  fort,  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio.  He  had  but  two  com- 
panies with  him,  amounting  to  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  men  ; 
the  remainder  or  the  regiment  was  to  follow  under  Colonel  Fry 
with  the  artillery,  which  was  to  be  convened  up  the  Potomac. 
While  on  the  march  he  was  joined  by  a  detachment  under  Cap- 
tain Adam  Stephen,  an  officer  destined  to  serve  with  him  at  dis- 
tant periods  of  his  military  career. 

At  Winchester  he  found  it  impossible  to  obtain  conveyances 
by  gentle  means,  and  was  obliged  reluctantly  to  avail  himself  of 
the  militia  law  of  Virginia,  and  impress  horses  and  wagons  for 
service  ;  giving  the  owners  orders  on  government  for  their  ap- 
praised value.  Even  then,  out  of  a  great  number  impressed,  he 
obtained  but  ten,  after  waiting  a  week  ;  these,  too,  were  grudg- 
ingly furnished  by  farmers  with  their  worst  horses,  so  that  in  steep 
and  difficult  passes  they  were  incompetent  to  the  draught,  and 
the  soldiers  had  continually  to  put  their  shoulders  to  the  wheels. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  79 

Thus  slenderly  fitted  out,  Washington  and  his  little  force  made 
their  way  toilfully  across  the  mountains,  having  to  prepare  the 
roads  as  they  went  for  the  transportation  of  the  cannon,  which 
were  to  follow  on  with  the  other  division  under  Colonel  Fry. 
They  cheered  themselves  with  the  thoughts  that  this  hard  work 
would  cease  when  they  should  arrive  at  the  company's  trading 
post  and  store-house  at  Wills'  Creek,  where  Captain  Trent  was 
to  have  pack-horses  in  readiness,  with  which  they  might  make 
the  rest  of  the  way  by  light  stages.  Before  arriving  there  they 
were  startled  by  a  rumor  that  Trent  and  all  his  men  had  been 
captured  by  the  French.  With  regard  to  Trent,  the  news  soon 
proved  to  be  false,  for  the}'  found  him  at  Will's  Creek  on  the 
20th  of  April.  With  regard  to  his  men  there  was  still  an  un- 
certainty. He  had  recently  left  them  at  the  Fork  of  the  Ohio, 
busily  at  work  on  the  fort,  under  the  command  of  his  lieutenant, 
Frazier,  late  Indian  trader  and  gunsmith,  but  now  a  provincial 
officer.  If  the  men  had  been  captured,  it  must  have  been  since 
the  captain's  departure.  Washington  was  eager  to  press  forward 
and  ascertain  the  truth,  but  it  was  impossible.  Trent,  inefficient 
as  usual,  had  failed  to  provide  pack-horses.  It  was  necessary 
to  send  to  Winchester,  sixty  miles  distant,  for  baggage  wag- 
ons, and  await  their  arrival.  All  uncertainty  as  to  the  fate  of 
the  men,  however,  was  brought  to  a  close  by  their  arrival,  on  the 
25th,  conducted  by  an  ensign,  and  bringing  with  them  their 
working  implements.  The  French  might  well  boast  that  they 
had  again  been  too  quick  for  the  English.  Captain  Contrecceur, 
an  alert  officer,  had  embarked  about  a  thousand  men  with  field- 
pieces,  in  a  fleet  of  sixty  bateaux  and  three  hundred  canoes, 
dropped  down  the  river  from  Venango,  and  suddenly  made  his 
appearance  before  the  fort,  on  which  the  men  were  working,  and 
which  was  not  half  completed.  Landing,  drawing  up  his  men, 
and  planting  his  artillery,  he  summoned  the  fort  to  surrender, 
allowing  one  hour  for  a  written  reply. 

What  was  to  be  done  !  the  whole  garrison  did  not  exceed  fifty 
men.  Captain  Trent  was  absent  at  Wills'  Creek  ;  Frazier,  his 
lieutenant,  was  at  his  own  residence  at  Turtle  Creek,  ten  miles 
distant.  There  was  no  officer  to  reply  but  a  young  ensign  of 
the  name  of  Ward.  In  his  perplexity  he  turned  for  counsel  to 
Tanacharisson,  the  half-king,  who  was  present  in  the  fort.  The 
chief  advised  the  ensign  to  plead  insufficiency  of  rank  and 
powers,  and  crave  delay  until  the  arrival  of  his  superior  officer. 
The  ensign  repaired  to  the  French  camp  to  offer  this  excuse  in 
person,  and  was  accompanied  by  the  half-king.  They  were 
courteously  received,   but   Coutrecoeur  was   inflexible.     There 


80  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

must  be  instant  surrender,  or  he  would  take  forcible  possession. 
All  that  the  ensign  could  obtain  was  permission  to  depart  with 
his  men,  taking  with  them  their  working  tools.  The  capitulation 
ended.  Contrecoaur,  with  true  French  gayety,  invited  the  ensign 
to  sup  with  him  ;  treated  him  with  the  utmost  politeness,  and 
wished  him  a  pleasant  journey,  as  he  set  off  the  next  morning 
with  his  men  laden  with  their  working  tools. 

Such  was  the  ensign's  story.  He  was  accompanied  by  two 
Indian  warriors,  sent  by  the  half-king  to  ascertain  where  the 
detachment  was,  what  was  its  strength,  and  when  it  might  be 
expected  at  the  Ohio.  They  bore  a  speech  from  that  sachem 
to  Washington,  and  another,  with  a  belt  of  wampum  for  the 
Governor  of  Virginia.  In  these  he  plighted  his  steadfast  faith 
to  the  English,  and  claimed  assistance  from  his  brothers  of 
Virginia  and  Pennsylvania. 

One  of  these  warriors  Washington  forwarded  on  with  the 
speech  and  wampum  to  Governor  Dinwiddie.  The  other  he 
prevailed  on  to  return  to  the  half-king,  bearing  a  speech  from 
him,  addressed  to  the  "  Sachems,  warriors  of  the  Six  United 
Nations,  Shannoahs  and  Delawares,  our  friends  and  brethren." 
In  this  he  informed  them  that  he  was  on  the  advance  with  a 
part  of  the  arm}',  to  clear  the  road  for  a  greater  force  coming 
with  guns,  ammunition,  and  provisions  ;  and  he  invited  the  half- 
king  and  another  sachem  to  meet  him  on  the  road  as  soon  as 
possible  to  hold  a  council. 

In  fact,  his  situation  was  arduous  in  the  extreme.  Regarding 
the  conduct  of  the  French  in  the  recent  occurrence  an  overt  act 
of  war,  he  found  himself  thrown  with  a  handful  of  raw  recruits 
far  on  a  hostile  frontier,  in  the  midst  of  a  wilderness,  with  an 
enemy  at  hand  greatly  superior  in  number  and  discipline  ;  pro- 
vided with  artillery,  and  all  the  munitions  of  war,  and  within 
reach  of  constant  supplies  and  re-enforcements.  Beside  the 
French  that  had  come  from  Venango,  he  had  received  credible 
accounts  of  another  party  ascending  the  Ohio ;  and  of  six 
hundred  Chippewas  and  Ottawas  marching  down  Scioto  Creek 
to  join  the  hostile  camp. 

Still,  notwithstanding  the  accumulating  danger,  it  would  not 
do  to  fall  back,  nor  show  signs  of  apprehension.  His  Indian 
allies  in  such  case  might  desert  him.  The  soldiery,  too,  might 
grow  restless  and  dissatisfied.  He  was  already  annoyed  by 
Captain  Trent's  men,  who,  having  enlisted  as  volunteers,  con- 
sidered themselves  exempt  from  the  rigor  of  martial  law ;  and 
by  their  example  of  loose  and  refractory  conduct,  threatened 
to  destroy  the  subordination  of  his  own  troops. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  81 

In  this  dilemma  he  called  a  council  of  war,  in  which  it  was 
determined  to  proceed  to  the  Ohio  Company  store-house,  at  the 
mouth  of  Redstone  Creek  ;  fortify  themselves  there,  and  wait 
for  re-enforcements.  Here  they  might  keep  up  a  vigilant  watch 
upon  the  enemy,  and  get  notice  of  any  hostile  movement  in 
time  for  defence,  or  retreat ;  and  should  they  be  re-enforced 
sufficiently  to  enable  them  to  attack  the  fort,  they  could  easi'v 
drop  down  the  river  with  their  artillery. 

With  these  alternatives  in  view  Washington  detached  sixty 
men  in  advance  to  make  a  road  ;  and  at  the  same  time  wrote 
to  Governor  Dinwiddie  for  mortars  and  greuadoes,  and  cannon 
of  heavy  metal. 

Aware  that  the  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania  was  in  session, 
and  that  the  Maryland  Assembly  would  also  meet  in  the  course 
of  a  few  days,  he  wrote  directly  to  the  governors  of  those 
provinces,  acquainting  them  with  the  hostile  acts  of  the  French, 
and  with  his  perilous  situation  ;  and  endeavoring  to  rouse  them 
to  co-operation  in  the  common  cause.  We  will  here  note  in 
advance  that  his  letter  was  laid  before  the  Legislature  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  a  bill  was  about  to  be  passed  making  appro- 
priations for  the  service  of  the  king ;  but  it  fell  through,  in 
consequence  of  a  disagreement  between  the  Assembly  and  the 
governor  as  to  the  mode  in  which  the  money  should  be  raised  ; 
and  so  no  assistance  was  furnished  to  Washington  from  that 
quarter.  The  youthful  commander  had  here  a  foretaste,  in 
these  his  incipient  campaigns,  of  the  perils  and  perplexities 
which  awaited  him  from  enemies  in  the  field,  and  lax  friends  in 
legislative  councils  in  the  grander  operations  of  his  future  years. 
Before  setting  off  for  Redstone  Creek,  he  discharged  Trent's 
refractory  men  from  his  detachment,  ordering  them  to  await 
Colonel  Fry's  commands  ;  they,  however,  in  the  true  spirit  of 
volunteers  from  the  backwoods,  dispersed  to  their  several  homes. 

It  may  be  as  well  to  observe,  in  this  place,  that  both  Captain 
Trent  and  Lieutenant  Frazier  were  severely  censured  for  being 
absent  from  their  post  at  the  time  of  the  French  summons. 
"  Trent's  behavior,"  said  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  Governor 
Dinwiddie,  u  has  been  very  tardy,  and  has  convinced  the  world 
of  what  they  before  suspected  —  his  great  timidity.  Lieutenant 
Frazier,  though  not  altogether  blameless,  is  much  more  excusa- 
ble, for  he  would  not  accept  of  the  commission  until  he  had  a 
promise  from  his  captain  that  he  should  not  reside  at  the  fort, 
nor  visit  it  above  once  a  week,  or  as  he  saw  necessity."  In 
fact,  Washington  subsequently  recommended  Frazier  for  the 
c'iiee  of  adjutant.  ^^ 

As& \f  THE     ^A 

f  UNIVERSITY  ) 


82  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER   XI. 

MARCH   TO    THE    LITTLE    MEADOWS RUMORS     FROM     THE     OHIO  — 

CORRESPONDENCE      FROM      THE      BANKS     OF      THE      YOUGHIOGENY 

ATTEMPT     TO     DESCEND      THAT      RIVER ALARMING     REPORTS 

SCOUTING      PARTIES PERILOUS      SITUATION      OF      THE      CAMP 

GIST   AND     LA     FORCE MESSAGE     FROM     THE     HALF-KING  — 

FRENCH      TRACKS THE       JUMONVILLE     SKIRMISH TREATMENT 

OF     LA     FORCE POSITION     AT      THE      GREAT     MEADOWS BEL- 
LIGERENT   FEELINGS    OF    A   YOUNG    SOLDIER. 

On  the  29th  of  April  Washington  set  out  from  Wills'  Creek 
at  the  head  of  one  hundred  and  sixty  men.  He  soon  overtook 
those  sent  in  advance  to  work  the  road ;  they  had  made  but 
little  progress.  It  was  a  difficult  task  to  break  a  road  through 
the  wilderness  sufficient  for  the  artillery  coming  on  with  Colonel 
Fry's  division.  All  hands  were  now  set  to  work,  but  with  all 
their  labor  they  could  not  accomplish  more  than  four  miles  a 
day.  They  were  toiling  through  Savage  Mountain  and  that 
dreary  forest  region  be3*ond  it,  since  bearing  the  sinister  name 
of  "  The  Shades  of  Death."  On  the  9th  of  May  they  were  not 
further  than  twenty  miles  from  Wills'  Creek,  at  a  place  called 
the  Little  Meadows. 

Every  day  came  gloomy  accounts  from  the  Ohio ;  brought 
chiefly  by  traders,  who,  with  pack-horses  bearing  their  effects, 
were  retreating  to  the  more  settled  parts  of  the  country. 
Some  exaggerated  the  number  of  the  French,  as  if  strongly 
re-enforced.  All  represented  them  as  diligently  at  work  con- 
structing a  fort.  By  their  account  Washington  perceived  the 
French  had  chosen  the  very  place  which  he  had  noted  in  his 
journal  as  best  fitted  for  the  purpose. 

One  of  the  traders  gave  information  concerning  La  Force,  the 
French  emissary,  who  had  beset  Washington  when  on  his  mis- 
sion to  the  frontier,  and  acted,  as  he  thought,  the  part  of  a  spy. 
He  had  been  at  Gist's  new  settlement  beyond  Laurel  Hill,  and 
was  prowling  about  the  country  with  four  soldiers  at  his  heels 
on  a  pretended  hunt  after  deserters.  Washington  suspected 
him  to  be  on  a  reconnoitring  expedition. 

It  was  reported,  moreover,  that  the  French  were  lavishing 
presents  on  the  Indians  about  the  lower  part  of  the  river, 
to  draw  them  to  their  standard.  Among  all  these  flying  re- 
ports and  alarms  Washington  was  gratified  to  learn  that  the 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  83 

half-king  was  on  his  way  to  meet  him  at  the  head  of  fifty 
warriors. 

After  infinite  toil  through  swamps  and  forests,  and  over 
rugged  mountains,  the  detachment  arrived  at  the  Youghiogeny 
River,  where  they  were  detained  some  days  constructing  a  bridge 
Xo  cross  it. 

This  gave  Washington  leisure  to  correspond  with  Governor 
Dinwiddie,  concerning  matters  which  had  deeply  annoyed  him. 
By  an  ill-judged  economy  of  the  Virginia  government  at  this 
critical  juncture,  its  provincial  officers  received  less  pay  than 
that  allowed  in  the  regular  army.  It  is  true  the  regular  officers 
were  obliged  to  furnish  their  own  table,  but  their  superior  pay 
enabled  them  to  do  it  luxuriously  ;  whereas  the  provincials  were 
obliged  to  do  hard  duty  on  salt  provisions  and  water.  The 
provincial  officers  resented  this  inferiority  of  pay  as  an  indig- 
nity, and  declared  that  nothing  prevented  them  from  throwing 
up  their  commissions  but  unwillingness  to  recede  before  ap- 
proaching danger. 

Washington  shared  deeply  this  feeling.  "  Let  him  serve 
voluntarily,  and  he  would  with  the  greatest  pleasure  in  life  de- 
vote his  services  to  the  expedition  —  but  to  be  slaving  through 
woods,  rocks,  and  mountains,  for  the  shadow  of  pay  "  —  writes 
he,  "  I  would  rather  toil  like  a  day  laborer  for  a  maintenance, 
if  reduced  to  the  necessity,  than  serve  on  such  ignoble  terms." 
Parity  of  pay  was  indispensable  to  the  dignity  of  the  service. 

Other  instances  of  false  economy  were  pointed  out  by  him, 
forming  so  many  drags  upon  the  expedition,  that  he  quite  de- 
spaired of  success,  "lie  the  consequence  what  it  will,  how- 
ever," adds  he,  "I  am  determined  not  to  leave  the  regiment, 
but  to  be  among  the  last  men  that  leave  the  Ohio ;  even  if  I 
serve  as  a  private  volunteer,  which  I  greatly  prefer  to  'the 
establishment  we  are  upon.  ...  I  have  a  constitution  hardy 
enough  to  encounter  and  undergo  the  most  severe  trials,  and  I 
flatter  myself  resolution  to  face  what  any  man  dares,  as  shall 
be  proved  when  it  comes  to  the  test." 

And  in  a  letter  to  his  friend  Colonel  Fairfax  —  "  For  my  own 
part,"  writes  he,  "it  is  a  matter  almost  indifferent  whether  I 
serve  for  full  pay  or  as  a  generous  volunteer ;  indeed,  did  my 
circumstances  correspond  with  my  inclinations,  I  should  not 
hesitate  a  moment  to  prefer  the  latter ;  for  the  motives  that  have 
led  me  here  are  pure  and  noble.  I  had  no  view  of  acquisition  but 
that  of  honor,  by  serving  faithfully  my  king  and  country." 

Such  were  the  noble  impulses  of  Washington  at  the  age  of 
twenty-two,  and  such  continued  to  actuate  him  throughout  life. 


84  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

<*  ■ 
We  have  put  the  latter  part  of  the  quotation  in  italics,  as  ap- 
plicable to  the  motives  which  in  after  life  carried  him  into  the 
Revolution. 

While  the  bridge  over  the  Youghiogeny  was  in  the  course 
of  construction,  the  Indians  assured  Washington  he  would 
never  be  able  to  open  a  wagon-road  across  the  mountains  to 
Redstone  Creek ;  he  embarked  therefore  in  a  canoe  with  a  lieu- 
tenant, three  soldiers,  and  an  Indian  guide,  to  try  whether  it 
was  possible  to  descend  the  river.  They  had  not  descended 
above  ten  miles  before  the  Indian  refused  to  go  further.  Wash- 
ington soon  ascertained  the  reason.  "  Indians,"  said  he,  u  ex- 
pect presents  —  nothing  can  be  done  without  them.  The  French 
take  this  method.  If  you  want  one  or  more  to  conduct  a  party, 
to  discover  the  country,  to  hunt,  or  for  any  particular  purpose, 
they  must  be  bought ;  their  friendship  is  not  so  warm  as  to 
prompt  them  to  these  services  gratis."  The  Indian  guide,  in 
the  present  instance,  was  propitiated  by  the  promise  of  one  of 
Washington's  ruffled  shirts,  and  a  watch-coat. 

The  river  was  bordered  by  mountains  and  obstructed  by  rocks 
and  rapids.  Indians  might  thread  such  a  labyrinth  in  their  light 
canoes,  but  it  would  never  admit  the  transportation  of  troops 
and  military  stores.  Washington  kept  on  for  thirty  miles, 
until  he  came  to  a  place  where  the  river  fell  nearly  forty  feet  in 
the  space  of  fifty  yards.  There  he  ceased  to  explore,  and  re- 
turned to  camp,  resolving  to  continue  forward  by  land. 

On  the  23d  Indian  scouts  brought  word  that  the  French  were 
not  above  eight  hundred  strong,  and  that  about  half  their  num- 
ber had  been  detached  at  night  on  a  secret  expedition.  Close 
upon  this  report  came  a  message  from  the  half-king,  addressed 
tk  to  the  first  of  his  majesty's  officers  whom  it  ma}'  concern." 

"  It  is  reported,"  said  he,  "  that  the  French  army  is  coming 
to  meet  Major  Washington.  Be  on  your  guard  against  Jhem, 
my  brethren,  for  they  intend  to  strike  the  first  English  they 
shall  see.  They  have  been  on  their  march  two  days.  I  know 
not  their  number.  The  half-king  and  the  rest  of  the  chiefs  will 
be  with  you  in  five  days  to  hold  a  council." 

In  the  evening  Washington  was  told  that  the  French  were 
crossing  the  ford  of  the  Youghiogeny  about  eighteen  miles  dis- 
tant. He  now  hastened  to  take  a  position  in  a  place  called  the 
Great  Meadows,  where  he  caused  the  bushes  to  be  cleared 
away,  made  an  intrenchment,  and  prepared  what  he  termed  "  a 
charming  field  for  an  encounter." 

A  party  of  scouts  were  mounted  on  wagon  horses,  and  sent 
out  to  reconnoitre.     They  returned  without    having   seen  an 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  85 

enemy.  A  sensitiveness  prevailed  in  the  camp.  They  were 
surrounded  by  forests,  threatened  by  unseen  foes,  and  hourly 
in  danger  of  surprise.  There  was  an  alarm  about  two  o'clock 
in  the  night.  The  sentries  fired  upon  what  they  took  to  be 
prowling  foes.  The  troops  sprang  to  arms,  and  remained  on 
the  alert  until  daybreak.  Not  an  enemy  was  to  be  seen.  The 
roll  was  called.     Six  men  were  missing,  who  had  deserted. 

On  the  2oth  Mr.  Gist  arrived  from  his  place,  about  fifteen 
miles  distant.  La  Force  had  been  there  at  noon  on  the  pre- 
vious day,  with  a  detachment  of  fifty  men,  and  Gist  had  since 
come  upon  their  track  within  five  miles  of  the  camp.  Wash- 
ington considered  La  Force  a  bold,  enterprising  man,  subtle 
and  dangerous  ;  one  to  be  particularly  guarded  against.  He 
detached  seventy-five  men  in  pursuit  of  him  and  his  prowling 
band. 

About  nine  o'clock  at  night  came  an  Indian  messenger  from 
the  half-king,  who  was  encamped  with  several  of  his  people 
about  six  miles  off.  The  chief  had  seen  tracks  of  two  French- 
men, and  was  convinced  their  whole  body  must  be  in  ambush 
near  by. 

Washington  considered  this  the  force  which  had  been  hover- 
ing about  him  for  several  days,  and  determined  to  forestall 
their  hostile  designs.  Leaving  a  guard  with  the  baggage  and 
ammunition,  he  set  out  before  ten  o'clock,  with  forty  men,  to 
join  his  Indian  ally.  They  groped  their  way  in  single  file,  by 
footpaths  through  the  woods,  in  a  heavy  rain  and  murky  dark- 
ness, tripping  occasionally  and  stumbling  over  each  other, 
sometimes  losing  the  track  for  fifteen  or  twenty  minutes,  so  that 
it  was  near  sunrise  when  they  reached  the  camp  of  the  half-king. 

That  chieftain  received  the  youthful  commander  with  great 
demonstrations  of  friendship,  and  engaged  to  go  hand  in  hand 
with  him  against  the  lurking  enemy.  He  set  out  accordingly, 
accompanied  by  a  few  of  his  warriors  and  his  associate  sachem 
Scarooyadi  or  Monacatoocha,  and  conducted  Washington  to  the 
tracks  which  he  had  discovered.  Upon  these  he  put  two  of  his 
Indians.  They  followed  them  up  like  hounds,  and  brought 
back  word  that  the}*  had  traced  them  to  a  low  bottom  sur- 
rounded by  rocks  and  trees,  where  the  French  were  encamped, 
having  built  a  few  cabins  for  shelter  from  the  rain. 

A  plan  was  now  concerted  to  come  upon  them  by  surprise ; 
Washington  with  his  men  on  the  right ;  the  half-king  with  his 
warriors  on  the  left ;  all  as  silently  as  possible.  Washington 
was  the  first  upon  the  ground.  As  he  advanced  from  among 
the  rocks  and  trees  at  the  head  of  his  men,  the  French  caught 


86  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

sight  of  him  and  ran  to  their  arms.  A  sharp  firing  instantly 
took  place,  and  was  kept  up  on  both  sides  for  about  fifteen 
minutes.  Washington  and  his  part}7  were  most  exposed  and 
received  all  the  enemy's  fire.  The  balls  whistled  around  him  ; 
one  man  was  killed  close  by  him,  and  three  others  wounded. 
The  French  at  length,  having  lost  several  of  their  number,  gave 
way  and  ran.  They  were  soon  overtaken ;  twenty-one  were 
captured,  and  but  one  escaped,  a  Canadian,  who  carried  the 
tidings  of  the  affair  to  the  fort  on  the  Ohio.  The  Indians 
would  have  massacred  the  prisoners  had  not  Washington  pre- 
vented them.  Ten  of  the  French  had  fallen  in  the  skirmish, 
and  one  been  wounded.  Washington's  loss  was  the  one  killed 
and  three  wounded  which  we  have  mentioned.  He  had  been  in 
the  hottest  fire,  and  having  for  the  first  time  heard  balls  whistle 
about  him,  considered  his  escape  miraculous.  Jumonville,  the 
French  leader,  had  been  shot  through  the  head  at  the  first 
fire.  He  was  a  young  officer  of  merit',  and  his  fate  was  made 
the  subject  of  lamentation  in  prose  and  verse  —  chiefly  through 
political  motives. 

Of  the  twenty-one  prisoners,  the  two  most  important  were 
an  officer  of  some  consequence  named  Drouillon,  and  the  subtle 
and  redoubtable  La  Force.  As  Washington  considered  the 
latter  an  arch  mischief-maker,  he  was  rejoiced  to  have  him  in 
his  power.  La  Force  and  his  companion  would  fain  have  as- 
sumed the  sacred  character  of  ambassadors,  pretending  they 
were  coming  with  a  summons  to  him  to  depart  from  the  terri- 
tories belonging  to  the  crown  of  France. 

Unluckily  for  their  pretensions,  a  letter  of  instructions,  found 
on  Jumonville,  betrayed  their  real  errand,  which  was  to  inform 
themselves  of  the  roads,  rivers,  and  other  features  of  the 
country  as  far  as  the  Potomac  ;  to  send  back  from  time  to  time, 
by  fleet  messengers,  all  the  information  they  could  collect,  and 
to  give  word  of  the  day  on  which  they  intended  to  serve  the 
summons. 

Their  conduct  had  been  conformable.  Instead  of  coming  in 
a  direct  and  open  manner  to  his  encampment,  when  they  had 
ascertained  where  it  was,  and  delivering  their  summons,  as 
they  would  have  done  had  their  designs  been  frank  and  loyal, 
they  had  moved  back  two  miles,  to  one  of  the  most  secret 
retirements,  better  for  a  deserter  than  an  ambassador  to  encamp 
in,  and  staid  there,  within  five  miles  of  his  camp,  sending 
spies  to  reconnoitre  it,  and  despatching  messengers  to  Contre- 
coeur  to  inform  him  of  its  position  and  numerical  strength,  to 
the  end,  no  doubt,  that  he  might  send  a  sufficient  detachment 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  87 

to  enforce  the  summons  as  soon  as  it  should  be  given.  In  fact, 
the  footprints  which  had  first  led  to  the  discovery  of  the  French 
lurking-place,  were  those  of  two  "runners"  or  swift  messen- 
gers, sent  by  Jumonville  to  the  fort  on  the  Ohio. 

It  would  seem  that  La  Force,  after  all,  was  but  an  instru- 
ment in  the  hands  of  his  commanding  officers,  and  not  in  their 
full  confidence ;  for  when  the  commission  and  instructions 
found  on  Jumonville  were  read  before  him,  he  professed  not 
to  have  seen  them  before,  and  acknowledged,  with  somewhat 
of  an  air  of  ingenuousness,  that  he  believed  they  had  a  hostile 
tendenc}-.1 

Upon  the  whole,  it  was  the  opinion  of  Washington  and  his 
officers  that  the  summons,  on  which  so  much  stress  was  laid, 
was  a  mere  specious  pretext  to  mask  their  real  designs  and  be 
used  as  occasion  might  require.  "  That  they  were  spies  rather 
than  any  thing  else,"  and  were  to  be  treated  as  prisoners 
of  war. 

The  half-king  joined  heartily  in  this  opinion  ;  indeed,  had 
the  fate  of  the  prisoners  been  in  his  hands,  neither  diplomacy 
nor  any  thing  else  would  have  been  of  avail.  "  They  came  with 
hostile  intentions,"  he  said;  "they  had  bad  hearts,  and  if  his 
English  brothers  were  so  foolish  as  to  let  them  go,  he  would 
never  aid  in  taking  another  Frenchman." 

The  prisoners  were  accordingly  conducted  to  the  camp  at  the 
Great  Meadows,  and  sent  on  the  following  day  (29th),  under 
a  strong  escort  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  then  at  Winchester. 
Washington  had  treated  them  with  great  courtesy ;  had  fur- 
nished Drouillon  and  La  Force  with  clothing  from  his  own 
scanty  stock,  and,  at  their  request,  given  them  letters  to  the 
governor,  bespeaking  for  them  "the  respect  and  favor  due  to 
their  character  and  personal  merit." 

A  sense  of  dutj',  however,  obliged  him,  in  his  general  des- 
patch, to  put  the  governor  on  his  guard  against  La  Force.  "I 
really  think,  if  released,  he  would  do  more  to  our  disservice 
than  fifty  other  men,  as  he  is  a  person  whose  active  spirit  leads 
him  into  all  parties,  and  has  brought  him  acquainted  with  all 
parts  of  the  country.  Add  to  this  a  perfect  knowledge  of  the 
Indian  tongue,  and  great  influence  with  the  Indians." 

After  the  departure  of  the  prisoners,  he  wrote  again  respecting 
them  :  "I  have  still  stronger  presumption,  indeed  almost  con- 
firmation, that  they  were  sent  as  spies,  and  were  ordered  to 
wait  near  us  till  they  were  fully  informed  of  our  intentions, 

1  Washington's  letter  to  Dinwiddie,  29th  May,  1754. 


88  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

situation,  and  strength,  and  were  to  have  acquainted  their  com- 
mander  therewith,  and  to  have  been  lurking  here  for  re-enforce- 
ments before  they  served  the  summons,  if  served  at  all. 

"  I  doubt  not  but  they  will  endeavor  to  amuse  you  with  many 
smooth  stories,  as  they  did  me  ;  but  they  were  confuted  in 
them  all,  and,  by  circumstances  too  plain  to  be  denied,  almost 
made  ashamed  of  their  assertions. 

"I  have  heard  since  they  went  away,  they  should  say  they 
called  on  us  not  to  fire  ;  but  that  I  know  to  be  false,  for  I 
was  the  first  man  that  approached  them,  and  the  first  whom 
they  saw,  and  immediately  they  ran  to  their  arms,  and  fired 
briskly  till  they  were  defeated."  .  .  .  "I  fancy  they  will  have 
the  assurance  of  asking  the  privileges  due  to  an  embassy,  when 
in  strict  justice  they  ought  to  be  hanged  as  spies  of  the  worst 
sort." 

The  situation  of  Washington  was  now  extremely  perilous. 
Contrecceur,  it  was  said,  had  nearty  a  thousand  men  with  him 
at  the  fort,  beside  Indian  allies  ;  and  re-enforcements  were  on 
the  way  to  join  him.  The  messengers  sent  by  Jumonville, 
previous  to  the  late  affair,  must  have  apprised  him  of  the  weak- 
ness of  the  encampment  on  the  Great  Meadows.  Washington 
hastened  to  strengthen  it.  He  wrote  by  express  also  to  Colonel 
Fry,  who  lay  ill  at  Wills'  Creek,  urging  instant  re-enforceinents  , 
but  declaring  his  resolution  to  "  fight  with  very  unequal  num- 
bers rather  than  give  up  one  inch  of  what  he  had  gained." 

The  half-king  was  full  of  fight.  He  sent  the  scalps  of  the 
Frenchmen  slain  in  the  late  skirmish,  accompanied  by  black 
wampum  and  hatchets,  to  all  his  allies,  summoning  them  to 
take  up  arms  and  join  him  at  Redstone  Creek,  "  for  then- 
brothers,  the  English,  had  now  begun  in  earnest."  It  is  said 
he  would  even  have  sent  the  scalps  of  the  prisoners  had  not 
Washington  interfered.1  He  went  off  for  his  home,  promising 
to  send  down  the  river  for  all  the  Mingoes  and  Shawnees,  and 
to  be  back  at  the  camp  on  the  30th,  with  thirty  or  forty  warriors, 
accompanied  by  their  wives  and  children.  To  assist  him  in  the 
transportation  of  his  people  and  their  effects  thirty  men  were 
detached,  and  twenty  horses. 

"I  shall  expect  every  hour  to  be  attacked,"  writes  Wash- 
ington to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  on  the  29th,  "and  by  unequal 
numbers,  which  I  must  withstand,  if  there  are  five  to  one,  for 
I  fear  the  consequence  will  be  that  we  shall  lose  the  Indians  if 
we  suffer  ourselves  to  be  driven  back.     Your  honor  may  depend 

1  Letter  from  Virginia.  —  London  Mag.,  1754. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  89 

I  will  not  be  surprised,  let  them  come  at  what  hour  they  will, 
and  this  is  as  much  as  I  can  promise ;  but  my  best  endeavors 
shall  not  be  wanting  to  effect  more.  I  doubt  not,  if  you  hear  I 
am  beaten,  but  you  will  hear  at  the  same  time  that  we  have 
done  our  duty  in  fighting  as  long  as  there  is  a  shadow  of  hope." 

The  fact  is,  that  Washington  was  in  a  high  state  of  military 
excitement.  He  was  a  young  soldier ;  had  been  for  the  first 
time  in  action,  and  been  successful.  The  letters  we  have 
already  quoted  show,  in  some  degree,  the  fervor  of  his  mind, 
and  his  readiness  to  brave  the  worst ;  but  a  short  letter,  written 
to  one  of  his  brothers,  on  the  31st,  lays  open  the  recesses  of 
his  heart. 

"We  expect  every  hour  to  be  attacked  by  superior  force; 
but  if  they  forbear  but  one  day  longer  we  shall  be  prepared 
for  them.  .  .  .  We  have  already  got  intrenchments,  and  are 
about  a  palisade,  which,  I  hope,  will  be  finished  to-day.  The 
Mingoes  have  struck  the  French,  and,  I  hope,  will  give  a  good 
blow  before  they  have  done.  I  expect  forty  odd  of  them  here 
to-night,  which,  with  our  fort,  and  some  re-enforcements  from 
Colonel  Fry,  will  enable  us  to  exert  our  noble  courage  with 
spirit." 

Alluding  in  a  postscript  to  the  late  affair,  he  adds:  "I  for- 
tunately escaped  without  any  wound  ;  for  the  right  wing,  where 
I  stood,  was  exposed  to,  and  received,  all  the  enemy's  fire  ;  and 
it  was  the  part  where  the  man  was  killed  and  the  rest  wounded. 
/  heard  the  bullets  ivhistle,  and,  believe  me,  there  is  something 
charming  in  the  sound." 

This  rodomontade,  as  Horace  Walpole  terms  it,  reached  the 
ears  of  George  II.  "  He  would  not  say  so,"  observed  the  king, 
dryly,  "if  he  had  been  used  to  hear  many."  1 

Washington  himself  thought  so  when  more  experienced  in 
warfare.  Being  asked,  many  years  afterward,  whether  he  really 
had  made  such  a  speech  about  the  whistling  of  bullets,  "  If  I 
said  so,"  replied  he  quietly,  "  it  was  when  I  was  young."  2  He 
was,  indeed,  but  twenty-two  years  old  when  he  said  it ;  it  was 
just  after  his  first  battle  ;  he  was  flushed  with  success,  and 
was  writing  to  a  brother. 

1  This  anecdote  has  hitherto  rested  on  the  authority  of  Horace  Walpole,  who  gives 
it  in  his  memoirs  of  George  II.,  and  in  his  correspondence.  He  cites  the  rodomontade 
as  contained  in  the  express  despatched  by  Washington,  whom  he  pronounces  a  "  brave 
braggart."  As  no  despatch  of  Washington  contains  any  rodomontade  of  the  kind;  as  it 
is  quite  at  variance  with  the  general  tenor  of  his  character;  and  as  Horace  Walpole  is 
well  known  to  have  been  a  "  great  gossip  dealer,"  apt  to  catch  up  any  idle  rumor  that 
would  give  piquancy  to  a  paragraph,  the  story  has  been  held  in  great  distrust.  We  met 
with  the  letter  recently,  however,  in  a  column  of  the  London  Magazine  for  1754,  page 
370,  into  which  it  must  have  found  its  way  not  long  a*ter  U  was  written. 

*  Gordon,  Hist.  Am.  War,  vol.  ii.,  p.  20:>. 


90  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

SCARCITY   IN   THE   CAMP DEATH    OF  COLONEL   FRY PROMOTIONS 

MACKAY    AND    HIS    INDEPENDENT    COMPANY MAJOR   MUSE 

INDIAN  CEREMONIALS PUBLIC   PRAYERS    IN    CAMP ALARMS 

INDEPENDENCE     OF     AN     INDEPENDENT     COMPANY AFFAIRS     AT 

THE     GREAT     MEADOWS DESERTION    OF    THE    INDIAN    ALLIES 

CAPITULATION   OF  FORT    NECESSITY VAN    BRAAM    AS    AN    INTER- 
PRETER  INDIAN    PLUNDERERS RETURN    TO    WILLIAMSBURG 

VOTE    OF    THANKS    OF   THE    HOUSE    OF     BURGESSES SUBSEQUENT 

FORTUNES    OF   THE    HALF-KING COMMENTS     ON   THE    AFFAIR    OF 

JUMONVILLE    AND   THE    CONDUCT    OF    VAN    BRAAM. 

Scarcity  began  to  prevail  in  the  camp.  Contracts  had  been 
made  with  George  Croghan  for  flour,  of  which  he  had  large 
quantities  at  his  frontier  establishment ;  for  he  was  now  trading 
with  the  army  as  well  as  with  the  Indians.  None,  however, 
made  its  appearance.  There  was  mismanagement  in  the  com- 
missariat. At  one  time  the  troops  were  six  days  without  flour ; 
and  even  then  had  only  a  casual  supply  from  an  Ohio  trader. 
In  this  time  of  scarcity  the  half-king,  his  fellow  sachem,  Sca- 
rooyadi,  and  thirty  or  forty  warriors,  arrived,  bringing  with  them 
their  wives  and  children  —  so  many  more  hungry  mouths  to  be 
supplied.  Washington  wrote  urgently  to  Croghan  to  send  for- 
ward all  the  flour  he  could  furnish. 

News  came  of  the  death  of  Colonel  Fry  at  Wills'  Creek,  and 
that  he  was  to  be  succeeded  in  the  command  of  the  expedition 
by  Colonel  Innes  of  North  Carolina,  who  was  actually  at  Win- 
chester with  three  hundred  and  fifty  North  Carolina  troops. 
Washington,  who  felt  the  increasing  responsibilities  and  diffi- 
culties of  his  situation,  rejoiced  at  the  prospect  of  being  under 
the  command  of  an  experienced  officer,  who  had  served  in 
company  with  his  brother  Lawrence  at  the  siege  of  Carthagena. 
The  colonel,  however,  never  came  to  the  camp,  nor  did  the 
North  Carolina  troops  render  any  service  in  the  campaign  —  the 
fortunes  of  which  might  otherwise  have  been  very  different. 

By  the  death  of  Fry,  the  command  of  the  regiment  devolved 
on  Washington.  Finding  a  blank  major's  commission  among 
Fry's  papers,  he  gave  it  to  Captain  Adam  Stephen,  who  had 
conducted  himself  with  spirit.  As  there  would  necessarily  be 
other  changes,  he  wrote  to  Governor  Dinwiddie  in  behalf  of 
Jacob  Van  Braam. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  91 

**  He  has  acted  as  captain  ever  since  we  left  Alexandria.  He 
is  an  experienced  officer,  and  worthy  of  the  command  he  has 
enjoyed." 

The  palisaded  fort  was  now  completed,  and  was  named  Fort 
Necessity,  from  the  pinching  famine  that  had  prevailed  during 
its  construction.  The  scanty  force  in  camp  was  augmented  to 
three  hundred,  by  the  arrival  from  Wills'  Creek  of  the  men  who 
had  been  under  Colonel  Fry.  With  them  came  the  surgeon  of 
the  regiment,  Dr.  James  Craik,  a  Scotchman  by  birth,  and  one 
destined  to  become  a  faithful  and  confidential  friend  of  Wash- 
ington for  the  remainder  of  his  life. 

A  letter  from  Governor  Dinwiddie  announced,  however,  that 
Captain  Mackay  would  soon  arrive  with  an  independent  company 
of  one  hundred  men,  from  South  Carolina. 

The  title  of  independent  company  had  a  sound  ominous  of 
trouble.  Troops  of  the  kind,  raised  in  the  colonies,  under  di- 
rection of  the  governors,  were  paid  by  the  crown,  and  the  officers 
had  king's  commissions  ;  such,  doubtless,  had  Captain  Mackay. 
"  I  should  have  been  particularly  obliged,"  writes  Washington 
to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  "if  you  had  declared  whether  he  was 
under  my  command,  or  independent  of  it.  I  hope  he  will  have 
more  sense  than  to  insist  upon  any  unreasonable  distinction, 
because  he  and  his  officers  have  commissions  from  his  majesty. 
Let  him  consider,  though  we  are  greatly  inferior  in  respect  to 
advantages  of  profit,  yet  we  have  the  same  spirit  to  serve  our 
gracious  king  as  they  have,  and  are  as  ready  and  willing  to 
sacrifice  our  lives  for  our  country's  good.  And  here,  once  more, 
and  for  the  last  time,  I  must  say,  that  it  will  be  a  circumstance 
which  will  act  upon  some  officers  of  this  regiment,  above  all 
measure,  to  be  obliged  to  serve  upon  such  different  terms,  when 
their  lives,  their  fortunes,  and  their  operations  are  equally,  and, 
I  dare  say,  as  effectually  exposed  as  those  of  others,  who  are 
happy  enough  to  have  the  king's  commission." 

On  the  9th  arrived  Washington's  early  instructor  in  military 
tactics,  Adjutant  Muse,  recently  appointed  a  major  in  the  regi- 
ment. He  was  accompanied  by  Montour,  the  Indian  interpreter, 
now  a  provincial  captain,  and  brought  with  him  nine  swivels,  and 
a  small  supply  of  powder  and  ball.  Fifty  or  sixty  horses  were 
forthwith  sent  to  Wills'  Creek,  to  bring  on  further  supplies,  and 
Mr.  Gist  was  urged  to  hasten  forward  the  artillery. 

Major  Muse  was  likewise  the  bearer  of  a  belt  of  wampum 
and  a  speech,  from  Governor  Dinwiddie  to  the  half-king  ;  with 
medals  for  the  chiefs,  and  goods  for  presents  among  the  friendly 
Indians,  a  measure  which  had  been  suggested  by  Washington. 


92  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

They  were  distributed  with  that  grand  ceremonial  so  dear  to  ilic 
red  man.  The  chiefs  assembled,  painted  and  decorated  in  all 
their  savage  finery  ;  Washington  wore  a  medal  sent  to  him  by 
the  governor  for  such  occasions.  The  wampum  and  speech 
having  been  delivered,  he  advanced,  and  with  all  due  solemnity, 
decorated  the  chiefs  and  warriors  with  the  medals,  which  they 
were  to  wear  in  remembrance  of  their  father  the  King  of  En£= 
land. 

Among  the  warriors  thus  decorated  was  a  son  of  Queen  Ali- 
quippa,  the  savage  princess  whose  good  graces  Washington  had 
secured  in  the  preceding  year,  by  the  present  of  an  old  watch- 
coat,  and  whose  friendship  was  important,  her  town  being  at  no 
great  distance  from  the  French  fort.  She  had  requested  that 
her  son  might  be  admitted  into  the  war  councils  of  the  camp, 
and  receive  an  English  name.  The  name  of  Fairfax  was 
accordingly  given  to  him,  in  the  customary  Indian  form  ;  the 
half-king  being  desirous  of  like  distinction,  received  the  name 
of  Dinwicldie.  The  sachems  returned  the  compliment  in  kind, 
by  giving  Washington  the  name  of  Connotaucarius  ;  the  mean- 
ing of  which  is  not  explained. 

William  Fairfax,  Washington's  paternal  adviser,  had  re- 
cently counselled  him  by  letter,  to  have  public  prayers  in  his 
camp ;  especially  when  there  were  Indian  families  there ;  this 
was  accordingly  done  at  the  encampment  in  the  Great  Mead- 
ows, and  it  certainly  was  not  one  of  the  least  striking  pictures 
presented  in  this  wild  campaign  —  the  youthful  commander,  pre- 
siding with  calm  seriousness  over  a  motle}r  assemblage  of  half 
equipped  soldiery,  leathern-clad  hunters  and  woodsmen,  and 
painted  savages  with  their  wives  and  children,  and  uniting  them 
all  in  solemn  devotion  by  his  own  example  and  demeanor. 

On  the  10th  there  was  agitation  in  the  camp.  Scouts  hur- 
ried in  with  word,  as  Washington  understood  them,  that  a 
party  of  ninety  Frenchmen  were  approaching.  He  instantly 
ordered  out  a  hundred  and  fifty  of  his  best  men  ;  put  himself 
at  their  head,  and  leaving  Major  Muse  with  the  rest,  to  man 
the  fort  and  mount  the  swivels,  sallied  forth  "  in  the  full 
hope"  as  he  afterward  wrote  to  Governor  Dinwiddie,  "of 
procuring  him  another  present  of  French  prisoners." 

It  was  another  effervescence  of  his  youthful  military  ardor, 
and  doomed  to  disappointment.  The  report  of  the  scouts  had 
been  either  exaggerated  or  misunderstood.  The  ninety  French- 
men in  military  array  dwindled  down  into  nine  French  deserters. 

According  to  their  account,  the  fort  at  the  fork  was  com- 
pleted, and  named   Duquesne,  in  honor  of  the    Governor   of 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  93 

Canada.  It  was  proof  against  all  attack,  excepting  witn 
bombs,  on  the  land  side.  The  garrison  did  not  exceed  five 
hundred,  but  two  hundred  more  were  hourly  expected,  and 
nine  hundred  in  the  course  of  a  fortnight. 

Washington's  suspicions  with  respect  to  La  Force's  party 
were  justified  by  the  report  of  these  deserters  ;  they  had  been 
sent  out  as  spies,  and  were  to  show  the  summons  if  discovered 
or  overpowered.  The  French  commander,  they  added,  had 
been  blamed  for  sending  out  so  small  a  party. 

On  the  same  day  Captain  Mackay  arrived,  with  his  independ- 
ent company  of  South  Carolinians.  The  cross-purposes  which 
Washington  had  apprehended,  soon  manifested  themselves. 
The  captain  was  civil  and  well  disposed,  but  full  of  formal- 
ities and  points  of  etiquette.  Holding  a  commission  direct 
from  the  king,  he  could  not  bring  himself  to  acknowledge  a 
provincial  officer  as  his  superior.  He  encamped  separately, 
kept  separate  guards,  would  not  agree  that  Washington  should 
assign  any  rallying  place  for  his  men  in  case  of  alarm,  and  ob- 
jected to  receive  from  him  the  parole  and  countersign,  though 
necessary  for  their  common  safety. 

Washington  conducted  himself  with  circumspection,  avoiding 
every  thing  that  might  call  up  a  question  of  command,  and  rea- 
soning calmly  whenever  such  question  occurred ;  but  he  urged 
the  governor  by  letter,  to  prescribe  their  relative  rank  and  au- 
thority. "  He  thinks  you  have  notfi  power  to  give  commissions 
that  will  command  him.  If  so,  I  can  very  confidently  say  that 
his  absence  would  tend  to  the  public  advantage." 

On  the  11th  of  June,  Washington  resumed  the  laborious 
march  for  Redstone  Creek.  As  Captain  Mackay  could  not 
oblige  his  men  to  work  on  the  road  unless  they  were  allowed 
a  shilling  sterling  a  day  ;  and  as  Washington  did  not  choose  to 
pay  this,  nor  to  suffer  them  to  march  at  their  ease  while  his 
own  faithful  soldiers  were  laboriously  employed  ;  he  left  the 
captain  and  his  independent  company  as  a  guard  at  Fort 
Necessity,  and  undertook  to  complete  the  military  road  with 
his  own  men. 

Accordingly,  he  and  his  Virginia  troops  toiled  forward 
through  the  narrow  defiles  of  the  mountains,  working  on  the 
road  as  they  went.  Scouts  were  sent  out  in  all  directions,  to 
prevent  surprise.  While  on  the  march  he  was  continually 
beset  by  sachems,  with  their  tedious  ceremonials  and  speeches, 
all  to  very  little  purpose.  Some  of  these  chiefs  were  secretly 
in  the  French  interests ;  few  rendered  any  real  assistance,  and 
all  expected  presents. 


94  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

At  Gist's  establishment,  about  thirteen  miles  from  Fort 
Necessity,  Washington  received  certain  intelligence  that  ample 
re-enforcements  had  arrived  at  Fort  Duqnesne,  and  a  large  force 
would  instantly  be  detached  against  him.  Coming  to  a  halt, 
he  began  to  throw  up  intrenchinents,  calling  in  two  foraging 
parties,  and  sending  word  to  Captain  Mackay  to  join  him  with 
all  speed.  The  captain  and  his  company  arrived  in  the  evening, 
the  foraging  parties  the  next  morning.  A  council  of  war  was 
held,  in  which  the  idea  of  awaiting  the  enemy  at  this  place  was 
unanimously  abandoned. 

A  rapid  and  toilsome  retreat  ensued.  There  was  a  deficiency 
of  horses.  Washington  gave  up  his  own  to  aid  in  transporting 
the  military  munitions,  leaving  his  baggage  to  be  brought  on 
by  soldiers,  whom  he  paid  liberally.  The  other  officers  followed 
his  example.  The  weather  was  sultry  ;  the  roads  were  rough  ; 
provisions  were  scanty,  and  men  dispirited  by  hunger.  The 
Virginian  soldiers  took  turns  to  drag  the  swivels,  but  felt  almost 
insulted  by  the  conduct  of  the  South  Carolinians,  who,  piquing 
themselves  upon  their  assumed  privileges  as  "  king's  soldiers," 
sauntered  along  at  their  ease ;  refusing  to  act  as  pioneers,  or 
participate  in  the  extra  labors  incident  to  a  hurried  retreat. 

On  the  1st  of  July  they  reached  the  Great  Meadows.  Here 
the  Virginians,  exhausted  by  fatigue,  hunger,  and  vexation, 
declared  they  would  carry  the  baggage  and  drag  the  swivels  no 
further.  Contrary  to  his  original  intentions,  therefore,  Wash- 
ington determined  to  halt  here  for  the  present,  and  fortify,  send- 
ing off  expresses  to  hasten  supplies  and  re-enforcements  from 
Wills'  Creek,  where  he  had  reason  to  believe  that  two  independ- 
ent companies  from  New  York  were  by  this  time  arrived. 

The  retreat  to  the  Great  Meadows  had  not  been  in  the  least 
too  precipitate.  Captain  de  Villiers,  a  brother-in-law  of 
Jumonville,  had  actually  sallied  forth  from  Fort  Duquesne 
at  the  head  of  upward  of  five  hundred  French,  and  several 
hundred  Indians,  eager  to  avenge  the  death  of  his  relative. 
Arriving  about  dawn  of  day  at  Gist's  plantation,  he  surrounded 
the  works  which  Washington  had  hastily  thrown  up  there,  and 
fired  into  them.  Finding  them  deserted,  lie  concluded  that 
those  of  whom  he  came  in  search  had  made  good  their  retreat 
to  the  settlements,  and  it  was  too  late  to  pursue  them.  He  was 
on  the  point  of  returning  to  Fort  Duquesne,  when  a  deserter 
arrived,  who  gave  word  that  Washington  had  come  to  a  halt  in 
the  Great  Meadows,  where  his  troops  were  in  a  starving  condi- 
tion ;  for  his  own  part,  he  added,  hearing  that  the  French  were 
coming,  he  had  deserted  to  them  to  escape  starvation. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  95 

De  Villiers  ordered'  the  fellow  into  confinement ;  to  be 
rewarded  if  his  words  proved  true,  otherwise  to  be  hanged. 
He  then  pushed  forward  for  the  Great  Meadows.1 

In  the  mean  time  Washington  had  exerted  himself  to  enlarge 
and  strengthen  Fort  Necessity,  nothing  of  which  had  been  done 
by  Captain  Mackay  and  his  men,  while  encamped  there.  The 
fort  was  about  a  hundred  feet  square,  protected  by  trenches 
and  palisades.  It  stood  on  the  margin  of  a  small  stream, 
nearly  in  the  centre  of  the  Great  Meadows,  which  is  a  grassy 
plain,  perfectly  level,  surrounded  by  wooded  hills  of  a  moderate 
height,  and  at  that  place  about  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards  wide. 
Washington  asked  no  assistance  from  the  South  Carolina  troops, 
but  set  to  work  with  his  Virginians,  animating  them  by  word 
and  example ;  sharing  in  the  labor  of  feHing  trees,  hewing  off 
the  branches,  and  rolling  up  the  trunks  to  form  a  breastwork. 

At  this  critical  juncture' he  was  deserted  by  his  Indian  allies. 
They  were  disheartened  at  the  scanty  preparations  for  defence 
against  a  superior  force,  and  offended  at  being  subjected  to 
military  command.  The  half-king  thought  he  had  not  been 
sufficiently  consulted,  and  that  his  advice  had  not  been  suffi- 
ciently followed  ;  such,  at  least,  were  some  of  the  reasons  which 
he  subsequently  gave  for  abandoning  the  youthful  commander 
on  the  approach  of  danger.  The  true  reason  was  a  desire 
to  put  his  wife  and  children  in  a  place  of  safety.  Most  of  his 
warriors  followed  his  example  ;  very  few,  and  those  probably 
who  had  no  families  at  risk,  remained  in  the  camp. 

Early  in  the  morning  of  the  3d,  while  Washington  and  his 
men  were  working  on  the  fort,  a  sentinel  came  in  wounded  and 
bleeding,  having  been  fired  upon.  Scouts  brought  word  shortly 
afterward  that  the  French  were  in  force,  about  four  miles  off. 
Washington  drew  up  his  men  on  level  ground  outside  of  the 
works,  to  await  their  attack.  About  11  o'clock  there  was  a 
firing  of  musketry  from  among  trees  on  rising  ground,  but  so 
distant  as  to  do  no  harm  ;  suspecting  this  to  be  a  stratagem 
designed  to  draw  his  men  into  the  woods,  he  ordered  them  to 
keep  quiet,  and  refrain  from  firing  until  the  foe  should  show 
themselves,  and  draw  near. 

The  firing  was  kept  up,  but  still  under  cover.  He  now  fell 
back  with  his  men  into  the  trenches,  ordering  them  to  fire  when- 
ever the}'  could  get  sight  of  an  enemy.  In  this  way  there 
was  skirmishing  throughout  the  day ;  the  French  and  Indians 
advancing  as  near  as  the  covert  of  the  woods  would  permit, 

*  Hazard's  Register  of  Pennsylvania,  vol.  iv.,  p.  22. 


96  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

which  in  the  nearest  place  was  sixty  yards,  but  never  into  open 
sight.  In  the  mean  while  the  rain  fell  in  torrents  ;  the  harassed 
and  jaded  troops  were  half  drowned  in  their  trenches,  and  many 
of  their  muskets  were  rendered  unfit  for  use. 

About  eight  at  night  the  French  requested  a  parley.  Wash- 
ington hesitated.  It  might  be  a  stratagem  to  gain  admittance 
for  a  spy  into  the  fort.  The  request  was  repeated,  with  the 
addition  that  an  officer  might  be  sent  to  treat  with  them,  under 
their  parole  for  his  safety.  Unfortunately  the  Chevalier  de 
Peyrouney,  engineer  of  the  regiment,  and  the  only  one  who 
could  speak  French  correctly,  was  wounded  and  disabled. 
Washington  had  to  send,  therefore,  his  ancient  swordsman  and 
interpreter,  Jacob  Van  Braam.  The  captain  returned  twice 
with  separate  terms,  in  which  the  garrison  was  required  to 
surrender  ;  both  were  rejected.  He  returned  a  third  time,  with 
written  articles  of  capitulation.  They  were  in  French.  As  no 
implements  for  writing  were  at  hand,  Van  Braam  undertook  to 
translate  them  by  word  of  mouth.  A  candle  was  brought,  and 
held  close  to  the  paper  while  he  read.  The  rain  fell  in  torrents  ; 
it  was  difficult  to  keep  the  light  from  being  extinguished.  The 
captain  rendered  the  capitulation,  article  by  article,  in  mongrel 
English,  while  Washington  and  his  officers  stood  listening, 
endeavoring  to  disentangle  the  meaning.  One  article  stipu- 
lated that  on  surrendering  the  fort  they  should  leave  all  their 
military  stores,  munitions,  and  artillery  in  possession  of  the 
French.     This  was  objected  to,  and  was  readily  modified. 

The  main  articles,  as  Washington  and  his  officers  understood 
them,  were,  that  they  should  be  allowed  to  return  to  the  settle- 
ments without  molestation  from  French  or  Indians.  That  they 
should  march  out  of  the  fort  with  the  honors  of  war,  drums 
beating  and  colors  flying,  and  with  all  their  effects  and  military 
stores  excepting  the  artillery,  which  should  be  destroyed.  That 
they  should  be  allowed  to  deposit  their  effects  in  some  secret 
place,  and  leave  a  guard  to  protect  them  until  they  could  send 
horses  to  bring  them  away  ;  their  horses  having  been  nearly  all 
killed  or  lost  during  the  action.  That  they  should  give  their 
word  of  honor  not  to  attempt  an}'  buildings  or  improvements  on 
the  lands  of  his  most  Christian  Majesty,  for  the  space  of  a 
year.  That  the  prisoners  taken  in  the  skirmish  of  Jumouville 
should  be  restored,  and  until  their  delivery  Captain  Van  Braam 
and  Captam  Stobo  should  remain  with  the  French  as  hostages.1 

1  Horace  Walpole,  in  a  flippant  notice  of  this  capitulation,  says:  "The  French  have 
tied  up  the  hands  of  an  excellent  fanfaron,  a  Major  Washington,  whom  they  took  ano 
engaged  not  to  serve  for  one  year."  (Correspondence,  vol.  iii.,  p.  73.)  Walpole,  at  thifi 
early  date,  seems  to  have  considered  Washington  a  perfect  fire-eater. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  97 

The  next  morning,  accordingly,  Washington  and  his  men 
marched  out  of  their  forlorn  fortress  with  the  honors  of  war, 
bearing  with  them  their  regimental  colors,  but  leaving  behind  a 
large  flag,  too  cumbrous  to  be  transported.  Scarcely  had  they 
begun  their  march,  however,  when,  in  defiance  of  the  terms  of 
capitulation,  they  were  beset  by  a  large  body  of  Indians,  allies 
of  the  French,  who  began  plundering  the  baggage,  and  commit- 
ting other  irregularities.  Seeing  that  the  French  did  not,  or 
could  not,  prevent  them,  and  that  all  the  baggage  which  could  not 
be  transported  on  the  shoulders  of  his  troops  would  fall  into  the 
hands  of  these  savages,  Washington  ordered  it  to  be  destroyed, 
as  well  as  the  artillery,  gunpowder,  and  other  military  stores. 
All  this  detained  him  until  ten  o'clock,  when  he  set  out  on  his 
melancholy  march.  He  had  not  proceeded  above  a  mile  when 
two  or  three  of  the  wounded  men  were  reported  to  be  missing. 
He  immediately  detached  a  few  men  back  in  quest  of  them, 
and  continued  on  until  three  miles  from  Fort  Necessity,  where 
he  encamped  for  the  night,  and  was  rejoined  by  the  stragglers. 

In  this  affair,  out  of  the  Virginia  regiment,  consisting  of 
three  hundred  and  five  men,  officers  included,  twelve  had 
been  killed,  and  forty-three  wounded.  The  number  killed  and 
wounded  in  Captain  Mackay's  company  is  not  known.  The 
loss  of  the  French  and  Indians  is  supposed  to  have  been  much 
greater. 

In  the  following  clay's  march  the  troops  seemed  jaded  and 
disheartened  ;  they  were  encumbered  and  delayed  by  the 
wounded ;  provisions  were  scanty,  and  they  had  seventy  weary 
miles  to  accomplish  before  they  could  meet  with  supplies. 
Washington,  however,  encouraged  them  by  his  own  steadfast 
and  cheerful  demeanor,  and  by  sharing  all  their  toils  and  priva-. 
tions  ;  and  at  length  conducted  them  in  safety  to  Wills'  Creek, 
where  they  found  ample  provisions  in  the  military  magazines. 
Leaving  them  here  to  recover  their  strength,  he  proceeded  with 
Captain  Mackay  to  Williamsburg,  to  make  his  military  report 
to  the  governor. 

A  copy  of  the  capitulation  was  subsequently  laid  before  the 
Virginia  House  of  Burgesses,  with  explanations.  Notwith- 
standing the  unfortunate  result  of  the  campaign,  the  conduct 
of  Washington  and  his  officers  was  properly  appreciated,  and 
they  received  a  vote  of  thanks  for  their  bravery,  and  gallant 
defence  of  their  country.  Three  hundred  pistoles  (nearly 
eleven  hundred  dollars)  also  were  voted  to  be  distributed 
among  the  privates  who  had  been  in  action. 

From  the  vote  of  thanks,  two  officers  were  excepted  ;  Major 


98  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

Muse,  who  was  charged  with  cowardice,  and  Washington's 
unfortunate  master  of  fence  and  blundering  interpreter,  Jacob 
Van  Braam,  who  was  accused  of  treachery,  in  purposely  mis- 
interpreting the  articles  of  capitulation. 

In  concluding  this  chapter,  we  will  anticipate  dates  to  record 
the  fortunes  of  the  half-king  after  his  withdrawal  from  the 
camp.  He  and  several  of  his  warriors,  with  their  wives  and 
children,  retreated  to  Aughquick,  in  the  back  part  of  Pennsyl- 
vania, where  George  Croghan  had  an  agency,  and  was  allowed 
money  from  time  to  time  for  the  maintenance  of  Indian  allies. 
By  the  by,  Washington,  in  his  letter  to  William  Fairfax,  ex- 
pressed himself  much  disappointed  in  Croghan  and  Montour, 
who  proved,  he  said,  to  be  great  pretenders,  and  by  vainly 
boasting  of  their  interest  with  the  Indians,  involved  the  coun- 
try in  great  calamity,  causing  dependence  to  be  placed  where 
there  was  none.1  For,  with  all  their  boast,  they  never  could 
induce  above  thirty  fighting  men  to  join  the  camp,  and  not 
more  than  half  of  those  rendered  any  service. 

As  to  the  half-king,  he  expressed  himself  perfectly  dis- 
gusted with  the  white  man's  mode  of  warfare.  The  French, 
he  said,  were  cowards ;  the  English,  fools.  Washington  was 
a  good  man,  but  wanted  experience :  he  would  not  take  advice 
of  the  Indians,  and  was  always  driving  them  to  fight  according 
to  his  own  notions.  For  this  reason  he  (the  half-king)  had 
carried  off  his  wife  and  children  to  a  place  of  safety. 

After  a  time  the  chieftain  fell  dangerously  ill,  and  a  conjurer 
or  "  medicine  man  "  was  summoned  to  inquire  into  the  cause 
or  nature  of  his  malady.  He  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the 
French  had  bewitched  him,  in  revenge  for  the  great  blow  he 
had  struck  them  in  the  affair  of  Jumonville  ;  for  the  Indians 
gave  him  the  whole  credit  of  that  success,  he  having  sent 
round  the  French  scalps  as  trophies.  In  the  opinion  of  the 
conjurer  all  the  friends  of  the  chieftain  concurred,  and  on  his 
death,  which  took  place  shortly  afterward,  there  was  great 
lamentation,  mingled  with  threats  of  immediate  vengeance. 
The  foregoing  particulars  are  gathered  from  a  letter  written  by 
John  Harris,  an  Indian  trader,  to  the  Governor  of  Pennsylva- 
nia, at  the  request  of  the  half-king's  friend  and  fellow  sachem, 
Manacatoocha,  otherwise  called  Scarooyadi.  "I  humbly  pre- 
sume," concludes  John  Harris,  M  that  his  death  is  a  very  great 
loss,  especially  at  this  critical  time."  2 

1  Letter  to  "W.  Fairfax,  August  11,  1754. 

2  Pennsylvania  Archives,  vol.  ii.,  p.  178. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  99 

NOTE.  —  We  have  been  thus  particular  in  tracing  the  affair  of  the  Great  Meadows, 
step  by  step,  guided  by  the  statements  of  Washington  himself  and  of  one  of  his  officers, 
present  in  the  engagement,  because  it  is  another  of  the  events  in  the  early  stage  of  his 
military  career,  before  the  justice  and  magnanimity  of  his  character  were  sufficiently 
established,  which  has  been  subject  to  misrepresentation.  When  the  articles  of  capitu- 
latiou  came  to  be  correctly  translated  and  published,  there  were  passages  in  them 
derogatory  to  the  honor  of  Washington  and  his  troops,  and  which,  it  would  seem,  had 
purposely  been  inserted  for  their  humiliation  by  the  French  commander;  but  which, 
they  protested,  had  never  been  rightly  translated  by  Van  Braam.  For  instance,  in  the 
written  articles,  they  were  made  to  stipulate  that  for  the  space  of  a  year,  they  would  not 
work  on  any  establishment  beyond  the  mountains;  whereas  it  had  been  translated  by 
Van  Braam  "  on  any  establishment  on  the  lands  of  the  king  of  France,'1''  which  was 
quite  another  thing,  as  most  of  the  land  beyond  the  mountains  was  considered  by  them 
as  belonging  to  the  British  crown.  There  were  other  points,  of  minor  importance, 
relative  to  the  disposition  of  the  artillery;  but  the  most  startling  and  objectionable  one 
was  that  concerning  the  previous  skirmish  in  the  Great  Meadows.  This  was  mentioned 
in  the  written  articles  as  VassasHinat  du  Sieurde  Jumonville,  that  is  to  say,  the  murder 
of  De  Jumonville;  an  expression  from  which  Washington  and  his  officers  would  have 
revolted  with  scorn  and  indignation;  and  which,  if  truly  translated,  would  in  all  proba- 
bility have  caused  the  capitulation  to  be  sent  back  instantly  to  the  French  commander. 
On  the  contrary,  they  declared  it  had  been  translated  to  them  by  Van  Braam  the  death 
of  De  Jumonville. 

M.  de  Villiers,  in  his  account  of  this  transaction  to  the  French  government,  avails 
himself  of  these  passages  in  the  capitulation  to  casta  slur  on  the  conduct  of  Washing- 
ton. He  says,  "  We  made  the  English  consent  to  sign  that  they  had  assassinated  my 
brother  in  his  camp."  — "  We  caused  them  to  abandon  the  lands  belonging  to  the 
king."  —  "  We  obliged  them  to  leave  their  cannon,  which  consisted  of  nine  pieces,"  etc. 
He  further  adds  :  "  The  English,  struck  with  panic,  took  to  flight,  and  left,  their  flag  aiid 
one  of  their  colors."  We  have  shown  that  the  flag  left  was  the  unwieldy  one  belonging 
to  the  fort;  too  cumbrous  to  be  transported  by  troops  who  could  not  carry  their  own 
necessary  baggage.  The  regimental  colors,  as  honorable  symbols,  were  scrupulously 
carried  off  by  Washington,  and  retained  by  him  in  after  years. 

M.  de  Villiers  adds  another  incident  intended  to  degrade  his  enemy.  He  says,  "  One 
of  my  Indians  look  ten  Englishmen,  whom  he  brought  to  me,  and  whom  I  sent  back  by 
another."  These,  doubtless,  were  the  men  detached  by  Washington  in  quest  of  the 
wounded  loiterers;  and  who,  understanding  neither  French  nor  Indian,  found  a  difficulty 
in  explaining  their  peaceful  errand.  That  they  were  captured  by  the  Indian  seems  too 
much  of  u  gasconade. 

The  public  opinion  at  the  time  was  that  Van  Braam  had  been  suborned  by  De  Villiers 
to  soften  the  offensive  articles  of  the  capitulation  in  translating  them,  so  that  they  should 
not  wound  the  pride  nor  awaken  the  scruples  of  Washington  and  his  officers,  yet  should 
stand  on  record  against  them.  It  is  not  probable  that  a  French  officer  of  De  Villiers' 
rank  would  practise  such  a  base  perfidy,  nor  does  the  subsequent  treatment  experienced 
by  Van  Braam  from  the  French  corroborate  the  charge.  It  is  more  than  probable  the 
inaccuracy  of  translation  originated  in  his  ignorance  of  the  precise  weight  and  value  of 
words  in  the  two  languages,  neither  of  which  was  native  to  him,  and  between  which  he 
was  the  blundering  agent  of  exchauge. 


100  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

FOUNDING  OF    FORT    CUMBERLAND SECRET    LETTER    OF     STOBO 

THE    INDIAN    MESSENGER PROJECT    OF    DINWIDDIE HIS    PER- 
PLEXITIES   A     TAINT     OF     REPUBLICANISM      IN     THE      COLONIAL 

ASSEMBLIES DINWIDDIE's  MILITARY  MEASURES WASHINGTON 

QUITS     THE     SERVICE OVERTURES     OF     GOVERNOR     SHARPE,  OF 

MARYLAND WASHINGTON'S    DIGNIFIED    REPLY QUESTIONS   OF 

RANK    BETWEEN    ROYAL    AND    PROVINCIAL    TROOPS TREATMENT 

OF    THE    FRENCH    PRISONERS FATE  OF    LA  FORCE  —  ANECDOTES 

OF  STOBO  AND  VAN  BRAAM. 

Early  in  August  Washington  rejoined  his  regiment,  which 
had  arrived  at  Alexandria  by  the  wa}r  of  Winchester.  Letters 
from  Governor  Dinwiddie  urged  him  to  recruit  it  to  the  former 
number  of  three  hundred  men,  and  join  Colonel  Innes  at  Wills' 
Creek,  where  that  officer  was  stationed  withMackay's  independ- 
ent company  of  South  Carolinians,  and  two  independent  com- 
panies from  New  York ;  and  had  been  employed  in  erecting 
a  work  to  serve  as  a  frontier  post  and  rallying  point ;  which 
work  received  the  name  of  Fort  Cumberland,  in  honor  of  the 
Duke  of  Cumberland,  captain-general  of  the  British  army. 

In  the  mean  time  the  French,  elated  b}T  their  recent  triumph, 
and  thinking  no  danger  at  hand,  relaxed  their  vigilance  at  Fort 
Duquesne.  Stobo,  who  was  a  kind  of  prisoner  at  large  there, 
found  means  to  send  a  letter  secretly  by  an  Indian,  dated  July 
28,  and  directed  to  the  commander  of  the  English  troops.  It 
was  accompanied  by  a  plan  of  the  fort.  "  There  are  two  hun- 
dred men  here,"  writes  he,  "and  two  hundred  expected;  the 
rest  have  gone  off  in  detachments  to  the  amount  of  one  thousand, 
besides  Indians.  None  lodge  in  the  fort  but  Contrecceur  and 
the  guard,  consisting  of  forty  men  and  'five  officers  ;  the  rest 
lodge  in  bark  cabins  around  the  fort.  The  Indians  have  access 
day  and  night,  and  come  and  go  when  they  please.  If  one  hun- 
dred trusty  Shawnees,  Mingoes,  and  Delawares  were  picked  out, 
they  might  surprise  the  fort,  lodging  themselves  under  the 
palisades  by  day,  and  at  night  secure  the  guard  with  their 
tomahawks,  shut  the  sally-gate,  and  the  fort  is  ours." 

One  part  of  Stobo's  letter  breathes  a  loyal  and  generous 
spirit  of  self-devotion.  Alluding  to  the  danger  in  which  he  and 
Van  Braam,  his  fellow-hostage,  might  be  involved,  he  says, 
"  Consider  the  good  of   the  expedition  without  regard  to  us. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  101 

When  we  engaged  to  serve  the  country  it  was  expected  we  were 
to  do  it  with  our  lives.  For  my  part,  I  would  die  a  hundred 
deaths  to  have  the  pleasure  of  possessing  this  fort  but  one  day. 
They  are  so  vain  of  their  success  at  the  Meadows  it  is  worse 
than  death  to  hear  them.     Haste  to  strike."  1 

The  Indian  messenger  carried  the  letter  to  Aiighquick  and 
delivered  it  into  the  hands  of  George  Croghan.  The  Indian 
chiefs  who  were  with  him  insisted  upon  his  opening  it.  He 
did  so,  but  on  finding  the  tenor  of  it,  transmitted  it  to  the  Gov- 
ernor of  Pennsylvania.  The  secret  information  communicated  by 
Stobo,  may  have  been  the  cause  of  a  project  suddenly  conceived 
by  Governor  Dinwiddie,  of  a  detachment  which,  by  a  forced 
march  across  the  mountains,  might  descend  upon  the  French 
and  take  Fort  Duquesne  at  a  single  blow  ;  or,  failing  that, 
might  build  a  rival  fort  in  its  vicinity.  He  accordingly  wrote 
to  Washington  to  march  forthwith  for  Wills'  Creek,  with  such 
companies  as  were  complete,  leaving  orders  with  the  officers 
to  follow  as  soon  as  they  should  have  enlisted  men  sufficient  to 
make  up  their  companies.  "  The  season  of  the  year,"  added  he, 
"  calls  for  despatch.  I  depend  upon  your  usual  diligence  and 
spirit  to  encourage  your  people  to  be  active  on  this  occasion." 

The  ignorance  of  Dinwiddie  in  military  affairs,  and  his  want 
of  forecast,  led  him  perpetually  into  blunders.  Washington  saw 
the  rashness  of  an  attempt  to  dispossess  the  French  with  a  force 
so  inferior  that  it  could  be  harassed  and  driven  from  place  to 
place  at  their  pleasure.  Before  the  troops  could  be  collected, 
mid  munitions  of  war  provided,  the  season  would  be  too  far 
advanced.  There  would  be  no  forage  for  the  horses ;  the 
streams  would  be  swollen  and  unfordable  ;  the  mountains  ren- 
dered impassable  by  snow,  and  frost,  and  slippery  roads.  The 
men,  too,  unused  to  campaigning  on  the  frontier,  would  not  be 
able  to  endure  a  winter  in  the  wilderness,  with  no  better  shelter 
than  a  tent ;  especially  in  their  present  condition,  destitute  of 
almost  every  thing.  Such  are  a  few  of  the  cogent  reasons  urged 
by  Washington  in  a  letter  to  his  friend  William  Fairfax,  then 
in  the  House  of  Burgesses,  which  no  doubt  was  shown  to  Gov- 
ernor Dinwiddie,  and  probably  had  an  effect  in  causing  the  rash 
project  to  be  abandoned. 

The  governor,  in  truth,  was  sorely  perplexed  about  this  time 
by  contradictions  and  cross-purposes,  both  in  military  and  civil 
affairs.  A  body  of  three  hundred  and  fifty  North  Carolinian 
troops  had  been  enlisted  at  high  pay,  and  were  to  form  the  chief 

1  Hazard's  Register  of  Peiin.,  iv..  329. 


102  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

re-enforcement  of  Colonel  Innes,  at  Wills'  Creek.  By  the  time 
they  reached  Winchester,  however,  the  provincial  military  chest 
was  exhausted,  and  future  pay  seemed  uncertain  ;  whereupon 
they  refused  to  serve  any  longer,  disbanded  themselves  tumult- 
uously,  and  set  off  for  their  homes  without  taking  leave. 

The  governor  found  the  House  of  Burgesses  equally  unman- 
ageable. His  demands  for  supplies  were  resisted  on  what  he 
considered  presumptuous  pretexts  ;  or  granted  sparingly,  under 
mortifying  restrictions.  His  high  Tory  notions  were  outraged 
by  such  republican  conduct.  "  There  appears  to  me,"  said  he, 
"  an  infatuation  in  all  the  assemblies  in  this  part  of  the  world." 
In  a  letter  to  the  Board  of  Trade  he  declared  that  the  only  way 
effectually  to  check  the  progress  of  the  French,  would  be  an  act 
of  parliament  requiring  the  colonies  to  contribute  to  the  com- 
mon cause,  independently  of  assemblies ;  and  in  another,  to  the 
Secretary  of  State,  he  urged  the  policy  of  compelling  the  col- 
onies to  their  duty  to  the  king  by  a  general  poll-tax  of  two  and 
sixpence  a  head.  The  worthy  governor  would  have  made  a 
fitting  counsellor  for  the  Stuart  dynasty.  Subsequent  events 
have  shown  how  little  his  policy  was  suited  to  compete  with  the 
dawning  republicanism  of  America. 

In  the  month  of  October  the  House  of  Burgesses  made  a 
grant  of  twenty  thousand  pounds  for  the  public  service  ;  and 
ten  thousand  more  were  sent  out  from  England,  beside  a  supply 
of  fire-arms.  The  governor  now  applied  himself  to  military 
matters  with  renewed  spirit ;  increased  the  actual  force  to  ten 
companies ;  and,  as  there  had  been  difficulties  among  the  dif- 
ferent kinds  of  troops  with  regard  to  precedence,  he  reduced 
them  all  to  independent  companies ;  so  that  there  would  be-  no 
officer  in  a  Virginian  regiment  above  the  rank  of  captain. 

This  shrewd  measure,  upon  which  Dinwiddie  secretly  prided 
himself  as  calculated  to  put  an  end  to  the  difficulties  in  question, 
immediately  drove  Washington  out  of  the  service  ;  considering 
it  derogatory  to  his  character  to  accept  a  lower  commission 
than  that  under  which  his  conduct  had  gained  him  a  vote  of 
thanks  from  the  Legislature. 

Governor  Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  appointed  by  the  king  com- 
mander-in-chief of  all  the  forces  engaged  against  the  French, 
sought  to  secure  his  valuable  services,  and  authorized  Colonel 
Fitzhngh,  whom  he  had  placed  in  temporary  command  of  the 
army,  to  write  to  him  to  that  effect.  The  reply  of  Washington 
(15th  November)  is  full  of  dignity  and  spirit,  and  shows  how 
deeply  he  felt  his  military  degradation. 

"You  make  mention,"  says  he,   "of  my  continuing  in  the 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  103 

service  and  retaining  my  colonel's  commission.  This  idea  has 
filled  me  with  surprise ;  for  if  you  think  me  capable  of  holding 
a  commission  that  has  neither  rank  nor  emolument  annexed  to 
it,  3Tou  must  maintain  a  very  contemptible  opinion  of  my  weak- 
ness, and  believe  me  more  empty  than  the  commission  itself." 
After  intimating  a  suspicion  that  the  project  of  reducing  the 
regiment  into  independent  companies,  and  thereby  throwing  out 
the  higher  officers,  was  "  generated  and  hatched  at  Wills' 
Creek,"  — in  other  words,  was  an  expedient  of  Governor  Din- 
widdie,  instead  of  being  a  peremptory  order  from  England,  he 
adds,  "Ingenuous  treatment  and  plain  dealing  I  at  least  ex- 
pected. It  is  to  be  hoped  the  project  will  answer  ;  it  shall  meet 
with  my  acquiescence  in  every  thing  except  personal  services. 
I  herewith  enclose  Governor  Sharpe's  letter,  which  I  beg  you 
will  return  to  him  with  my  acknowledgments  for  the  favor  he 
intended  me.  Assure  him,  sir,  as  you  truly  may,  of  my  reluc- 
tance to  quit  the  service,  and  the  pleasure  I  should  have  received 
in  attending  his  fortunes.  Inform  him,  also,  that  it  was  to 
obey  the  call  of  honor  and  the  advice  of  my  friends  that  I  de- 
clined it,  and  not  to  gratify  any  desire  I  had  to  leave  the  mili- 
tary line.     My  feelings  are  strongly  bent  to  arms." 

Even  had  Washington  hesitated  to  take  this  step,  it  would 
have  been  forced  upon  him  by  a  further  regulation  of  govern- 
ment, in  the  course  of  the  ensuing  winter,  settling  the  rank  of 
officers  of  his  majesty's  forces  when  joined  or  serving  with  the 
provincial  forces  in  North  America,  "  which  directed  that  all 
such  as  were  commissioned  by  the  king,  or  by  his  general  com- 
mander-in-chief in  North  America,  should  take  rank  of  all 
officers  commissioned  by  the  governors  of  the  respective  prov- 
inces. And  further,  that  the  general  and  field  officers  of  the 
provincial  troops  should  have  no  rank  when  serving  with  the 
general  and  field  officers  commissioned  by  the  crown  ;  but  th.it 
all  captains  and  other  inferior  officers  of  the  royal  troops  should 
take  rank  over  provincial  officers  of  the  same  grade,  having 
older  commissions." 

These  regulations,  originating  in  that  supercilious  assumption 
of  superiority  which  sometimes  overruns  and  degrades  true 
British  pride,  would  have  been  spurned  by  Washington,  as 
insulting  to  the  character  and  conduct  of  his  high-minded 
brethren  of  the  colonies.  How  much  did  this  open  disparage- 
ment of  colonial  honor  and  understanding,  contribute  to  wean 
from  England  the  affection  of  her  American  subjects,  and 
prepare  the  way  for  their  ultimate  assertion  of  independence. 

Another  cause  of  vexation  to  Washington  was  the  refusal  of 


104  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

Governor  Dinwicldie  to  give  up  the  French  prisoners,  taken 
in  the  affair  of  De  Jumonville,  in  fulfilment  of  the  articles  of 
capitulation.  His  plea  was,  that  since  the  capitulation,  the 
French  had  taken  several  British  subjects,  and  sent  them  pris- 
oners to  Canada ;  he  considered  himself  justifiable  in  detain- 
ing those  Frenchmen  which  he  had  in  his  custody.  He  sent  a 
flag  of  truce,  however,  offering  to  return  the  officer  Drouillon,  and 
the  two  cadets,  in  exchange  for  Captains  Stobo  and  Van  Braam, 
whom  the  French  held  as  hostages  ;  but  his  offer  was  treated 
with  merited  disregard.  Washington  felt  deeply  mortified  by 
this  obtuseness  of  the  governor  on  a  point  of  military  punctilio 
and  honorable  faith,  but  his  remonstrances  were  unavailing. 

The  French  prisoners  were  clothed  and  maintained  at  the 
public  expense,  and  Drouillon  and  the  cadets  wrere  allowed  to 
go  at  large  ;  the  private  soldiers  were  kept  in  confinement.  La 
Force,  also,  not  having  acted  in  a  military  capacity,  and  having 
offended  against  the  peace  and  security  of  the  frontier,  by  his 
intrigues  among  the  Indians,  was  kept  in  close  durance.  Wash- 
ington, who  knew  nothing  of  this,  was  shocked  on  visiting 
Williamsburg,  to  learn  that  La  Force  was  in  prison.  He  expos- 
tulated with  the  governor  on  the  subject,  but  without  effect ; 
Dinwiddie  was  at  all  times  pertinacious,  but  particularly  so 
when  he  felt  himself  to  be  a  little  in  the  wrong. 

As  we  shall  have  no  further  occasion  to  mention  La  Force,  in 
connection  with  the  subject  of  this  work,  we  will  anticipate  a 
page  of  his  fortunes.  After  remaining  two  years  in  confine- 
ment he  succeeded  in  breaking  out  of  prison,  and  escaping  into 
the  country.  An  alarm  was  given,  and  circulated  far  and  wide, 
for  such  was  the  opinion  of  his  personal  strength,  desperate 
courage,  wily  cunning,  and  great  influence  over  the  Indians, 
that  the  most  mischievous  results  were  apprehended  should  he 
regain  the  frontier.  In  the  mean  time  he  was  wandering  about 
the  country,  ignorant  of  the  roads,  and  fearing  to  make  in- 
quiries, lest  his  foreign  tongue  should  betray  him.  He  reached 
King  and  Queen  Court  House,  about  thirty  miles  from  Williams- 
burg, when  a  countryman  was  struck  with  his  foreign  air  and 
aspect.  La  Force  ventured  to  put  a  question  as  to  the  distance 
and  direction  of  Fort  Duquesne,  and  his  broken  English  con- 
vinced the  countryman  of  his  being  the  French  prisoner,  whose 
escape  had  been  noised  about  the  country.  Watching  an  oppor- 
tunity he  seized  him,  and  regardless  of  offers  of  great  bribes, 
conducted  him  back  to  the  prison  of  Williamsburg,  where  he 
was  secured  with  double  irons,  and  chained  to  the  floor  of  his 
dungeon. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  105 

The  refusal  of  Governor  Dinwiddie  to  fulfil  the  article  of  the 
capitulation  respecting  the  prisoners,  and  the  rigorous  treatment 
of  La  Force,  operated  hardly  upon  the  hostages,  Stobo  and 
Van  Braam,  who,  in  retaliation,  were  confined  in  prison  in  Que- 
bec, though  otherwise  treated  with  kindness.  They,  also,  by 
extraordinary  effort,  succeeded  in  breaking  prison,  but  found  it 
more  difficult  to  evade  the  sentries  of  a  fortified  place..  Stobo 
managed  to  escape  into  the  country  ;  but  the  luckless  Van  Braam 
sought  concealment  under  an  arch  of  a  causeway  leading  from 
the  fortress.  Here  he  remained  until  nearly  exhausted  by 
hunger.  Seeing  the  Governor  of  Canada  passing  by,  and 
despairing  of  being  able  to  effect  his  escape,  he  came  forth 
from  his  hiding  place,  and  surrendered  himself,  invoking  his 
clemency.  He  was  remanded  to  prison,  but  experienced  no 
additional  severity.  He  was  subsequently  shipped  by  the 
governor  from  Quebec  to  England,  and  never  returned  to  Vir- 
ginia. It  is  this  treatment  of  Van  Braam,  more  than  any  thing 
else,  which  convinces  us  that  the  suspicion  of  his  being  in  col- 
lusion with  the  French  in  regard  to  the  misinterpretation  of  the 
articles  of  capitulation,  was  groundless.  He  was  simply  a 
blunderer. 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

RETURN  TO  QUIET  LIFE FRENCH  AND  ENGLISH  FREPARE  FOR  HOS- 
TILITIES  PLAN    OF    A    CAMPAIGN GENERAL    BRADDOCK HIS 

CHARACTER SIR  JOHN   ST.    CLAIR   QUARTERMASTER-GENERAL 

HIS    TOUR    OF    INSPECTION PROJECTED     ROADS ARRIVAL     OF 

BRADDOCK MILITARY  CONSULTATIONS  AND  PLANS COMMO- 
DORE KEPPEL  AND  HIS  SEAMEN SHIPS  AND  TROOPS  AT  ALEX- 
ANDRIA   EXCITEMENT  OF  WASHINGTON INVITED  TO  JOIN  THE 

STAFF  OF  BRADDOCK A  MOTHER'S   OBJECTIONS WASHINGTON 

AT   ALEXANDRIA GRAND    COUNCIL   OF    GOVERNORS MILITARY 

ARRANGEMENTS  COLONEL    WILLIAM    JOHNSON SIR   JOHN    ST. 

CLAIR     AT  FORT  CUMBERLAND  HIS    EXPLOSIONS    OF    WRATH 

THEIR  EFFECTS INDIANS  TO  BE  ENLISTED CAPTAIN  JACK  AND 

HIS  BAND  OF  BUSH-BEATERS. 

Having  resigned  his  commission,  and  disengaged  himself 
from  public  affairs,  Washington's  first  care  was  to  visit  his 
mother,  inquire  into  the  state  of  domestic  concerns,  and  attend 
to  the  welfare  of  his  brothers  and  sisters.  In  these  mat- 
ters he  was  ever  his  mother's  adjunct  and  counsellor,  dischar- 


106  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

ging  faithfully  the  duties  of  an  eldest  son,  who  should  considef 
himself  a  second  father  to  the  family. 

He  now  took  up  his  abode  at  Mount  Vernon,  and  prepared  to 
engage  in  those  agricultural  pursuits,  for  which,  even  in  his 
youthful  days,  he  had  as  keen  a  relish  as  for  the  profession  of 
arms.  Scarcely  had  he  entered  upon  his  rural  occupations, 
however,  when  the  service  of  his  country  once  more  called  him 
to  the  field. 

The  disastrous  affair  at  the  Great  Meadows,  and  the  other 
acts  of  French  hostility  on  the  Ohio,  had  roused  the  attention 
of  the  British  ministry.  Their  ambassador  at  Paris  was  in- 
structed to  complain  of  those  violations  of  the  peace.  The 
court  of  Versailles  amused  him  with  general  assurances  of 
amity,  and  a  strict  adherence  to  treaties.  Their  ambassador 
at  the  court  of  St.  James,  the  Marquis  de  Mirepoix,  on  the 
faith  of  his  instructions,  gave  the  same  assurances.  In  the 
mean  time,  however,  French  ships  were  fitted  out,  and  troops 
embarked,  to  carry  out  the  schemes  of  the  government  in  Amer- 
ica. So  profound  was  the  dissimulation  of  the  court  of  Ver- 
sailles, that  even  their  own  ambassador  is  said  to  have  been 
kept  in  ignorance  of  their  real  designs,  and  of  the  hostile  game 
they  were  playing,  while  he  was  exerting  himself  in  good  faith, 
to  lull  the  suspicions  of  England,  and  maintain  the  internation- 
al peace.  When  his  e}Tes,  however,  were  opened,  he  returned 
indignantly  to  France,  and  upbraided  the  cabinet  with  the  du- 
plicity of  which  he  had  been  made  the  unconscious  instrument. 

The  British  government  now  prepared  for  military  operations 
in  America ;  none  of  them  professedly  aggressive,  but  rather 
to  resist  and  counteract  aggressions.  A  plan  of  campaign  was 
devised  for  1755,  having  four  objects. 

To  eject  the  F'rench  from  lands  which  they  held  unjustly,  in 
the  province  of  Nova  Scotia. 

To  dislodge  them  from  a  fortress  which  they  had  erected  at 
Crown  Point,  on  Lake  Champlain,.  withm  what  was  claimed  as 
British  territory. 

To  dispossess  them  of  the  fort  which  they  had  constructed  at 
Niagara,  between  Lake  Ontario  and  Lake  Erie. 

To  drive  them  from  the  frontiers  of  Pennsjlvania  and  Vir- 
ginia, and  recover  the  valley  of  the  Ohio. 

The  Duke  of  Cumberland,  captain-general  of  the  British 
army,  had  the  organization  of  this  campaign ;  and  through  his 
patronage,  Major-General  Edward  Braddock  was  intrusted  with 
the  execution  of  it,  being  appointed  generalissimo  of  all  the 
forces  in  the  colonies. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  107 

Braddock  was  a  veteran  in  service,  and  had  been  upward  of 
forty  years  in  the  guards,  that  school  of  exact  discipline  and 
technical  punctilio.  Cumberland,  who  held  a  commission  in  the 
guards,  and  was  bigoted  to  its  routine,  may  have  considered 
Braddock  fitted,  by  his  skill  and  preciseness  as  a  tactician,  for 
a  command  in  a  new  country,  inexperienced  in  military  science, 
to  bring  its  raw  levies  into  order,  and  to  settle  those  questions 
of  rank  and  etiquette  apt  to  arise  where  regular  and  provincial 
troops  arc  to  act  together. 

The  result  proved  the  error  of  such  an  opinion.  Braddock 
was  a  brave  and  experienced  officer ;  but  his  experience  was 
that  of  routine,  and  rendered  him  pragmatical  and  obstinate, 
impatient  of  novel  expedients  "  not  laid  down  in  the  books," 
but  dictated  by  emergencies  in  a  "  new  country,"  and  his  mili- 
tary precision,  which  would  have  been  brilliant  on  parade,  was 
a  constant  obstacle  to  alert  action  in  the  wilderness.1 

Braddock  was  to  lead  in  person  the  grand  enterprise  of  the 
campaign,  that  destined  for  the  frontiers  of  Virginia  and  Penn- 
sylvania ;  it  was  the  enterprise  in  which  Washington  became 
enlisted,  and,  therefore,  claims  our  especial  attention. 

Prior  to  the  arrival  of  Braddock,  came  out  from  England 
Lieutenant-Colonel  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  deputy  quartermaster- 
general,  eager  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  the  Held  of  opera- 
tions. He  made  a  tour  of  inspection,  in  company  with  Governor 
Sharpe,  of  Maryland,  and  appears  to  have  been  dismayed 
at  sight  of  the  impracticable  wilderness,  the  region  of  Washing- 
ton's campaign.  From  Fort  Cumberland,  he  wrote  in  February 
to  Governor  Morris,  of  Pennsylvania,  to  have  the  road  cut,  or 
repaired,  toward  the  head  of  the  river  Youghiogeny,  and  another 
opened  from  Philadelphia  for  the  transportation  of  supplies. 
44  No  general,"  writes  he,  "  will  advance  with  an  army  without 
having  a  communication  open  to  the  provinces  in  his  rear,  both 
for  the  security  of  retreat,  and  to  facilitate  the  transport  of  pro- 

1  Horace  Walpole,  in  his  letters,  relates  some  anecdotes  of  Braddock,  which  give  a 
familiar  picture  of  him  in  the  fashionable  life  in  which  he  had  mingled  in  London,  and 
are  of  value,  as  letting  us  into  the  private  character  of  a  man  whose  name  has  become 
proverbial  in  American  history.  "  Braddock,"  says  Walpole,  "  is  a  very  Iroquois  in  dis- 
position. Tie  had  a  sister,  who,  having  gamed  away  all  her  little  fortune  at  Bath,  hanged 
herself  with  a  truly  English  deliberation,  leaving  a  note  on  the  table  with  these  lines: 
'To  die  is  landing  on  some  silent  shore,'  etc.  When  Braddock  was  told  of  it,  he  only 
said  :  '  Poor  Fanny!  I  always  thought  she  would  play  till  she  would  be  forced  to  tuck 
herself  up.'" 

Braddock  himself  had  been  somewhat  of  a  spendthrift.  lie  was  touchy,  also,  and 
punctilious.  "He  once  had  a  duel,"  says  Walpole,  "with  Colonel  Glumley,  Lady 
Bath's  brother,  who  had  been  bis  great  friend.  As  they  wen;  going  to  engage,  Glumley, 
who  had  good  humor  and  wit  (  Braddock  had  the  latter)  said  :  '  Braddock,  you  arc  a 
poor  dog!  here,  take  my  purse;  if  you  kill  me,  you  will  be  forced  to  run  away,  and  then 
you  will  not  have  a  shilling  to  support  you.'  Braddock  refused  the  purse,  insisted  on 
the  duel,  was  disarmed,  and  would  not  even  ask  for  bis  life." 


108  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON-. 

visions,  the  supplying  of  which  must  greatly  depend  on  your 
province."1 

Unfortunately  the  governor  of  Pennsylvania  had  no  money  at 
his  command,  and  was  obliged,  for  expenses,  to  apply  to  his 
Assembly,  "a  set  of  men,"  writes  he,  "quite  unacquainted 
with  every  kind  of  military  service,  and  exceedingly  unwilling 
to  part  with  money  on  any  terms."  However,  by  dint  of  exer^ 
tions,  he  procured  the  appointment  of  commissioners  to  explore 
the  country,  and  survey  and  lay  out  the  roads  required.  At  the 
head  of  the  commission  was  George  Croghan,  the  Indian  trader, 
whose  mission  to  the  Twightwees  we  have  already  spoken  of. 
Times  had  gone  hard  with  Croghan.  The  French  had  seized 
great  quantities  of  his  goods.  The  Indians,  with  whom  he 
traded,  had  failed  to  pay  their  debts,  and  he  had  become  a 
bankrupt.  Being  an  efficient  agent  on  the  frontier,  and  among 
the  Indians,  he  still  enjoyed  the  patronage  of  the  Pennsylvania 
government. 

When  Sir  John  St.  Clair  had  finished  his  tour  of  inspection, 
he  descended  Wills'  Creek  and  the  Potomac  for  two  hundred 
miles  in  a  canoe  to  Alexandria,  and  repaired  to  Virginia  to  meet 
General  Braddock.  The  latter  had  landed  on  the  20th  of  Feb- 
ruary at  Hampton,  in  Virginia,  and  proceeded  to  Williamsburg 
to  consult  with  Governor  Dinwiddie.  Shortly  afterward  he  was 
joined  there  by  Commodore  Keppel,  whose  squadron  of  two 
ships-of-war,  and  several  transports,  had  anchored  in  the  Chesa- 
peake. On  board  of  these  ships  were  two  prime  regiments  of 
about  five  hundred  men  each ;  one  commanded  by  Sir  Peter 
Halket,  the  other  by  Colonel  Dunbar ;  together  with  a  train  of 
artillery,  and  the  necessary  munitions  of  war.  The  regiments 
were  to  be  augmented  to  seven  hundred  men,  each  by  men  se- 
lected by  Sir  John  St.  Clair  from  Virginia  companies  recently 
raised. 

Alexandria  was  fixed  upon  as  the  place  where  the  troops 
should  disembark  and  encamp.  The  ships  were  accordingly 
ordered  up  to  that  place,  and  the  levies  directed  to  repair 
thither. 

The  plan  of  the  campaign  included  the  use  of  Indian  allies. 
Governor  Dinwiddie  had  already  sent  Christopher  Gist,  the 
pioneer,  Washington's  guide  in  1753,  to  engage  the  Cherokees 
and  Catawbas,  the  bravest  of  the  Southern  tribes,  who  he  had 
no  doubt  would  take  up  the  hatchet  for  the  English,  peace  being 
first    concluded,    through   the    mediation   of    his   government, 

1  Colonial  Records,  vi.,  300. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  109 

between  them  and  the  Six  Nations ;  and  he  gave  Braddock 
reason  to  expect  at  least  four  hundred  Indians  to  join  him  at 
Fort  Cumberland.  He  laid  before  him  also  contracts  that  he 
had  made  for  cattle,  and  promises  that  the  Assembly  of  Penn- 
sylvania had  made  of  Hour ;  these,  with  other  supplies,  and  a 
thousand  barrels  of  beef  on  board  of  the  transports,  would  fur- 
nish six  months'  provisions  for  four  thousand  men. 

General  Braddock  apprehended  difficulty  in  procuring  wagons 
and  horses  sufficient  to  attend  him  in  his  march.  Sir  John  St. 
Clair,  in  the  course  of  his  tour  of  inspection,  had  met  with  two 
Dutch  settlers,  at  the  foot  of  the  Blue  Ridge,  who  engaged  to 
furnish  two  hundred  wagons,  and  fifteen  hundred  carrying 
horses,  to  be  at  Fort  Cumberland  early  in  May. 

Governor  Sharpe  was  to  furnish  above  a  hundred  wagons  for 
the  transportation  of  stores,  on  the  Maryland  side  of  the 
Potomac. 

Keppel  furnished  four  cannons  from  his  ships,  for  the  attack 
on  Fort  Duquesne,  and  thirty  picked  seamen  to  assist  in  drag- 
ging them  over  the  mountains  ;  for  u  soldiers,"  said  he,  "  cannot 
be  as  well  acquainted  with  the  nature  of  purchases,  and  making 
use  of  tackles,  as  seamen."  They  were  to  aid  also  in  passing 
the  troops  and  artillery  on  floats  or  in  boats,  across  the  rivers, 
and  were  under  the  command  of  a  midshipman  and  lieutenant.1 

"Every  thing,"  writes  Captain  Robert  Orme,  one  of  the 
general's  aides-de-camp,  "seemed  to  promise  so  far  the  great- 
est success.  The  transports  were  all  arrived  safe,  and  the 
men  in  health.  Provisions,  Indians,  carriages,  and  horses, 
were  already  provided ;  at  least  were  to  be  esteemed  so,  con- 
sidering the  authorities  on  which  they  were  promised  to  the 
general." 

Trusting  to  these  arrangements,  Braddock  proceeded  to 
Alexandria.  The  troops  had  all  been  disembarked  before  his 
arrival,  and  the  Virginia  levies  selected  by  Sir  John  St.  Clair, 
to  join  the  regiments  of  regulars,  were  arrived.  There  were 
besides  two  companies  of  hatchet  men,  or  carpenters  ;  six  of 
rangers ;  and  one  troop  of  light  horse.  The  levies,  having 
been  clothed,  were  ordered  to  march  immediately  for  Win- 
chester, to  be  armed,  and  the  general  gave  them  in  charge 
of  an  ensign  of  the  44th,  "to  make  them  as  like  soldiers 
as  possible."  *2  The  light  horse  were  retained  by  the  general  as 
his  escort  and  body  guard. 

The  din  and  stir  of  warlike  preparation  disturbed  the  quiet 

1  Keppel's  Life  of  Keppel,  p.  205.  2  Orrae'e  Journal. 


B 


110  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

of  Mount  Vernon.  Washington  looked  down  from  his  rural 
retreat  upon  the  ships  of  war  and  transports,  as  they  passed 
up  the  Potomac,  with  the  array  of  arms  gleaming  along  their 
decks.  The  booming  of  cannon  echoed  among  his  groves. 
Alexandria  was  but  a  few  miles  distant.  Occasionally  he 
mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  to  that  place  ;  it  was  like  a  gar- 
risoned town,  teeming  with  troops,  and  resounding  with  the 
drum  and  fife.  A  brilliant  campaign  was  about  to  open  under 
the  auspices  of  an  experienced  general,  and  with  all  the 
means  and  appurtenances  of  European  warfare.  How  differ- 
ent from  the  starveling  expeditions  he  had  hitherto  been 
doomed  to  conduct!  What  an  opportunity  to  efface  the 
memory  of  his  recent  disaster!  All  his  thoughts  of  rural  life 
were  put  to  flight.  The  military  part  of  his  character  was 
again  in  the  ascendant ;  ♦  his  great  desire  was  to  join  the  expe- 
dition as  a  volunteer. 

It  was  reported  to  General  Braddock.  The  latter  was  ap- 
prised by  Governor  Dinwiddie  and  others,  of  Washington's 
personal  merits,  his  knowledge  of  the  country,  and  his  experi- 
ence in  frontier  service.  The  consequence  was,  a  letter  from 
Captain  Robert  Orme,  one  of  Braddock 's  aides-de-camp, 
written  by  the  general's  order,  inviting  Washington  to  join 
his  staff ;  the  letter  concluded  with  frank  and  cordial  expres- 
sions of  esteem  on  the  part  of  Orme,  which  were  warmly 
reciprocated,  and  laid  the  foundation  of  a  soldierlike  friend- 
ship  between  them. 

A  volunteer  situation  on  the  staff  of  General  Braddock 
offered  no  emolument  nor  command,  and  would  be  attended 
with  considerable  expense,  beside  a  sacrifice  of  his  private 
interests,  having  no  person  in  whom  he  had  confidence,  to 
take  charge  of  his  affairs  in  his  absence ;  still  he  did  not 
hesitate  a  moment  to  accept  the  invitation.  In  the  position 
offered  to  him,  all  the  questions  of  military  rank  which  had 
hitherto  annoyed  him,  would  be  obviated.  He  could  indulge 
his  passion  for  arms  without  any  sacrifice  of  dignity,  and  he 
looked  forward  with  high  anticipation  to  an  opportunity  of 
acquiring  military  experience  in  a  corps  well  organized,  and 
thoroughly  disciplined,  and  in  the  family  of  a  commander  of 
acknowledged  skill  as  a  tactician. 

His  mother  heard  with  concern  of  another  projected  ex- 
pedition in  the  wilderness.  Hurrying  to  Mount  Vernon,  she 
entreated  him  not  again  to  expose  himself  to  the  hardships 
and  perils  of  these  frontier  campaigns.  She  doubtless  felt 
the  value  of  his  presence  at  home,  to  manage  and  protect  the 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  Ill 

complicated  interests  of  the  domestic  connection,  and  had  watched 
with  solicitude  over  his  adventurous  campaigning,  where  so 
much  family  welfare  was  at  hazard.  However  much  a 
mother's  pride  may  have  been  gratified  by  his  early  advance- 
ment and  renown,  she  had  rejoiced  on  his  return  to  the 
safer  walks  of  peaceful  life.  She  was  thoroughly  practical 
and  prosaic  in  her  notions ;  and  not  to  be  dazzled  by  military 
glory.  The  passion  for  arms  which  mingled  with  the  more 
sober  elements  of  Washington's  character,  would  seem  to 
have  been  inherited  from  his  father's  side  of  the  house ;  it 
was,  in  fact,  the  old  chivalrous  spirit  of  the  De  Wessyngtons. 

His  mother  had  once  prevented  him  from  entering  the  navy, 
when  a  gallant  frigate  was  at  hand,  anchored  in  the  waters 
of  the  Potomac ;  with  all  his  deference  for  her,  which  he 
retained  through  life,  he  could  not  resist  the  appeal  to  his 
martial  sympathies,  which  called  him  to  the  head-quarters  of 
General  Braddock  at  Alexandria. 

His  arrival  was  hailed  by  his  young  associates,  Captains 
O'rme  and  Morris,  the  general's  aides-de-camp,  who  at  onee 
received  him  into  frank  companionship,  and  a  cordial  inti- 
macy commenced  between  them  that  continued  throughout 
the  campaign. 

He  experienced  a  courteous  reception  from  the  general,  who 
expressed  in  nattering  terms  the  impression  he  had  received  of 
his  merits.  Washington  soon  appreciated  the  charaeter  of  the 
general.  He  found  him  stately  and  somewhat  haughty,  exact 
in  matters  of  military  etiquette  and  discipline,  positive  in  giv- 
ing an  opinion,  and  obstinate  in  maintaining  it ;  but  of  an 
honorable  and  generous,  though  somewhat  irritable  nature. 

There  were  at  that  time  four  governors,  besides  Dinwiddie, 
assembled  at  Alexandria,  at  Braddock's  request,  to  concert  a 
plan  of  military  operations  ;  Governor  Shirley,  of  Massachu- 
setts ;  Lieutenant-Governor  Delancey,  of  New  York ;  Lieu- 
tenant-Governor Sharpe,  of  Maryland ;  Lieutenant-Governor 
Morris,  of  Pennsylvania.  Washington  was  presented  to  them 
in  a  manner  that  showed  how  well  his  merits  were  already 
appreciated.  Shirley  seems  particularly  to  have  struck  him  as 
the  model  of  a  gentleman  and  statesman.  He  was  originally  a 
lawyer,  and  had  risen  not  more  by  his  talents,  than  by  his  im- 
plicit devotion  to  the  crown.  His  son  William  was  military 
secretary  to  Braddock. 

A  grand  council  was  held  on  the  14th  of  April,  composed  of 
General  Braddock,  Commodore  Keppel,  and  the  governors,  at 
which  the  general's  commission  was  read,  as  were  his  iustruc- 


112  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

tions  from  the  king,  relating  to  a  common  fund,  to  be  estab- 
lished by  the  several  colonies,  toward  defraying  the  expenses 
of  the  campaign. 

The  governors  were  prepared  to  answer  on  this  head,  letters 
to  the  same  purport  having  been  addressed  to  them  by  Sir 
Thomas  Robinson,  one  of  the  king's  secretaries  of  state,  in  the 
preceding  month  of  October.  They  informed  Braddock  that 
they  had  applied  to  their  respective  Assemblies  for  the  estab- 
lishment of  such  a  fund,  but  in  vain,  and  gave  it  as  their  unan 
imous  opinion,  that  such  a  fund  could  never  be  established  in 
the  colonies  without  the  aid  of  Parliament.  They  had  found  it 
impracticable,  also,  to  obtain  from  their  respective  governments 
the  proportions  expected  from  them  by  the  crown,  toward  mili- 
tary expenses  in  America ;  and  suggested  that  ministers  should 
find  out  some  mode  of  compelling  them  to  do  it ;  and  that,  in 
the  mean  time,  the  general  should  make  use  of  his  credit  upon 
government,  for  current  expenses,  lest  the  expedition  should 
come  to  a  stand.1 

In  discussing  the  campaign,  the  governors  were  of  opinion 
that  New  York  should  be  made  the  centre  of  operations,  as  it 
afforded  easy  access  by  water  to  the  heart  of  the  French  pos- 
sessions in  Canada.  Braddock,  however,  did  not  feel  at  liberty 
tc  depart  from  his  instructions,  which  specified  the  recent 
establishments  of  the  French  on  the  Ohio  as  the  objects  of  his 
expedition. 

Niagara  and  Crown  Point  were  to  be  attacked  about  the  same 
time  with  Fort  Duquesne,  the  former  by  Governor  Shirley, 
with  his  own  and  Sir  William  Pepperell's  regiments,  and  some 
New  York  companies ;  the  latter  by  Colonel  William  Johnson, 
sole  manager  and  director  of  Indian  affairs ;  a  personage 
worthy  of  especial  note. 

He  was  a  native  of  Ireland,  and  had  come  out  to  this  country 
in  1734,  to  manage  the  landed  estates  owned  by  his  uncle, 
Commodore  Sir  Peter  Warren,  in  the  Mohawk  country. 

He  had  resided  ever  since  in  the  vicinity  of  the  Mohawk 
River,  in  the  province  of  New  York.  By  his  agency,  and  his 
dealings  with  the  native  tribes,  he  had  acquired  great  wealth, 
and  become  a  kind  of  potentate  in  the  Indian  country.  His 
influence  over  the  Six  Nations  was  said  to  be  unbounded  ;  and 
it  was  principally  with  the  aid  of  a  large  force  of  their  warriors 
that  it  was  expected  he  would  accomplish  his  part  of  the  cam- 
paign.    The  end  of  June,  "  nearly  in  July,"  was  lixed  upon  as 

i  Colonial  Records,  vol.  vi.,  p.  366. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  113 

the  time  when  the  several  attacks  upon  Forts  Duquesne, 
Niagara,  and  Crown  Point,  should  bo  carried  into  execution, 
and  Braddock  anticipated  an  easy  accomplishment  of  his 
plans. 

The  expulsion  of  the  French  from  the  lands  wrongfully  held 
by  them  in  Nova  Scotia,  was  to  be  assigned  to  Colonel  Law- 
rence, Lieutenant-Governor  of  that  province  ;  we  will  briefly 
add,  in  anticipation,  that  it  was  effected  by  him,  with  the  aid 
of  troops  from  Massachusetts  and  elsewhere,  led  by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Mouckton. 

The  business  of  the  Congress  being  finished,  General  Brad- 
dock  would  have  set  out  for  Fredericktown,  in  Maryland,  but 
few  wagons  or  teams  had  yet  come  to  remove  the  artillery. 
Washington  had  looked  with  wonder  and  dismay  at  the  huge 
paraphernalia  of  war,  and  the  world  of  superfluities  to  be  trans- 
ported across  the  mountains,  recollecting  the  difficulties  he  had 
experienced  in  getting  over  them  with  his  nine  swivels  and 
scanty  supplies.  u  If  our  inarch  is  to  be  regulated  by  the  slow 
movements  of  the  train,"  said  he,  u  it  will  be  tedious,  very 
tedious,  indeed."  His  predictions  excited  a  sarcastic  smile  in 
Braddock,  as  betiding  the  limited  notions  of  a  young  pro- 
vincial officer,  little  acquainted  with  the  march  of  armies. 

In  the  mean  while,  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  who  had  returned  to 
the  frontier,  was  storming  at  the  camp  at  Fort  Cumberland. 
The  road  required  of  the  Pennsylvania  government  had  not  been 
commenced.  George  Croghan  and  the  other  commissioners 
were  but  just  arrived  in  camp.  Sir  John,  according  to  Croghan, 
received  them  in  a  very  disagreeable  manner ;  would  not  look 
at  their  draughts,  nor  suffer  any  representations  to  be  made  to 
him  in  regard  to  the  province,  "  but  stormed  like  a  lion  ram- 
pant ;  "  declaring  that  the  want  of  the  road  and  of  the  provis- 
ions promised  by  Pennsylvania  had  retarded  the  expedition, 
and  might  cost  them  their  lives  from  the  fresh  numbers  of  French 
that  might  be  poured  into  the  country.  —  "That  instead  of 
inarching  to  the  Ohio,  he  would  in  nine  clays  march  his  army 
into  Cumberland  County  to  cut  the  roads,  press  horses,  wagons, 
etc.  — That  he  would  not  suffer  a  soldier  to  handle  an  axe,  but 
by  tire  and  sword  oblige  the  inhabitants  to  do  it.  .  .  .  That  he 
would  kill  all  kinds  of  cattle,  and  carry  away  the  horses,  burn 
the  houses,  etc.  ;  and  that  if  the  French  defeated  them,  by  the 
delays  of  Pennsylvania,  he  would,  with  his  sword  drawn,  pass 
through  the  province  and  treat  the  inhabitants  as  a  parcel  of 
traitors  to  his  master.  That  he  would  write  to  England  by  a 
man-of-war ;  shake  Mr.  Penn's  proprietaryship,  and  represent 


114  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON. 

Pennsylvania  as  a  disaffected  province.  .  .  .  He  told  us  to 
go  to  the  general,  if  we  pleased,  who  would  give  us  ten  bad 
words  for  one  that  lie  had  given." 

The  explosive  wrath  of  Sir  John,  which  was  not  to  be  ap- 
peased, shook  the  souls  of  the  commissioners,  and  they  wrote 
to  Governor  Morris,  urging  that  people  might  be  set  at  work 
upon  the  road,  if  the  Assembly  had  made  provision  for  opening 
it ;  and  that  flour  might  be  sent  without  delay  to  the  mouth  of* 
Canococheague  River,  "  as  being  the  only  remedy  left  to  pre- 
vent these  threatened  mischiefs."  x 

In  reply,  Mr.  Richard  Peters,  Governor  Morris's  secretary, 
wrote  in  his  name  :  "  Get  a  number  of  hands  immediately,  and 
further  the  work  by  all  possible  methods.  Your  expenses  will 
be  paid  at  the  next  sitting  of  Assembly.  Do  your  duty,  and 
oblige  the  general  and  quartermaster  if  possible.  Finish  the 
road  that  will  be  wanted  first,  and  then  proceed  to  any  other 
that  may  be  thought  necessary." 

An  additional  commission,  of  a  different  kind,  was  intrusted 
to  George  Croghan.  Governor  Morris  by  letter  requested  him 
to  convene  at  Aughquick,  in  Pennsylvania,  as  many  warriors  as 
possible  of  the  mixed  tribes  of  the  Ohio,  distribute  among  them 
wampum  belts  sent  for  the  purpose,  and  engage  them  to  meet 
General  Braddock  when  on  the  march,  and  render  him  all  the 
assistance  in  their  power. 

In  reply,  Croghan  engaged  to  enlist  a  strong  body  of  Indians, 
being  sure  of  the  influence  of  Scarooyadi,  successor  to  the  half- 
king,  and  of  his  adjunct,  White  Thunder,  keeper  of  the  speech- 
belts.2  At  the  instance  of  Governor  Morris,  Croghan  secured 
the  services  of  another  kind  of  force.  This  was  a  band  of 
hunters,  resolute  men,  well  acquainted  with  the  country,  and 
inured  to  hardships.  They  were  under  the  command  of  Captain 
Jack,  one  of  the  most  remarkable  characters  of  Pennsylvania ; 
a  complete  hero  of  the  wilderness.  He.  had  been  for  many  years 
a  captive  among  the  Indians  ;  and,  having  learnt  their  ways,  had 
formed  this  association  for  the  protection  of  the  settlements, 
receiving  a  commission  of  captain  from  the  Governor  of  Penn- 
sylvania. The  band  had  become  famous  for  its  exploits,  and 
was  a  terror  to  the  Indians.  Captain  Jack  was  at  present  pro- 
tecting the  settlements  on  the  Canococheague  ;  but  promised  to 
march  by  a  circuitous  route  and  join  Braddock  with  his  hunters. 
u  They  require  no  shelter  for  the  night,"  writes  Croghan  ;  "they 
ask  no  pay.     If  the  whole  army  was  composed  of  such  men 

i  Colonial  Records,  vol.  vi.,  p.  368.  *  ibid.,  p.  375. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  115 

there  would  be  no  cause  of  apprehension.     I  shall  be  with  them 
in  time  for  duty."  * 

Note.  —  The  following  extract  of  a  letter,  dated  August,  1750,  gives  one  of  the  stories 
relative  to  this  individual : 

"The  'Black  Hunter,'  the  'Black  Rifle,'  the  'Wild  Hunter  of  Juniata,'  is  a  white 
man;  his  history  is  this:  He  entered  the  woods  with  a  few  enterprising  companions; 
built  his  cahin;  cleared  a  little  land,  and  amused  himself  with  the  pleasures  of  fishing 
and  hunting.  He  felt  happy,  for  then  he  had  not  a  care.  But  on  an  evening,  when  he 
returned  from  a  day  of  sport,  he  found  his  cabin  burnt,  his  wife  and  children  murdered. 
Krom  that  moment  he  forsakes  civilized  man;  hunts  out  caves,  in  which  he  lives;  pro- 
tects the  frontier  inhabitants  from  the  Indians;  and  seizes  every  opportunity  of  revenge 
that  offers.  He  lives  the  terror  of  the  Indians  and  the  consolation  of  the  whites.  On  one 
occasion,  near  Juniata,  in  the  middle  of  a  dark  night,  a  family  were  suddenly  awaked 
from  sleep  by  the  report  of  a  gun;  they  jump  from  their  huts,  and  by  the  glimmering 
light  from  the  chirauey  saw  an  Indian  fall  to  rise  no  more.  The  open  door  exposed  to 
view  the  wild  hunter.  ♦  I  have  saved  your  lives,'  he  cried,  then  turned  and  was  buried 
in  the  gloom  of  night."  —  Hazard's  Register  o/Penn.,  vol.  iv.,  3S9. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

WASHINGTON    PROCLAIMED    AIDE-DE-CAMP DISAPPOINTMENTS    AT 

FREDERICKTOWN BENJAMIN   FRANKLIN  AND  BRADDOCK CON- 
TRACTS   DEPARTURE     FOR     WILLS'     CREEK ROUGH     ROADS  

THE    GENERAL    IN     HIS    CHARIOT CAMP    AT    FORT    CUMBERLAND 

HUGH      MERCER DR.    CRAIK MILITARY      TACTICS CAMP 

RULES SECRETARY       PETERS  INDIANS       IN       CAMP INDIAN 

BEAUTIES THE      PRINCESS     BRIGHT     LIGHTNING ERRAND      TO 

WILLIAMSBURG BRADDOCK's    OPINION     OF     CONTRACTORS     AND 

INDIANS ARRIVAL    OF    CONVEYANCES. 

General  Braddock  set  out  from  Alexandria  on  the  20th  of 
April.  Washington  remained  behind  a  few  days  to  arrange  his 
affairs,  and  then  rejoined  him  at  Fredericktown,  in  Maryland, 
where,  on  the  10th  of  May,  he  was  proclaimed  one  of  the  general's 
aides-de-camp.  The  troubles  of  Braddock  had  already  com- 
menced. The  Virginian  contractors  failed  to  fulfil  their  engage- 
ments ;  of  all  the  immense  means  of  transportation  so  confidently 
promised,  but  fifteen  wagons  and  a  hundred  draft-horses  had 
arrived,  and  there  was  no  prospect  of  more.  There  was  equal 
disappointment  in  provisions,  both  as  to  quantity  and  quality  ; 
and  he  had  to  send  round  the  country  to  buy  cattle  for  the  sub- 
sistence of  the  troops. 

1  Hazard's  Register  of  Penn.,  vol.  iv.,  p.  416. 


116  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

Fortunately,  while  the  general  was  venting  his  spleen  in  anath- 
emas against  army  contractors,  Benjamin  Franklin  arrived  at 
Fredericktown.  That  eminent  man,  then  about  forty-nine  years 
of  age,  had  been  for  many  years  member  of  the  Pennsylvania 
Assembly,  and  was  now  postmaster-general  for  America.  The 
Assembly  understood  that  Braddock  was  incensed  against 
them,  supposing  them  adverse  to  the  service  of  the  war.  They 
had  procured  Franklin  to  wait  upon  him,  not  as  if  sent  by 
them,  but  as  if  he  came  in  his  capacity  of  postmaster-general, 
to  arrange  for  the  sure  and  speedy  transmission  of  despatches 
between  the  commander-in-chief  and  the  governors  of  the  prov- 
inces. 

He  was  well  received,  and  became  a  dail}'  guest  at  the  general's 
table.  In  his  autobiography,  he  gives  us  an  instance  of  the 
blind  confidence  and  fatal  prejudices  by  which  Braddock  was 
deluded  throughout  this  expedition.  "In  conversation  with  him 
one  day,"  writes  Franklin,  u  he  was  giving  me  some  account  of 
his  intended  progress.  '  After  taking  Fort  Duquesne,'  said  he, 
'  I  am  to  proceed  to  Niagara ;  and,  having  taken  that,  to  Fron- 
tenac,  if  the  season  will  allow  time  ;  and  I  suppose  it  will,  for 
Duquesne  can  hardly  detain  me  above  three  or  four  days : 
and  then  I  can  see  nothing  that  can  obstruct  my  march  to 
Niagara.' 

'w  Having  before  revolved  in  my  mind,"  continues  Franklin, 
"  the  long  line  his  army  must  make  in  their  march  by  a  very 
narrow  road,  to  be  cut  for  them  through  the  woods  and  bushes, 
and  also  what  I  had  heard  of  a  former  defeat  of  fifteen  hundred 
French,  who  invaded  the  Illinois  country,  I  had  conceived  some 
doubts  and  some  fears  for  the  event  of  the  campaign  ;  but  I 
ventured  only  to  say,  '  To  be  sure,  sir,  if  }tou  arrive  well  before 
Duquesne  with  these  fine  troops,  so  well  provided  with  artillery, 
the  fort,  though  completely  fortified,  and  assisted  with  a  very 
strong  garrison,  can  probably  make  but  a  short  resistance.  The 
only  danger  I  apprehend  of  obstruction  to  your  march,  is  from 
the  ambuscades  of  the  Indians,  who,  by  constant  practice,  are 
dexterous  in  laying  and  executing  them ;  and  the  slender  line, 
nearly  four  miles  long,  which  your  army  must  make,  may  expose 
it  to  be  attacked  by  surprise  on  its  flanks,  and  to  be  cut  like 
thread  into  several  pieces,  which,  from  their  distance,  cannot 
come  up  in  time  to  support  one  another.' 

"  He  smiled  at  my  ignorance,  and  replied:  'These  savages 
may  indeed  be  a  formidable  enemy  to  raw  American  militia,  but 
upon  the  king's  regular  and  disciplined  troops,  sir,  it  is  impossi- 
ble they  should  make  an  impressiou.'     I  was  conscious  of  an 


BHfl[DID®C5EC8    H®1¥^ 
A.:n.  1755. 


■JtonHs 

Itradilock'f  iloail-- 


Sciutofmilcs. 


Copied,  by perinissionJ)rom-iheMuT>  by  3tfMulcZeUott.-frcm.-<l>e;gurvey  ~bifHr~.-7ttcinspn.in.  7S47. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.    ■  117 

impropriety  in  my  disputing  with  a  military  man  in  matters  of 
his  profession,  and  said  no  more."  1 

As  the  whole  delay  of  the  army  was  caused  by  the  want  of 
conveyances,  Franklin  observed  one  day  to  the  general  that  it 
was  a  pity  the  troops  had  not  been  landed  in  Pennsylvania, 
where  almost  every  farmer  had  his  wagon.  "  Then,  sir,"  re- 
plied Braddock,  "  you  who  are  a  man  of  interest  there  can  pro- 
bably procure  them  forme,  and  I  beg  you  will."  Franklin  con- 
sented. An  instrument  in  writing  was  drawn  up,  empowering 
him  to  contract  for  one  hundred  and  fifty  wagons,  with  four 
horses  to  each  wagon,  and  fifteen  hundred  saddle  or  pack  horses 
for  the  service  of  his  majesty's  forces,  to  be  at  Wills'  Creek  on 
or  before  the  20th  of  Ma}',  and  he  promptly  departed  for  Lan- 
caster to  execute  the  commission. 

After  his  departure,  Braddock,  attended  by  his  staff,  and  his 
guard  of  light  horse,  set  off'  for  Wills'  Creek  by  the  way  of 
Winchester,  the  road  along  the  north  side  of  the  Potomac  not 
being  yet  made.  "This  gave  him,"  writes  Washington,  u  a 
good  opportunity  to  see  the  absurdity  of  the  route,  and  of  damn- 
ing it  very  heartily."  2 

Three  of  Washington's  horses  were  knocked  up  before  they 
reached  Winchester,  and  he  had  to  purchase  others.  This 
was  a  severe  drain  of  his  campaigning  purse  ;  fortunately  he  was 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Greenway  Court,  and  was  enabled  to 
replenish  it  by  a  loan  from  his  old  friend  Lord  Fairfax . 

The  discomforts  of  the  rough  road  were  increased  with  the 
general,  by  his  travelling  with  some  degree  of  state  in  a 
chariot  which  he  had  purchased  of  Governor  Sharpe.  In  this 
he  dashed  by  Dunbar's  division  of  the  troops,  which  he  over- 
took near  Wills'  Creek  ;  his  body  guard  of  light  horse  galloping 
on  each  side  of  his  chariot,  and  his  staff  accompanying  him ; 
the  drums  beating  the  Grenadier's  march  as  he  passed.  In 
this  style,  too,  he  arrived  at  Fort  Cumberland,  amid  a  thunder- 
ing salute  of  seventeen  guns.3 

By  this  time  the  general  discovered  that  he  was  not  in  a 
region  fitted  for  such  display,  and  his  travelling  chariot  was 
abandoned  at  Fort  Cumberland ;  otherwise  it  would  soon  have 
become  a  wreck  among  the  mountains  beyond. 

By  the  19th  of  May,  the  forces  were  assembled  at  Fort  Cum- 
berland. The  two  royal  regiments,  originally  one  thousand 
strong,  now   increased   to   fourteen   hundred,  by  men  chosen 

1  Autobiography  of  Franklin.     Sparks'  Edition,  p.  190. 

2  Draft  of  a  letter,  among  Washington's  papers,  addressed  to  Major  John  Carlyle. 

3  Journal  of  the  Seamen's  detachment. 


118  •  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

from  the  Maryland  and  Virginia  levies.  Two  provincial  com- 
panies of  carpenters,  or  pioneers,  thirty  men  each,  with  sub- 
alterns and  captains.  A  company  of  guides,  composed  of  a 
captain,  two  aids,  and  ten  men.  The  troop  of  Virginia  light 
horse,  commanded  by  Captain  Stewart ;  the  detachment  of 
thirty  sailors  with  their  officers,  and  the  remnants  of  two  inde- 
pendent companies  from  New  York,  one  of  which  was  com- 
manded by  Captain  Horatio  Gates,  of  whom  we  shall  have 
to  speak  much  hereafter,  in  the  course  of  this  biography. 

Another  person  in  camp,  of  subsequent  notoriety,  and  who 
became  a  warm  friend  of  Washington,  was  Dr.  Hugh  Mercer, 
a  Scotchman,  about  thirty- three  years  of  age.  About  ten  years 
previously  he  had  served  as  assistant  surgeon  in  the  forces  of 
Charles  Edward,  and  followed  his  standard  to  the  disastrous 
field  of  Culloden.  After  the  defeat  of  the  "  chevalier," 
Mercer  had  escaped  by  the  way  of  Inverness  to  America,  and 
taken  up  his  residence  in  Virginia.  He  was  now  with  the 
Virginia  troops,  rallying  under  the  standard  of  the  House  of 
Hanover,  in  an  expedition  led  by  a  general  who  had  aided  to 
drive  the  chevalier  from  Scotland.1 

Another  young  Scotchman  in  the  camp  was  Dr.  James  Craik, 
who  had  become  strongly  attached  to  Washington,  being  about 
the  same  age,  and  having  been  with  him  in  the  affair  of  the 
Great  Meadows,  serving  as  surgeon  in  the  Virginia  regiment, 
to  which  he  still  belonged. 

At  Fort  Cumberland,  Washington  had  an  opportunity  of 
seeing  a  force  encamped  according  to  the  plan  approved  of  by 
the  council  of  war ;  and  military  tactics  enforced  with  all  the 
precision  of  a  martinet. 

The  roll  of  each  company  was  called  over  morning,  noon, 
and  night.  There  was  strict  examination  of  arms  and  accou- 
trements ;  the  commanding  officer  of  each  company  being 
answerable  for  their  being  kept  in  good  order. 

The  general  was  very  particular  in  regard 'to  the  appearance 
and  drill  of  the  Virginia  recruits  and  companies,  whom  he  had 
put  under  the  rigorous  discipline  of  Ensign  Allen.  "  They 
performed  their  evolutions  and  firings,  as  well  as  could  be 
expected,"  writes  Captain  Orme,  "  but  their  languid,  spiritless, 
and  unsoldier-like  appearance,  considered  with  the  lowness  and 
ignorance  of  most  of  their  officers,  gave  little  hopes  of  their 
future  good  behavior."  2     He  doubtless  echoed  the  opinion  of 

1  Braddock  had  been  an  officer  under  the  Duke  of  Cumberland,  in  his  campaign 
against  Charles  Edward. 

2  Orme's  Journal. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  119 

the  general ;  how  completely  were  both  to  be  undeceived  as  to 
their  estimate  of  these  troops  ! 

The  general  held  a  levee  in  his  tent  every  morning,  from  ten 
to  eleven.  He  was  strict  as  to  the  morals  of  the  camp. 
Drunkenness  was  severely  punished.  A  soldier  convicted  of 
theft  was  sentenced  to  .receive  one  thousand  lashes,  and  to  be 
drummed  out  of  his  regiment.  Part  of  the  first  part  of  the 
sentence  was  remitted.  Divine  service  was  performed  every 
Sunday,  at  the  head  of  the  colors  of  each  regiment,  by  the 
chaplain.  There  was  the  funeral  of  a  captain  who  died  at 
this  encampment.  A  captain's  guard  marched  before  the 
corpse,  the  captain  of  it  in  the  rear,  the  firelocks  reversed, 
the  drums  beating  the  dead  march.  When  near  the  grave  the 
guard  formed  two  lines,  facing  each  other;  rested  on  their 
arms,  muzzles  downward,  and  leaned  their  faces  on  the  butts. 
The  corpse  was  carried  between  them,  the  sword  and  sash  on 
the  coffin,  and  the  officers  following  two  and  two.  After  the 
chaplain  of  the  regiment  had  read  the  service,  the  guard  fired 
three  volleys  over  the  grave,  and  returned.1 

Braddock's  camp,  in  a  word,  was  a  complete  study  for  Wash- 
ington, during  the  halt  at  Fort  Cumberland,  where  he  had  an 
opportunity  of  seeing^  military  routine  in  its  strictest  forms. 
He  had  a  specimen,  too,  of  convivial  life  in  the  camp,  which 
the  general  endeavored  to  maintain,  even  in  the  wilderness, 
keeping  a  hospitable  table  ;  for  he  is  said  to  have  been  some- 
what of  a  bon  vivemt,  and  to  have  had  with  him  "  two  good 
cooks,  who  could  make  an  excellent  ragout  out  of  a  pair  of 
boots,  had  they  but  materials  to  toss  them  up  with."  2 

There  was  great  detention  at  the  fort,  caused  by  the  want  of 
forage  and  supplies,  the  road  not  having  been  finished  from 
Philadelphia.  Mr.  Richard  Peters,  the  secretary  of  Governor 
Morris,  was  in  camp,  to  attend  to  the  matter.  He  had  to  bear 
the  brunt  of  Braddock's  complaints.  The  general  declared  he 
would  not  stir  from  Wills'  Creek  until  he  had  the  governor's 
assurance  that  the  road  would  be  opened  in  time.  Mr.  Peters 
requested  guards  to  protect  the  men  while  at  work,  from  attacks 
by  the  Indians.  Braddock  swore  he  would  not  furnish  guards 
for  the  woodcutters,  — u  let  Pennsylvania  do  it !  "  He  scoffed 
at  the  talk  about  danger  from  Indians.  Peters  endeavored  to 
make  him  sensible  of  the  peril  which  threatened  him  in  this  re- 
spect. Should  an  army  of  them,  led  by  French  officers,  beset 
him  in  his  march,  he  would  not  be  able,  with  all  his  strength 

1  Orme's  Journal.    Journal  of  the  Seamen's  detachment. 

2  Preface  to  Winthrop  Sargent's  Introductory  Memoir. 


120  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

and  military  skill,  to  reach  Fort  Duquesne  without  a  body  of 
rangers,  as  well  on  foot  as  horseback.  The  general,  however, 
"  despised  his  observations."  1  Still,  guards  had  ultimately  to 
be  provided,  or  the  work  on  the  road  would  have  been  aban- 
doned. 

Braddock,  in  fact,  was  completely  chagrined  and  disap- 
pointed about  the  Indians.  The  Cherokees  and  Catawbas, 
whom  Dinwiddie  had  given  him  reason  to  expect  in  such  num- 
bers, never  arrived. 

George  Croghan  reached  the  camp  with  about  fifty  warriors, 
whom  he  had  brought  from  Aughquick.  At  the  general's 
request  he  sent  a  messenger  to  invite  the  Delawrares  and  Shaw- 
nees  from  the  Ohio,  who  returned  with  two  chiefs  of  the  for- 
mer tribe.  Among  the  sachems  thus  assembled  were  some  of 
Washington's  former  allies  ;  Scaroo}'adi,  alias  Monacatoocha, 
successor  to  the  half-king ;  White  Thunder,  the  keeper  of  the 
speech-belts,  and  Silver  Heels,  so  called,  probably,  from  being 
swift  of  foot. 

Notwithstanding  his  secret  contempt  for  the  Indians,  Brad- 
dock,  agreeably  to  his  instructions,  treated  them  with  great 
ceremony.  A  grand  council  was  held  in  his  tent,  where  all 
his  officers  attended.  The  chiefs,  and  all  the  warriors,  came 
painted  and  decorated  for  war.  They  were  received  with  mili- 
tary honors,  the  guards  resting  on  their  fire-arms.  The  general 
made  them  a  speech  through  his  interpreter,  expressing  the 
grief  of  their  father,  the  great  king  of  England,  at  the  death  of 
the  half-king,  and  made  them  presents  to  console  them.  They 
in  return  promised  their  aid  as  guides  and  scouts,  and  declared 
eternal  enmity  to  the  French,  following  the  declaration  with  the 
war  song,  u  making  a  terrible  noise." 

The  general,  to  regale  and  astonish  them,  ordered  all  the  ar- 
tillery to  be  fired,  "  the  drums  and  fifes  playing  and  beating  the 
point  of  war;  "  the  fete  ended  by  their  feasting,  in  their  own 
camp,  on  a  bullock  which  the  general  had  given  them,  following 
up  their  repast  by  dancing  the  war-dance  round  a  fire,  to  the 
sound  of  their  uncouth  drums  and  rattles,  "making  night  hid- 
eous," by  howls  and  yellings. 

"  I  have  engaged  between  forty  and  fifty  Indians  from  the 
frontiers  of  your  province  to  go  over  the  mountains  with  me," 
writes  Braddock  to  Governor  Morris,  "  and  shall  take  Croghan 
and  Montour  into  service."  Croghan  was,  in  effect,  put  in 
command  of  the  Indians,  and  a  warrant  given  to  him  of  captain. 

1  Colonial  Records,  vi.,  396 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  121 

For  a  time  all  went  well.  The  Indians  had  their  separate 
camp,  where  they  passed  half  the  night  singing,  dancing,  and 
howling.  The  British  were  amused  by  their  strange  ceremo- 
nies, their  savage  antics,  and  savage  decorations.  The  Indians, 
on  the  other  hand,  loitered  by  day  about  the  English  camp, 
fiercely  painted  and  arrayed,  gazing  with  silent  admiration  at 
the  parade  of  the  troops,  their  marchings  and  evolutions;  and 
delighted  with  the  horse-races,  with  which  the  young  officers 
recreated  themselves. 

Unluckily  the  warriors  had  brought  their  families  with  them 
to  Wills'  Creek,  and  the  women  were  even  fonder  than  the  men 
of  loitering  about  the  British  camp.  They  were  not  destitute 
of  attractions ;  for  the  young  squaws  resemble  the  g}rpsies, 
having  seductive  forms,  small  hands  and  feet,  and  soft  voices. 
Among  those  who  visited  the  camp  was  one  who  no  doubt 
passed  for  an  Indian  princess.  She  was  the  daughter  of  the 
sachem,  White  Thunder,  and  bore  the  dazzling  name  of  Bright 
Lightning.1  The  charms  of  these  wild-wood  beauties  were  soon 
acknowledged.  "  The  squaws,"  writes  Secretary  Peters,  "  bring 
in  money  p'lent}r ;  the  officers  are  scandalously  fond  of  them."  2 

The  jealousy  of  the  warriors  was  aroused ;  some  of  them 
became  furious.  To  prevent  discord,  the  squaws  were  forbid- 
den to  come  into  the  British  camp.  This  did  not  prevent  their 
being  sought  elsewhere.  It  was  ultimately  found  necessary, 
for  the  sake  of  quiet,  to  send  Bright  Lightning,  with  all  the  other 
women  and  children,  back  to  Aughquick.  White  Thunder,  and 
several  of  the  warriors,  accompanied  them  for  their  protection. 

As  to  the  three  Delaware  chiefs,  they  returned  to  the  Ohio, 
promising  the  general  they  would  collect  their  warriors  together, 
and  meet  him  on  his  march.  They  never  kept  their  word. 
"  These  people  are  villains,  and  always  side  with  the  strongest," 
says  a  shrewd  journalist  of  the  expedition. 

During  the  halt  of  the  troops  at  Wills'  Creek,  Washington 
had  been  sent  to  Williamsburg  to  bring  on  four  thousand  pounds 
for  the  military  chest.  He  returned,  after  a  fortnight's  absence 
escorted  from  Winchester  by  eight  men,  "  which  eight  men," 
writes  he,  "  were  two  days  assembling,  but  I  believe  would  not 
have  been  more  than  as  many  seconds  dispersing  if  I  had 
been  attacked." 

He  found  the  general  out  of  all  patience  and  temper  at  the 
delays  and  disappointments  in  regard  to  horses,  wagons,  and 
forage,  making  no  allowances  for  the  difficulties  incident  to  a 


Seamen's  Journal.  2  Letter  of  Peten  to  Governor  Morria. 


122  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

new  country,  and  to  the  novel  and  great  demands  upon  its 
scanty  and  scattered  resources.  He  accused  the  army  contract- 
ors of  want  of  faith,  honor,  and  honesty  ;  and  in  his  moments 
of  passion,  which  were  many,  extended  the  stigma  to  the  whole 
country.  This  stung  the  patriotic  sensibility  of  Washington, 
and  overcame  his  usual  self-command,  and  the  proud  and  pas- 
sionate commander  was  occasionally  surprised  by  a  well-mer- 
ited rebuke  from  his  aide-de-camp.  "  We  have  frequent  disputes 
on  this  head,"  writes  Washington,  "which  are  maintained 
with  warmth  on  both  sides,  especially  on  his,  as  he  is  incapable 
of  arguing  without  it,  or  of  giving  up  any  point  he  asserts,  be  it 
ever  so  incompatible  with  reason  or  common  sense." 

The  same  pertinacity  was  maintained  with  respect  to  the  Ind- 
ians. George  Croghan  informed  Washington  that  the  sachems 
considered  themselves  treated  with  slight,  in  never  being  con- 
sulted in  war  matters.  That  he  himself  had  repeatedly  offered 
the  services  of  the  warriors  under  his  command  as  scouts  and 
outguards,  but  his  offers  had  been  rejected.  Washington  ven- 
tured to  interfere,  and  to  urge  their  importance  for  such  purposes, 
especially  now  when  they  were  approaching  the  stronghold  of 
the  enemy.  As  usual,  the  general  remained  bigoted  in  his  belief 
of  the  all-sufficiency  of  well-disciplined  troops. 

Either  from  disgust  thus  caused,  or  from  being  actually  dis- 
missed, the  warriors  began  to  disappear  from  the  camp.  It  is 
said  that  Colonel  Innes,  who  was  to  remain  in  command  at 
Fort  Cumberland,  advised  the  dismissal  of  all  but  a  few  to 
serve  as  guides  ;  certain  it  is,  before  Braddock  recommenced 
his  march,  none  remained  to  accompany  him  but  Scarooyadi, 
and  eight  of  his  warriors.1 

Seeing  the  general's  impatience  at  the  non-arrival  of  convey- 
ances, Washington  again  represented  to  him  the  difficulties  he 
would  encounter  in  attempting  to  traverse  the  mountains  with 
such  a  train  of  wheel-carriages,  assuring  him  it  would  be  the 
most  arduous  part  of  the  campaign ;  and  recommended,  from 
his  own  experience,  the  substitution,  as  much  as  possible,  of 
pack-horses.  Braddock,  however,  had  not  been  sufficiently 
harassed  by  frontier  campaigning  to  depart  from  his  European 
modes,  or  to  be  swayed  in  his  military  operations  by  so  green  a 
counsellor. 

1  Braddock's  own  secretary,  William  Shirley,  was  disaffected  to  him.  Writing  about 
him  to  Governor  Morris  he  satirically  observes :  "  We  have  a  general  most  judiciously 
chosen  for  being  disqualified  for  the  service  he  is  employed  in,  in  almost  every  respect." 
And  of  the  secondary  officers :  "  As  to  them,  I  don't  think  we  have  much  to  boast. 
Some  are  insolent  and  ignorant;  others  capable,  but  rather  aiming  at  showing  their  own 
abilities  than  making  a  proper  use  of  them." —  Colonial  Records,  vi.,  405, 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  123 

At  length  the  general  was  relieved  from  present  perplexities 
by  the  arrival  of  the  horses  and  wagons  which  Franklin  had  un- 
dertaken to  procure.  That  eminent  man,  with  his  characteristic 
promptness  and  unwearied  exertions,  and  by  his  great  personal 
popularity,  had  obtained  them  from  the  reluctant  Pennsylvania 
farmers,  being  obliged  to  pledge  his  own  responsibility  for  their 
being  fully  remunerated.  He  performed  this  laborious  task 
out  of  pure  zeal  for  the  public  service,  neither  expecting  nor 
receiving  emolument ;  and,  in  fact,  experiencing  subsequently 
great  delay  and  embarrassment  before  he  was  relieved  from  the 
pecuniary  responsibilities  thus  patriotically  incurred. 

The  arrival  of  the  conveyances  put  Braddock  in  good  humor 
with  Pennsylvania.  Jn  a  letter  to  Governor  Morris,  he  alludes 
to  the  threat  of  Sir  John  St.  Clair  to  go  through  that  province 
with  a  drawn  sword  in  his  hand.  "  He  is  ashamed  of  his  having 
talked  to  you  in  the  manner  he  did."  Still  the  general  made 
Franklin's  contract  for  wagons  the  sole  instance  in  which  Ik; 
had  not  experienced  deceit  and  villany. 

"  I  hope,  however,  in  spile  of  all  this,"  adds  he,  "that  we 
shall  pass  a  merry  Christinas  together." 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

MARCH  FROM    FORT    CUMBERLAND  THE    GREAT  SAVAGE  MOUNTAIN 

CAMP    AT   THE    LITTLE    MEADOWS DIVISION    OF   THE    FORCES 

CAPTAIN    JACK    AND    HIS    BAND SCAROOYADI    IN    DANGER  — 

ILLNESS     OF     WASHINGTON HIS    HALT     AT     THE     YOUGI1IOGENY 

MARCH     OF     BRADDOCK THE     GREAT     MEADOWS LURKING 

ENEMIES THEIR    TRACKS  —  PRECAUTIONS  TIIICKETY    RUN 

SCOUTS INDIAN   MURDERS FUNERAL    OF   AN    INDIAN  WARRIOR 

CAMP      ON      THE       MONONGAHELA WASHINGTON'S      ARRIVAL 

THERE MARCH     FOR    FORT    DU^UESNE THE    FORDING    OF   THE 

MONONGAHELA  —  THE       BATTLE  —  THE      RETREAT DEATH      OF 

BRADDOCK. 

On  the  10th  of  June,  Braddock  set  off  from  Fort  Cumber- 
land with  his  aides-de-camp,  and  others  of  his  staff,  and  his 
body  guard  of  light  horse.  Sir  Peter  Halket,  with  his  brigade, 
had  marched  three  days  previously  ;  and  a  detachment  of  six 
hundred  men,  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Chapman,  and 
the  supervision  of  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  had  been  employed  up- 


124  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

ward  of  ten  days  in  cutting  down  trees,  removing  rocks,  and 
opening  a  road. 

The  march  over  the  mountains  proved,  as  Washington  had 
foretold,  a  "  tremendous  undertaking."  It  was  with  difficulty 
the  heavily  laden  wagons  could  be  dragged  up  the  steep  and 
rugged  roads,  newly  made,  or  imperfectly  repaired.  Often 
they  extended  for  three  or  four  miles  in  a  straggling  and  broken 
line,  with  the  soldiers  so  dispersed,  in  guarding  them,  that  an 
attack  on  any  side  would  have  thrown  the  whole  in  confusion. 
It  was  the  dreary  region  of  the  great  Savage  Mountain,  and  the 
u  Shades  of  Death  "  that  was  again  made  to  echo  with  the  din 
of  arms. 

What  outraged  Washington's  notion  of  the  abstemious  fru- 
galit}'  suitable  to  campaigning  in  "  backwoods,"  was  the  great 
number  of  horses  and  wagons  required  by  the  officers  for  the 
transportation  of  their  baggage,  camp  equipage,  and  a  thousand 
articles  of  artificial  necessity.  Simple  himself  in  his  tastes  and 
habits,  and  manfully  indifferent  to  personal  indulgences,  he 
almost  doubted  whether  such  sybarites  in  the  camp  could  be 
efficient  in  the  field. 

By  the  time  the  advanced  corps  had  struggled  over  two 
mountains,  and  through  the  intervening  forest,  and  reached 
(16th  June)  the  Little  Meadows,  where  Sir  John  St.  Clair  had 
made  a  temporary  camp,  General  Braddock  had  become  aware 
of  the  difference  between  campaigning  in  a  new  country,  or  on 
the  old  well-beaten  battle-grounds  of  Europe.  He  now,  of  his 
own  accord,  turned  to  Washington  for  advice,  though  it  must 
have  been  a  sore  trial  to  his  pride  to  seek  it  of  so  young  a  man  ; 
but  he  had  by  this  time  sufficient  proof  of  his  sagacity,  and  his 
knowledge  of  the  frontier. 

Thus  unexpectedly  called  on,  Washington  gave  his  counsel 
with  becoming  modesty,  but  with  his  accustomed  clearness. 
There  was  just  now  an  opportunity  to  strike  an  effective  blow 
at  Fort  Duquesne,  but  it  might  be  lost  by  delay.  The  garrison, 
according  to  credible  reports,  was  weak  ;  large  re-enforcements 
and  supplies,  which  were  on  their  way,  would  be  detained  by 
the  drought,  which  rendered  the  river  by  which  they  must  come 
low  and  unnavigable.  The  blow  must  be  struck  before  they 
could  arrive.  He  advised  the  general,  therefore,  to  divide  his 
forces  ;  leave  one  part  to  come  on  with  the  stores  and  baggage, 
and  all  the  cumbrous  appurtenances  of  an  army,  and  to  throw 
himself  in  the  advance  with  the  other  part,  composed  of  his 
choicest  troops,  lightened  of  every  thing  superfluous  that  might 
impede  a  rapid  march. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  125 

His  advice  was  adopted.  Twelve  hundred  men,  selected  out 
of  all  the  companies,  and  furnished  with  ten  field-pieces,  were 
to  form  the  first  division,  their  provisions,  and  other  neces- 
saries, to  be  carried  on  pack-horses.  The  second  division,  with 
all  the  stores,  munitions,  and  heavy  baggage,  was  to  be  brought 
on  by  Colonel  Dunbar. 

The  least  practicable  part  of  the  arrangement  was  with  regard 
to  the  officers  of  the  advance.  Washington  had  urged  a  re- 
trenchment of  their  baggage  and  camp  equipage,  that  as  many 
of  their  horses  as  possible  might  be  used  as  pack-horses.  Here 
was  the  difficulty.  Brought  up,  many  of  them,  in  fashionable 
and  luxurious  life,  or  the  loitering  indulgence  of  country  quar- 
ters, they  were  so  encumbered  with  what  they  considered  indis- 
pensable necessaries,  that  out  of  two  hundred  and  twelve  horses 
generally  appropriated  to  their  use,  not  more  than  a  dozen 
could  be  spared  by  them  for  the  public  service.  Washington, 
in  his  own  case,  acted  up  to  the  advice  he  had  given.  lie 
retained  no  more  clothing  and  effects  with  him  than  would  about 
half  fill  a  portmanteau,  and  gave  up  his  best  steed  as  a  pack- 
horse —  which  he  never  heard  of  afterward.1 

During  the  halt  at  the  Little  Meadows,  Captain  Jack  and 
his  band  of  forest  rangers,  whom  Croghan  had  engaged  at 
Governor  Morris's  suggestion,  made  their  appearance  in  the 
camp ;  armed  and  equipped  with  rifle,  knife,  hunting-shirts, 
leggings  and  moccasins,  and  looking  almost  like  a  band  of 
Indians  as  they  issued  from  the  woods. 

The  captain  asked  an  interview  with  the  general,  by  whom. 
it  would  seem,  he  was  not  expected.  Braddock  received  him 
in  his  tent,  in  his  usual  stiff  and  stately  manner.  The 
"  Black  Rifle  "  spoke  of  himself  and  his  followers  as  men 
inured  to  hardships,  and  accustomed  to  deal  with  Indians, 
who  preferred  stealth  and  stratagem  to  open  warfare.  He 
vequested  his  company  should  be  employed  as  a  reconnoitring 
party,  to  beat  up  the  Indians  in  their  lurking-places  and 
ambuscades. 

Braddock,  who  had  a  sovereign  contempt  for  the  chivalry 
of  the  woods,  and  despised  their  boasted  strategy,  replied  to 
the  hero  of  the  Pennsylvania  settlements  in  a  manner  to  which 
he  had  not  been  accustomed.  "There  was  time  enough," 
he  said,  "  for  making  arrangements;  and  he  had  experienced 
troops,  on  whom  he  could  completely  rely  for  all  purposes." 

Captain  Jack  withdrew,  indignant  at  so  haughty  a  reception, 


1  Letter  to  J.  Augustine  Washington      Sparks 


126  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

and  informed  his  leathern-clad  followers  of  his  rebuff.  They 
forthwith  shouldered  their  rifles,  turned  their  backs  upon  the 
camp,  and,  headed  by  the  captain,  departed  in  Indian  file 
through  the  woods,  for  the  usual  scenes  of  their  exploits,  where 
men  knew  their  value,  the  banks  of  the  Juniata  or  the  Conoco- 
cheague.1 

On  the  19 tli  of  June  Braddock's  first  division  set  out,  with 
less  than  thirty  carriages,  including  those  that  transported 
ammunition  for  the  artillery,  all  strongly  horsed.  The  Indians 
marched  with  the  advanced  party.  In  the  course  of  the  day, 
Scarooyadi  and  his  son  being  at  a  small  distance  from  the  line 
of  march,  was  surrounded  and  taken  by  some  French  and 
Indians.  His  son  escaped,  and  brought  intelligence  to  his 
warriors ;  they  hastened  to  rescue  or  revenge  him,  but  found 
him  tied  to  a  tree.  The  French  had  been  disposed  to  shoot 
him,  but  their  savage  allies  declared  they  would  abandon  them 
should  they  do  so ;  having  some  tie  of  friendship  or  kindred 
with  the  chieftain,  who  thus  rejoined  the  troops  unharmed. 

Washington  was  disappointed  in  his  anticipations  of  a  rapid 
march.  The  general,  though  he  had  adopted  his  advice  in  the 
main,  could  not  carry  it  out  in  detail.  His  military  education 
was  in  the  way ;  bigoted  to  the  regular  and  elaborate  tactics  of 
Europe,  he  could  not  stoop  to  the  make-shift  expedients  of  a 
new  country,  where  every  difficulty  is  encountered  and  mas- 
tered in  a  rough-and-ready  style.  "  I  found,"  said  Washing- 
ton, "  that  instead  of  pushing  on  with  vigor,  without  regarding 
a  little  rough  road,  they  were  halting  to  level  every  mole  hill, 
and  to  erect  bridges  over  every  brook,  by  which  means  we  were 
four  days  in  getting  twelve  miles." 

For  several  days  Washington  had  suffered  from  fever,  ac- 
companied by  intense  headache,  and  his  illness  increased  in 
violence  to  such  a  degree  that  he  was  unable  to  ride,  and  had 
to  be  conveyed  for  a  part  of  the  time  in  a  covered  wagon. 
His  illness  continued  without  intermission  until  the  23d,  "  when 
I  was  relieved,"  says  he,  "  by  the  general's  absolutely  ordering 
the  physician  to  give  me  Dr.  James's  powders  ;  one  of  the 
most  excellent  medicines  in  the  world.  It  gave  me  immediate 
relief,  and  removed  my  fever  and  other  complaints  in  four 
days'  time." 

He  was  still  unable  to  bear  the  jolting  of  the  wagon,  but  it 

1  On  the  Conococheague  and  Juniata  is  left  the  history  of  their  exploits.  At  one 
time  you  may  hear  of  the  band  near  Fort  Augusta,  next  at  Fort  Franklin,  then  at  Lou- 
don, then  at  Juniata  —rapid  were  the  movemeuts  of  this  hardy  band.  —  Hazard's  Reg. 
Penn.,  iv.,  390;  also,  v.  194. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  127 

needed  another  interposition  of  the  kindly-intended  authority  of 
General  Braddock,  to  bring  him  to  a  halt  at  the  great  crossings 
of  the  Youghiogeny.  There  the  general  assigned  him  a  guard, 
provided  him  with  necessaries,  and  requested  him  to  remain, 
under  care  of  his  physician,  Dr.  Craik,  until  the  arrival  of 
Colonel  Dunbar's  detachment,  which  was  two  days'  march  in 
the  rear ;  giving  him  his  word  of  honor  that  he  should,  at  all 
events,  be  enabled  to  rejoin  the  main  division  before  it  reached 
the  French  fort.1 

This  kind  solicitude  on  the  part  of  Braddock  shows  the 
real  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  by  that  officer.  Dr. 
Craik  backed  the  general's  orders,  by  declaring  that  should 
Washington  persevere  in  his  attempts  to  go  on  in  the  condi- 
tion he  then  was,  his  life  would  be  in  danger.  Orme  also 
joined  his  entreaties,  and  promised,  if  he  would  remain,  he 
would  keep  him  informed  by  letter  of  every  occurrence  of 
moment. 

Notwithstanding  all  the  kind  assurances  of  Braddock  and  his 
aide-de-camp  Orme,  it  was  with  gloomy  feelings  that  Washing- 
ton saw  the  troops  depart ;  fearful  he  might  not  be  able  to 
rejoin  them  in  time  for  the  attack  upon  the  fort,  which,  he 
assured  his  brother  aide-de-camp,  he  would  not  miss  for  five 
hundred  pounds. 

Leaving  Washington  at  the  Youghiogeny,  we  will  follow  the 
march  of  Braddock.  In  the  course  of  the  first  day  (June  24), 
he  came  to  a  deserted  Indian  camp ;  judging  from  the  number 
of  wigwams,  there  must  have  been  about  one  hundred  and 
seventy  warriors.  Some  of  the  trees  about  it  had  been  stripped, 
and  painted  with  threats,  and  bravadoes,  and  scurrilous  taunts 
written  on  them  in  the  French  language,  showing  that  there 
were  white  men  with  the  savages. 

The  next  morning  at  daybreak,  three  men  venturing  beyond 
the  sentinels  were  shot  and  scalped ;  parties  were  immediately 
sent  out  to  scour  the  woods,  and  drive  in  the  stray  horses. 

The  day's  march  passed  by  the  Great  Meadows  and  Fort 
Necessity,  the  scene  of  Washington's  capitulation.  Several 
Indians  were  seen  hovering  in  the  woods,  and  the  light  horse 
and  Indian  allies  were  sent  out  to  surround  them,  but  did  not 
succeed.  In  crossing  a  mountain  beyond  the  Great  Meadows, 
the  carriages  had  to  be  lowered  with  the  assistance  of  the 
sailors,  by  means  of  tackle.  The  camp  for  the  night  was  about 
two  miles  beyond  Fort  Necessity.     Several  French  and  Indians 

1  Letter  to  John  Augustine  Washington.    Sparks,  ii.,  80. 


128  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

endeavored  to  reconnoitre  it,  but  were  fired  upon  by  the  ad- 
vanced sentinels. 

The  following  day  (26th)  there  was  a  laborious  march  of  but 
four  miles,  owing  to  the  difficulties  of  the  road.  The  evening 
halt  was  at  another  deserted  Indian  camp,  strongly  posted  on  a 
high  rock,  with  a  steep  and  narrow  ascent ;  it  had  a  spring  in 
the  middle,  and  stood  at  the  termination  of  the  Indian  path 
(o  the  Monongahela.  By  this  pass  the  party  had  come  which 
i!  Lacked  Washington  the  year  before,  in  the  Great  Meadows. 
l  he  Indians  and  French  too,  who  were  hovering  about  the  army, 
had  just  left  this  camp.  The  fires  they  had  left  were  yet  burn- 
ing. The  French  had  inscribed  their  names  on  some  of  the 
trees  with  insulting  bravadoes,  and  the  Indians  had  designated 
in  triumph  the  scalps  they  had  taken  two  days  previously.  A 
party  was  sent  out  with  guides,  to  follow  their  tracks  and  fall 
on  them  in  the  night,  but  again  without  success.  In  fact,  it 
was  the  Indian  boast,  that  throughout  this  march  of  Braddock, 
they  saw  him  every  day  from  the  mountains,  and  expected  to  be 
able  to  shoot  down  his  soldiers  u  like  pigeons." 

The  march  continued  to  be  toilful  and  difficult ;  on  one  day 
it  did  not  exceed  two  miles,  having  to  cut  a  passage  over  a 
mountain.  In  cleaning  their  guns  the  men  were  ordered  to 
draw  the  charge,  instead  of  firing  it  off.  No  fire  was  to  be 
lighted  in  front  of  the  pickets.  At  night  the  men  were  to  take 
their  arms  into  the  tents  with  them. 

Further  on  the  precautious  became  still  greater.  On  the 
advanced  pickets  the  men  were  in  two  divisions,  relieving  each 
other  every  two  hours.  Half  remained  on  guard  with  fixed 
bayonets,  the  other  half  lay  down  by  their  arms.  The  picket 
sentinels  were  doubled. 

On  the  4th  of  July  they  encamped  at  Thickety  Run.  The 
country  was  less  mountainous  and  rock}r,  and  the  woods,  con- 
sisting chiefly  of  white  pine,  were  more  open.  The  general  now 
supposed  himself  to  be  within  thirty  miles  Of  Fort  Duquesne. 
Ever  since  his  halt  at  the  deserted  camp  on  the  rock  beyond 
the  Great  Meadows,  he  had  endeavored  to  prevail  upon  the 
Croghan  Indians  to  scout  in  the  direction  of  the  fort,  and  bring 
him  intelligence,  but  never  could  succeed.  They  had  probably 
been  deterred  by  the  number  of  French  and  Indian  tracks,  and 
by  the  recent  capture  of  Scarooyadi.  This  day,  however,  two 
consented  to  reconnoitre  ;  and  shortly  after  their  departure, 
Christopher  Gist,  the  resolute  pioneer,  who  acted  as  guide  to 
the  general,  likewise  set  off  as  a  scout. 

The  Indians  returned  on  the  6th.     They  had  been  close  to 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  129 

Fort  Duquesne.  There  were  no  additional  works  there ;  they 
saw  a  few  boats  under  the  fort,  and  one  with  a  white  flag 
coming  down  the  Ohio;  but  there  were  few  men  to  be  seen, 
and  few  tracks  of  any.  They  came  upon  an  unfortunate  officer, 
shooting  within  half  a  mile  of  the  fort,  and  brought  a  scalp  as 
a  trophy  of  his  fate.  None  of  the  passes  between  the  camp 
and  fort  were  occupied  ;  they  believed  there  were  few  men 
abroad  reconnoitring. 

Gist  returned  soon  after  them.  His  account  corroborated 
theirs  ;  but  he  had  seen  a  smoke  in  a  valley  between  the  camp 
and  the  fort,  made  probably  by  some  scouting  party.  He  had 
intended  to  prowl  about  the  fort  at  night,  but  had  been  dis- 
covered and  pursued  by  two  Indians,  and  narrowly  escaped 
with  his  life. 

On  the  same  day,  during  the  march,  three  or  four  men 
loitering  in  the  rear  of  the  grenadiers  were  killed  and  scalped. 
Several  of  the  grenadiers  set  off  to  take  revenge.  They  came 
upon  a  party  of  Indians,  who  held  up  boughs  and  grounded 
their  arms,  the  concerted  sign  of  amity.  Not  perceiving  or 
understanding  it,  the  grenadiers  fired  upon  them,  and  one  fell. 
It  proved  to  be  the  son  of  Scarooyadi.  Aware  too  late  of  their 
error,  the  grenadiers  brought  the  body  to  the  camp.  The  con- 
duct of  Braddock  was  admirable  on  the  occasion.  lie  sent  for 
the  father  and  the  other  Indians,  and  condoled  with  them  on  the 
lamentable  occurrence  ;  making  them  the  customary  presents 
of  expiation.  But  what  was  more  to  the  point,  he  caused  the 
youth  to  be  buried  with  the  honors  of  war ;  at  his  request  the 
officers  attended  the  funeral,  and  a  volley  was  fired  over 
the  grave. 

These  soldierlike  tributes  of  respect  to  the  deceased,  and 
sympathy  with  the  survivors,  soothed  the  feelings  and  gratified 
the  pride  of  the  father,  and  attached  him  more  firmly  to  the 
service.  We  are  glad  to  record  an  anecdote  so  contrary  to  the 
general  contempt  for  the  Indians  with  which  Braddock  Stands 
charged.      It  speaks  well  for  the  real  kindness  of  his  heart. 

We  will  return  now  to  Washington  in  his  sick  encampment 
on  the  banks  of  the  Youghiogeny,  where  he  was  left  repining  at 
the  departure  of  the  troops  without  him.  To  add  to  his  annoy- 
ances, his  servant,  John  Alton,  a  faithful  Welshman,  was 
taken  ill  with  the  same  malady,  and  unable  to  render  him  any 
services.  Letters  from  his  fellow  aides-de-camp  showed  him 
the  kind  solicitude  that  was  felt  concerning  him.  At  the  gen- 
eral's desire,  Captain  Morris  wrote  to  him,  informing  him  of 
their  intended  halts. 


130  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

"  It  is  the  desire  of  every  individual  in  the  family,"  adds 
he,  u  and  the  general's  positive  commands  to  you,  not  to  stir, 
but  by  the  advice  of  the  person  [Dr.  Craik]  under  whose  care 
you  are,  till  you  are  better,  which  we  all  hope  will  be  very 
soon." 

Orme,  too,  according  to  promise  kept  him  informed  of  the 
incidents  of  the  march  ;  the  frequent  night  alarms,  and  occa- 
sional scalping  parties.  The  night  alarms  Washington  consid- 
ered mere  feints,  designed  to  harass  the  men  and  retard  the 
march  ;  the  enemy,  he  was  sure,  had  not  sufficient  force  for  a 
serious  attack ;  and  he  was  glad  to  learn  from  Orme  that  the 
men  were  in  high  spirits  and  confident  of  success. 

He  now  considered  himself  sufficiently  recovered  to  rejoin  the 
troops,  and  his  only  anxiety  was  that  he  should  not  be  able  to 
do  it  in  time  for  the  great  blow.  He  was  rejoiced,  therefore, 
on  the  3d  of  July,  by  the  arrival  of  an  advanced  party  of  one 
hundred  men  convoying  provisions.  Being  still  too  weak  to 
mount  his  horse,  he  set  off  with  the  escort  in  a  covered  wagon  ; 
and  after  a  most  fatiguing  journey,  over  mountain  and  through 
forest,  reached  Braddock' s  camp  on  the  8th  of  July.  It  was 
on  the  east  side  of  the  Monongahela,  about  two  miles  from  the 
river,  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  town  of  Queen  Aliquippa, 
and  about  fifteen  miles  from  Fort  Duquesne. 

In  consequence  of  adhering  to  technical  rules  and  military 
forms,  General  Braddock  had  consumed  a  month  in  marching 
little  more  than  a  hundred  miles.  The  tardiness  of  his  progress 
was  regarded  with  surprise  and  impatience  even  in  Europe ; 
where  his  patron,  the  Duke  of  Brunswick,  was  watching  the 
events  of  the  campaign  he  had  planned.  "  The  Duke,"  writes 
Horace  Walpole,  "  is  much  dissatisfied  at  the  slowness  of  Gen- 
eral Braddock,  who  does  not  march  as  if  he  was  at  all  impatient 
to  be  scalped."  The  insinuation  of  the  satirical  wit  was  unmer- 
ited. Braddock  was  a  stranger  to  fear ;  but  in  his  movements 
he  was  fettered  by  system. 

Washington  was  warmly  received  on  his  arrival,  especially  by 
his  fellow  aides-de-camp,  Morris  and  Orme.  He  was  just  in 
time,  for  the  attack  upon  Fort  Duquesne  was  to  be  made  on  the 
following  day.  The  neighboring  country  had  been  reconnoitred 
to  determine  upon  a  plan  of  attack.  The  fort  stood  on  the 
same  side  of  the  Monongahela  with  the  camp  ;  but  there  was  a 
narrow  pass  between  them  of  about  two  miles,  with  the  river 
on  the  left  and  a  very  high  mountain  on  the  right,  and  in  its 
present  state  quite  impassable  for  carriages.  The  route  deter- 
mined on  was  to  cross  the  Monongahela  by  a  ford  immediately 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  131 

opposite  to  the  camp  ;  proceed  along  the  west  bank  of  the  river, 
for  about  live  miles,  then  recross  by  another  ford  to  the  eastern 
side,  and  push  on  to  the  fort.  The  river  at  these  fords  was 
shallow,  and  the  banks  were  not  steep. 

According  to  the  plan  of  arrangement,  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Gage,  with  the  advance,  was  to  cross  the  river  before  daybreak, 
march  to  the  second  ford,  and  recrossing  there,  take  post  to 
secure  the  passage  of  the  main  force.  The  advance  was  to  be 
composed  of  two  companies  of  grenadiers,  one  hundred  and 
sixty  infantry,  the  independent  company  of  Captain  Horatio 
Gates,  and  two  six-pounders. 

Washington,  who  had  already  seen  enough  of  regular  troops 
to  doubt  their  infallibility  in  wild  bush-fighting,  and  who  knew 
the  dangerous  nature  of  the  ground  they  were  to  traverse,  ven- 
tured to  suggest,  that  on  the  following  day  the  Virginia  ran- 
gers, being  accustomed  to  the  country  and  to  Indian  warfare, 
might  be  thrown  in  the  advance.  The  proposition  drew  an  angry 
reply  from  the  general,  indignant,  very  probably,  that  a  young 
provincial  officer  should  presume  to  school  a  veteran  like  himself. 

Early  next  morning  (July  9),  before  daylight,  Colonel 
Gage  crossed  with  the  advance.  He  was  followed,  at  some 
distance,  by  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  quartermaster-general,  with  a 
working  party  of  two  hundred  and  fifty  men,  to  make  roads  for 
the  artillery  and  baggage.  They  had  with  them  their  wagons 
of  tools,  and  two  six-pounders.  A  party  of  about  thirty  sav- 
ages rushed  out  of  the  woods  as  Colonel  Gage  advanced,  but 
were  put  to  flight  before  they  had  done  any  harm. 

By  sunrise  the  main  body  turned  out  in  full  uniform.  At  the 
beating  of  "  the  general,"  their  arms,  which  had  been  cleaned  the 
night  before,  were  charged  with  fresh  cartridges.  The  officers 
were  perfect^  equipped.  All  looked  as  if  amryed  for  a  fete, 
rather  than  a  battle.  Washington,  who  was  still  weak  and 
unwell,  mounted  his  horse,  and  joined  the  staff  of  the  general, 
who  was  scrutinizing  every  thing  with  the  eye  of  a  martinet. 
As  it  was  supposed  the  enenry  would  be  on  the  watch  for  the 
crossing  of  the  troops,  it  had  been  agreed  that  they  should  do 
it  in  the  greatest  order,  with  bayonets  fixed,  colors  flying,  and 
drums  and  fifes  beating  and  playing.1  They  accordingly  made 
a  gallant  appearance  as  they  forded  the  Monongahela,  and 
wound  along  its  banks,  and  through  the  open  forests,  gleaming 
and  glittering  in  morning  sunshine,  and  stepping  buoyantly  to 
the  "  Grenadiers'  March." 

1  Orrae's  Journal. 


132  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Washington,  with  his  keen  and  youthful  relish  for  military 
affairs,  was  delighted  with  their  perfect  order  and  equipment, 
so  different  from  the  rough  bush-fighters,  to  which  he  had  been 
accustomed.  Roused  to  new  life,  he  forgot  his  recent  ailments, 
and  broke  forth  in  expressions  of  enjoyment  and  admiration, 
as  he  rode  in  company  with  his  fellow  aides-de-camp,  Orme 
and  Morris.  Often  in  after  life,  he  used  to  speak  of  the  effect 
upon  him  of  the  first  sight  of  a  well-disciplined  European  army, 
marching  in  high  confidence  and  bright  array,  on  the  eve  of  a 
battle. 

About  noon  they  reached  the  second  ford.  Gage,  with  the 
advance,  was  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  Monongahela,  posted 
according  to  orders ;  but  the  river  bank  had  not  been  suffi- 
ciently sloped.  The  artillery  and  baggage  drew  up  along  the 
beach  and  halted  until  one,  when  the  second  crossing  took 
place,  drums  beating,  fifes  playing,  and  colors  flying,  as  before. 
When  all  had  passed,  there  was  again  a  halt  close  by  a  small 
stream  called  Frazier's  Run,  until  the  general  arranged  the 
order  of  march. 

First  went  the  advance,  under  Gage,  preceded  by  the  engi- 
neers and  guides,  and  six  light  horsemen. 

Then,  Sir  John  St.  Clair  and  the  working  party,  with  their 
wagons  and  the  two  six-pounders.  On  each  side  were  thrown 
out  four  flanking  parties. 

Then,  at  some  distance,  the  general  was  to  follow  with  the 
main  body,  the  artillery  and  baggage  preceded  and  flanked  by 
light  horse  and  squads  of  infantry ;  while  the  Virginian,  and 
other  provincial  troops,  were  to  form  the  rear  guard. 

The  ground  before  them  was  level  until  about  half  a  mile 
from  the  river,  where  a  rising  ground,  covered  with  long  grass, 
low  bushes,  and  scattered  trees,  sloped  gently  up  to  a  range  of 
hills.  The  whole  country,  generally  speaking,  was  a  forest, 
with  no  clear  opening  but  the  road,  which  was  about  twelve 
feet  wide,  and  flanked  by  two  ravines,  concealed  by  trees  and 
thickets. 

Had  Braddock  been  schooled  in  the  warfare  of  the  woods,  or 
had  he  adopted  the  suggestions  of  Washington,  which  he  re- 
jected so  impatiently,  he  would  have  thrown  out  Indian  scouts 
or  Virginia  rangers  in  the  advance,  and  on  the  flanks,  to  beat 
up  the  woods  and  ravines ;  but  as  has  been  sarcastically  ob- 
served, he  suffered  his  troops  to  march  forward  through  the 
centre  of  the  plain,  with  merely  their  usual  guides  and  flanking 
parties,  "  as  if  in  a  review  in  St.  James'  Park." 

It  was  now  near  two  o'clock.     The  advanced  party  and  the 


thus  8@1I.WTBT 

BETWEEN   WILLS^CREEK  *  MQNONGAHEtA  RIVER, 


AXildtJHeajdaw 
S.West.sid't.oftte. 

Tittle  crossing. 

b-Jic ay  Camp  , 

iTSqitccwj-J^ort. 

jt.Taststdeof&m 

Great -Mea&rw- 

?  .West .rvcte. 

II-  Cijts. 


lzEast.siiitoP€ht. 

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14.  <£rea**SwaT>V' 
IS.JcuMbj-Cahl~ 

47Xhix3tJttfyItnxi- 

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TACamff, 


iHxrt.Wr*trr<rm.rhaadtlfTU 


'jithf.'xrxijj  iiv  Ctipi  O'rmc's  Jbtirnal 


134  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

some  of  their  own  flanking  parties,  and  of  the  vanguard,  as 
the}'  came  running  in.  The  covert  fire  grew  more  intense. 
In  a  short  time  most  of  the  officers  and  many  of  the  men  of 
the  advance  were  killed  or  wounded.  Colonel  Gage  himself 
received  a  wound.  The  advance  fell  back  in  dismay  upon  Sir 
John  St.  Clair's  corps,  which  was  equally  dismayed.  The  can- 
non belonging  to  it  were  deserted. 

Colonel  Burton  had  come  up  with  the  re-enforcement,  and 
was  forming  his  men  to  face  the  rising  ground  on  the  right, 
when  both  of  the  advanced  detachments  fell  back  upon  him, 
and  all  now  was  confusion. 

By  this  time  the  general  was  upon  the  ground.  He  tried  to 
rally  the  men.  "They  would  fight,"  they  said,  "if  they 
could  see  their  enemy ;  but  it  was  useless  to  fire  at  trees  and 
bushes,  and  they  could  not  stand  to  be  shot  down  by  an 
invisible  foe." 

The  colors  were  advanced  in  different  places  to  separate  the 
men  of  the  two  regiments.  The  general  ordered  the  officers  to 
form  the  men,  tell  them  off  into  small  divisions,  and  advance 
with  them  ;  but  the  soldiers  could  not  be  prevailed  upon  either 
by  threats  or  entreaties.  The  Virginia  troops,  accustomed  to 
the  Indian  mode  of  fighting,  scattered  themselves,  and  took 
post  behind  trees,  whence  they  could  pick  off  the  linking  foe. 
In  this  way  they,  in  some  degree,  protected  the  regulars. 
Washington  advised  General  Braddock  to  adopt  the  same  plan 
with  the  regulars ;  but  he  persisted  in  forming  them  into 
platoons ;  consequently  they  were  cut  down  from  behind  logs 
and  trees  as  fast  as  they  could  advance.  Several  attempted  to 
take  to  the  trees,  without  orders,  but  the  general  stormed  at 
them,  called  them  cowards,  and  even  struck  them  with  the  flat 
of  his  sword.  Several  of  the  Virginians,  who  had  taken  post 
and  were  doing  good  service  in  this  manner,  were  slain  by  the 
fire  of  the  regulars,  directed  wherever  a  smoke  appeared  among 
the  trees. 

The  officers  behaved  with  consummate  bravery ;  and  Wash- 
ington beheld  with  admiration  those  who,  in  camp  or  on  the 
march,  had  appeared  to  him  to  have  an  almost  effeminate 
regard  for  personal  ease  and  convenience,  now  exposing  them- 
selves to  imminent  death,  with  a  courage  that  kindled  with  the 
thickening  horrors.  In  the  vain  hope  of  inspiriting  the  men  to 
drive  off  the  enem}'  from  the  flanks  and  regain  the  cannon, 
they  would  dash  forward  singly  or  in  groups.  They  were  in- 
variably  shot  down  ;  for  the  Indians  aimed  from  their  coverts 
at  every  one  on  horseback,  or  who  appeared  to  have  command. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  185 

Some  were  killed  by  random  shot  of  their  own  men,  who, 
crowded  in  masses,  fired  with  affrighted  rapidity,  but  without 
aim.  Soldiers  in  the  front  ranks  were  killed  by  those  in  the 
rear.  Between  friend  and  foe,  the  slaughter  of  the  officers  was 
terrible.  All  this  while  the  woods  resounded  with  the  unearthly 
yellings  of  the  savages,  and  now  and  then  one  of  them, 
hideously  painted,  and  ruffling  with  feathered  crest,  would  rush 
forth  to  scalp  an  officer  who  had  fallen,  or  seize  a  horse  gallop- 
ing wildly  without  a  rider. 

Throughout  this  disastrous  day,  Washington  distinguished 
himself  by  his  courage  and  presence  of  mind.  His  brother 
aids,  Orme  and  Morris,  were  wounded  and  disabled  early 
in  the  action,  and  the  whole  duty  of  carrying  the  orders  of 
the  general  devolved  on  him.  His  danger  was  imminent  and 
incessant.  He  was  in  every  part  of  the  field,  a  conspicuous 
mark  for  the  murderous  rifle.  Two  horses  were  shot  under 
him.  Four  bullets  passed  through  his  coat.  His  escape  with- 
out a  wound  was  almost  miraculous.  Dr.  Craik,  who  was  on 
the  field  attending  to  the  wounded,  watched  him  with  anxiety 
as  he  rode  about  in  the  most  exposed  manner,  and  used  to  say 
that  he  expected  every  moment  to  see  him  fall.  At  one  time 
he  was  sent  to  the  main  body  to  bring  the  artillery  into  action. 
All  there  was  likewise  in  confusion  ;  for  the  Indians  had  ex- 
tended themselves  along  the  ravine  so  as  to  flank  the  reserve 
and  carry  slaughter  into  the  ranks.  Sir  Peter  Halket  had  been 
shot  down  at  the  head  of  his  regiment.  The  men  who  should 
have  served  the  guns  were  paralyzed.  Had  they  raked  the 
ravines  with  grapeshot  the  day  might  have  been  saved.  In  his 
ardor  Washington  sprang  from  his  horse  ;  wheeled  and  pointed 
a  brass  field-piece  with  his  own  hand,  and  directed  an  effective 
discharge  into  the  woods ;  but  neither  his  efforts  nor  example 
were  of  avail.     The  men  could  not  be  kept  to  the  guns. 

Braddock  still  remained  in  the  centre  of  the  field,  in  the 
desperate  hope  of  retrieving  the  fortunes  of  the  day.  The  Vir- 
ginia rangers,  who  had  been  most  efficient  in  covering  his  posi- 
tion, were  nearly  all  killed  or  wounded.  His  secretary,  Shirley, 
had  fallen  by  his  side.  Many  of  his  officers  had  been  slain 
within  his  sight,  and  many  of  his  guard  of  Virginia  light  horse. 
Five  horses  had  been  killed  under  him  ;  still  he  kept  his  ground, 
vainly  endeavoring  to  check  the  flight  of  his  men,  or  at  least  to 
effect  their  retreat  in  good  order.  At  length  a  bullet  passed 
through  his  right  arm,  and  lodged  itself  in  his  lungs.  He  fell 
from  his  horse,  but  was  caught  by  Captain  Stewart  of  the  Vir- 
ginia guards,  who,  with  the  assistance  of  another  American,  and 


136  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

a  servant,  placed  him  in  a  tumbril.  It  was  with  much  difficulty 
they  got  him  out  of  the  field  —  in  his  despair  he  desired  to  be 
left  there.1 

The  rout  now  became  complete.  Baggage,  stores,  artillery, 
every  thing  was  abandoned.  The  wagoners  took  each  a  horse  out 
of  his  team,  and  fled.  The  officers  were  swept  off  with  the  men 
in  this  headlong  flight.  It  was  rendered  more  precipitate  by  the 
shouts  and  yells  of  the  savages,  numbers  of  whom  rushed  forth 
from  their  coverts,  and  pursued  the  fugitives  to  the  river  side, 
killing  several  as  they  dashed  across  in  tumultuous  confusion. 
Fortunately  for  the  latter,  the  victors  gave  up  the  pursuit  in 
their  eagerness  to  collect  the  spoil. 

The  shattered  army  continued  its  flight  after  it  had  crossed 
the  Monongahela,  a  wretched  wreck  of  the  brilliant  little  force 
that  had  recently  gleamed  along  its  banks,  confident  of  victory. 
Out  of  eighty-six  officers,  twenty-six  had  been  killed,  and  thirty- 
six  wounded.  The  number  of  rank  and  file  killed  and  wounded 
was  upward  of  seven  hundred.  The  Virginia  corps  had  suffered 
the  most ;  one  company  had  been  almost  annihilated,  another, 
besides  those  killed  and  wounded  in  the  ranks,  had  lost  all  its 
officers,  even  to  the  corporal. 

About  a  hundred  men  were  brought  to  a  halt  about  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  from  the  ford  of  the  river.  Here  was  Braddock,  with 
his  wounded  aides-de-camp  and  some  of  his  officers ;  Dr.  Craik 
dressing  his  wounds,  and  Washington  attending  him  with  faith- 
ful assiduity.  Braddock  was  still  able  to  give  orders,  and  had 
a  faint  hope  of  being  able  to  keep  possession  of  the  ground  until 
re-enforced.  Most  of  the  men  were  stationed  in  a  very  advanta- 
geous spot  about  two  hundred  yards  from  the  road  ;  and  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel Burton  posted  out  small  parties  and  sentinels. 
Before  an  hour  had  elapsed  most  of  the  men  had  stolen  off. 
Being  thus  deserted,  Braddock  and  his  officers  continued  their 
retreat ;  he  would  have  mounted  his  horse  but  was  unable,  and 
had  to  be  carried  by  soldiers.  Orme  and  Morris  were  placed 
on  litters  borne  by  horses.  They  were  subsequently  joined  by 
Colonel  Gage  with  eighty  men  whom  he  had  rallied. 

Washington,  in  the  mean  time,  notwithstanding  his  weak 
state,  being  found  most  efficient  in  frontier  service,  was  sent  to 
Colonel  Dunbar's  camp,  forty  miles  distant,  with  orders  for  him 
to  hurry  forward  provisions,  hospital  stores,  and  wagons  for  the 
wounded,  under  the  escort  of  two  grenadier  companies.  It 
was  a  hard  and  a  melancholy  ride  throughout  the  night  and  the 

1  Journal  of  the  Seamen's  detachment. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  137 

following  day.  The  tidings  of  the  defeat  preceded  him,  borne 
by  the  wagoners,  who  had  mounted  their  horses,  on  Braddock's 
fall,  and  lied  from  the  field  of  battle.  They  had  arrived,  hag- 
gard, at  Dunbar's  camp  at  mid-day  ;  the  Indian  yells  still  ring- 
ing in  their  ears.  "All  was  lost!"  they  cried.  "  Braddock 
was  killed  !  They  had  seen  wounded  ollicers  borne  off  from  the 
field  in  bloody  sheets  !  The  troops  were  all  cut  to  pieces  !  "  A 
panic  fell  upon  the  camp.  The  drums  beat  to  arms.  Many  ol 
the  soldiers,  wagoners  and  attendants,  took  to  flight ;  but  most 
of  them  were  forced  back  by  the  sentinels. 

Washington  arrived  at  the  camp  in  the  evening,  and  found 
the  agitation  still  prevailing.  The  orders  which  he  brought  were 
executed  during  the  night,  and  he  was  in  the  saddle  early  in  the 
morning  accompanying  the  convo}r  of  supplies.  At  Gist's  plan- 
tation, about  thirteen  miles  off,  he  met  Gage  and  his  scanty 
force  escorting  Braddock  and  his  wounded  officers.  Captain 
Stewart  and  a  sad  remnant  of  the  Virginia  light  horse  still  ac- 
companied  the  general  as  his  guard.  The  captain  had  been 
unremitting  in  his  attentions  to  him  during  the  retreat.  There 
was  a  halt  of  one  day  at  Dunbar's  camp  for  the  repose  and 
relief  of  the  wounded.  On  the  13th  they  resumed  their  melan- 
choly march,  and  that  night  reached  the  Great  Meadows. 

The  proud  spirit  of  Braddock  was  broken  by  his  defeat.  He 
remained  silent  the  first  evening  after  the  battle,  only  ejaculat- 
ing at  night,  "  Who  would  have  thought  it !  "  He  was  equally 
silent  the  following  day  ;  yet  hope  still  seemed  to  linger  in  his 
breast,  from  another  ejaculation  :  "  We  shall  better  know  how 
to  deal  with  them  another  time  !  "  1 

He  was  grateful  for  the  attentions  paid  to  him  by  Captain 
Stewart  and  Washington,  and  more  than  once,  it  is  said, 
expressed  his  admiration  of  the  gallantry  displayed  by  the 
Virginians  in  the  action.  It  is  said,  moreover,  that  in  his  last 
moments,  he  apologized  to  Washington  for  the  petulance  with 
which  he  had  rejected  his  advice,  and  bequeathed  to  him  his 
favorite  charger  and  his  faithful  servant,  Bishop,  who  had 
helped  to  convey  him  from  the  field. 

Some  of  these  facts,  it  is  true,  rest  on  tradition,  yet  we  are 
willing  to  believe  them,  as  they  impart  a  gleam  of  just  and 
generous*  feeling  to  his  closing  scene.  He  died  on  the  night  of 
the   13th,  at  the  Great  Meadows,  the  place  of  Washington's 

1  Captain  Orme,  who  gave  these  particulars  to  Dr.  Franklin,  says  that  Braddock 
"died  a  few  minutes  after."  This,  according  to  his  account,  was  on  the  second  day; 
whereas  the  general  survived  upward  of  four  days.  Orme,  being  conveyed  on  a  litter  at 
some  distance  from  the  general,  could  ouly  speak  of  his  moods  from  hearsay. 


138  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

discomfiture  in  the  previous  year.  His  obsequies  were  per- 
formed before  break  of  day.  The  chaplain  having  been 
wounded,  Washington  read  the  funeral  service.  All  was  done 
in  sadness,  and  without  parade,  so  as  not  to  attract  the  atten- 
tion of  lurking  savages,  who  might  discover,  and  outrage  his 
grave.  It  is  doubtful  even  whether  a  volley  was  fired  over  it, 
that  last  military  honor  which  he  had  recently  paid  to  the 
remains  of  an  Indian  warrior.  The  place  of  his  sepulture, 
however,  is  still  known,  and  pointed  out. 

Reproach  spared  him  not,  even  when  in  his  grave.  The 
failure  of  the  expedition  was  attributed  both  in  England  and 
America  to  his  obstinacy,  his  technical  pedantry,  and  his 
military  conceit.  He  had  been  continually  warned  to  be  on 
his  guard  against  ambush  and  surprise,  but  without  avail. 
Had  he  taken  the  advice  urged  on  him  by  Washington  and 
others  to  employ  scouting  parties  of  Indians  and  rangers,  he 
would  never  have  been  so  signally  surprised  and  defeated. 

Still  his  dauntless  conduct  on  the  field  of  battle  shows  him 
to  have  been  a  man  of  fearless  spirit ;  and  he  was  universally 
allowed  to  be  an  accomplished  disciplinarian.  His  melancholy 
end,  too,  disarms  censure  of  its  asperity.  Whatever  may  have 
been  his  faults  and  errors,  he,  in  a  manner,  expiated  them  by 
the  hardest  lot  that  can  befall  a  brave  soldier,  ambitious  of 
renown  —  an  unhonored  grave  in  a  strange  land ;  a  memory 
clouded  by  misfortune,  and  a  name  forever  coupled  with  defeat. 

Note.  — In  narrating  the  expedition  of  Braddock,  we  have  frequently  cited  the 
Journals  of  Captain  Orrae  and  of  the  "  Seamen's  Detachment;  "  they  were  procured  in 
England  by  the  Hon.  Joseph  R.  Ingersoll,  while  Minister  at  the  Court  of  St.  James,  and 
recently  published  by  the  Historical  Society  of  Pennsylvania:  ably  edited,  and  illus- 
trated with  an  admirable  Introductory  Memoir  by  Winthrop  Sargent,  Esquire,  member 
of  that  society. 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

ARRIVAL  AT  FORT  CUMBERLAND  LETTERS  OF  WASHINGTON  TO  HIS 

FAMILY PANIC    OF    DUNBAR TRIUMPH    OF    THE    FRENCH. 

The  obsequies  of  the  unfortunate  Braddock  being  finished, 
the  escort  continued  its  retreat  with  the  sick  and  wounded. 
Washington,  assisted  by  Dr.  Craik,  watched  with  assiduity 
over  his  comrades,  Orme  and  Morris,  As  the  horses  which 
bore  their  litters  were  nearly  knocked  up,  he  despatched  mes- 
sengers to  the  commander  of  Fort  Cumberland  requesting  that 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  139 

others  might  be  sent  on,  and  that  comfortable  quarters  might 
be  prepared  for  the  reception  of  those  officers. 

On  the  17th,  the  sad  cavalcade  reached  the  fort,  and  were 
relieved  from  the  incessant  apprehension  of  pursuit.  Here, 
too,  flying  reports  had  preceded  them,  brought  by  fugitives 
from  the  battle ;  who,  with  the  disposition  usual  in  such  cases 
to  exaggerate,  had  represented  the  whole  army  as  massacred. 
Fearing  these  reports  might  reach  home,  and  affect  his  family, 
Washington  wrote  to  his  mother,  and  his  brother,  John  Augus- 
tine, apprising  them  of  his  safety.  "The  Virginia  troops," 
says  he,  in  a  letter  to  his  mother,  "showed  a  good  deal  of 
bravery,  and  were  nearly  all  killed.  .  .  .  The  dastardly  be- 
havior of  those  they  called  regulars  exposed  all  others,  that 
were  ordered  to  do  their  duty,  to  almost  certain  death ;  and,  at 
last,  in  despite  of  all  the  efforts  of  the  officers  to  the  contrary, 
they  ran,  as  sheep  pursued  by  dogs,  and  it  was  impossible  to 
rally  them." 

To  his  brother,  he  writes:  "As  I  have  heard,  since  my 
arrival  at  this  place,  a  circumstantial  account  of  my  death  and 
dying  speech,  I  take  this  early  opportunity  of  contradicting 
the  first,  and  of  assuring  you  that  I  have  not  composed  the 
latter.  But,  by  the  all-powerful  dispensations  of  Providence, 
I  have  been  protected  beyond  all  human  probability,  or  expec- 
tation ;  for  I  had  four  bullets  through  my  coat,  and  two  horses 
shot  under  me,  yet  escaped  unhurt,  though  death  was  levelling 
my  companions  on  every  side  of  me  ! 

"  We  have  been  most  scandalously  beaten  b}r  a  trifling  body 
of  men,  but  fatigue  and  want  of  time  prevent  me  from  giving 
you  any  of  the  details,  until  I  have  the  happiness  of  seeing 
you  at  Mount  Vernon,  which  I  now  most  earnestly  wish  for, 
since  we  are  driven  in  thus  far.  A  feeble  state  of  health 
obliges  me  to  halt  here  for  two  or  three  days  to  recover  a  little 
strength,  that  I  may  thereby  be  enabled  to  proceed  homeward 
with  more  ease." 

Dunbar  arrived  shortly  afterward  with  the  remainder  of  the 
army.  No  one  seems  to  have  shared  more  largely  in  the  panic 
of  the  vulgar  than  that  officer.  From  the  moment  he  received 
tidings  of  the  defeat,  his  camp  became  a  scene  of  confusion. 
All  the  ammunition,  stores,  and  artillery  were  destroyed,  to 
prevent,  it  was  said,  their  falling  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  ; 
but,  as  it  was  afterward  alleged,  to  relieve  the  terror-stricken 
commander  from  all  encumbrances,  and  furnish  him  with  more 
horses  in  his  flight  toward  the  settlements.1 

1  Franklin's  Autobiography. 


140  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

At  Cumberland  his  forces  amounted  to  fifteen,  hundred 
effective  men  ;  enough  for  a  brave  stand  to  protect  the  frontier, 
and  recover  some  of  the  lost  honor ;  but  he  merely  paused  to 
leave  the  sick  and  wounded  under  care  of  two  Virginia  and 
Maryland  companies,  and  some  of  the  train,  and  then  continued 
his  hasty  march,  or  rather  flight,  through  the  country,  not 
thinking  himself  safe,  as  was  sneeringly  intimated,  until  he 
arrived  in  Philadelphia,  where  the  inhabitants  could  protect 
him. 

The  true  reason  why  the  enemy  did  not  pursue  the  retreating 
army  was  not  known  until  some  time  afterward,  and  added 
to  the  disgrace  of  the  defeat.  They  were  not  the  main  force  of 
the  French,  but  a  mere  detachment  of  72  regulars,  146  Cana- 
dians, and  637  Indians,  855  in  all,  led  by  Captain  de  Beaujeu. 
De  Contrecoeur,  the  commander  of  Fort  Duquesne,  had  received 
information,  through  his  scouts,  that  the  English,  three  thousand 
strong,  were  within  six  leagues  of  his  fort.  Despairing  of 
making  an  effectual  defence  against  such  a  superior  force,  he 
was  balancing  in  his  mind  whether  to  abandon  his  fort  without 
awaiting  their  arrival,  or  to  capitulate  on  honorable  terms.  In 
this  dilemma  Beaujeu  prevailed  on  him  to  let  him  sally  forth 
with  a  detachment  to  form  an  ambush,  and  give  check  to  the 
enemy.  De  Beaujeu  was  to  have  taken  post  at  the  river, 
and  disputed  the  passage  at  the  ford.  For  that  purpose  he 
was  hurrying  forward  when  discovered  by  the  pioneers  of 
Gage's  advance  party.  He  was  a  gallant  officer,  and  fell  at 
the  beginning  of  the  fight.  The  whole  number  of  killed  and 
wounded  of  French  and  Indians,  did  not  exceed  seventy. 

Such  was  the  scanty  force  which  the  imagination  of  the 
panic-stricken  army  had  magnified  into  a  great  host,  and  from 
which  they  had  fled  in  breathless  terror,  abandoning  the  whole 
frontier.  No  one  could  be  more  surprised  than  the  French 
commander  himself,  when  the  ambuscading  party  returned  in 
triumph  with  a  long  train  of  pack-horses  laden  with  booty,  the 
savages  uncouthly  clad  in  the  garments  of  the  slain,  grenadier 
caps,  officers'  gold-laced  coats,  and  glittering  epaulets  ;  flourish- 
ing swords  and  sabres,  or  firing  off  muskets,  and  uttering  fiend- 
like  yells  of  victory.  But  when  De  Contrecoeur  was  informed 
of  the  utter  rout  and  destruction  of  the  much  dreaded  British 
army,  his  joy  was  complete.  He  ordered  the  guns  of  the  fort 
to  be  fired  in  triumph,  and  sent  out  troops  in  pursuit  of  the 
fugitives. 

The  affair  of  Braddock  remains  a  memorable  event  in 
American  history,  and  has  been  characterized  as  "  the  most 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  141 

extraordinary  victory  ever  obtained,  and  the  farthest  flight  ever 
made."  It  struck  a  fatal  blow  to  the  deference  for  British 
prowess,  which  once  amounted  almost  to  bigotry,  throughout 
the  provinces.  "  This  whole  transaction,"  observes  Franklin, 
in  his  autobiography,  "gave  us  the  first  suspicion  that  our 
exalted  ideas  of  the  prowess  of  British  regular  troops  had  not 
been  well  founded." 


CHAPTER  XVIII. 

COSTS      OF      CAMPAIGNING MEASURES       FOR       FUBLIC       SAFETY 

WASHINGTON    IN    COMMAND HEAD-QUARTERS     AT     WINCHESTER 

LORD  FAIRFAX  AND  HIS  TROOP  OF  HORSE INDIAN  RAV- 
AGES  PANIC      AT      WINCHESTER CAUSE      OF      THE      ALARM 

OPERATIONS  ELSEWHERE SHIRLEY  AGAINST  NIAGARA JOHN- 
SON AGAINST  CROWN  POINT — AFFAIR  AT  LAKE  GEORGE  — 
DEATH    OF    DIESKAU. 

Washington  arrived  at  Mount  Vernon  on  the  26th  of  July, 
still  in  feeble  condition  from  his  long  illness.  His  campaigning, 
thus  far,  had  trenched  upon  his  private  fortune,  and  impaired 
one  of  the  best  of  constitutions. 

In  a  letter  to  his  brother  Augustine,  then  a  member  of 
Assembly  at  Williamsburg,  he  casts  up  the  result  of  his  frontier 
experience. 

"  I  was  employed,"  writes  he,  "  to  go  a  journey  in  the  win- 
ter, when  I  believe  few  or  none  would  have  undertaken  it,  and 
what  did  I  get  by  it  ?  —  my  expenses  borne  !  I  was  then  ap- 
pointed, with  trifling  pay,  to  conduct  a  handful  of  men  to  the 
Ohio.  What  did  I  get  by  that?  Why,  after  putting  myself  to 
a  considerable  expense  in  equipping  and  providing  necessaries 
for  the  campaign,  I  went  out,  was  soundly  beaten,  and  lost  all ! 
Came  in,  and  had  my  commission  taken  from  me  ;  or,  in  other 
words,  my  command  reduced,  under  pretence  of  an  order  from 
home  (England).  I  then  went  out  a  volunteer  with  General 
Braddock,  and  lost  all  my  horses,  and  many  other  things.  But 
this  being  a  voluntary  act,  I  ought  not  to  have  mentioned  it ; 
nor  should  I  have  done  it,  were  it  not  to  show  that  I  have  been 
on  the  losing  order  ever  since  I  entered  the  service,  which  is 
now  nearly  two  years." 

What  a  striking  lesson  is  furnished  by  this  brief  summary ! 
How  little  was  he  aware  of  the  vast  advantages  he  was  acquiring 


142  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

in  this  school  of  bitter  experience  !  w  '  In  the  hand  of  Heaven 
he  stood,"  to  be  shaped  and  trained  for  its  great  purpose  ;  and 
every  trial  and  vicissitude  of  his  early  life  but  fitted  him  to  cope 
with  one  or  other  of  the  varied  and  multifarious  duties  of  his 
future  destiny. 

But  though,  under  the  saddening  influence  of  debility  and 
defeat,  he  might  count  the  cost  of  his  campaigning,  the  martial 
spirit  still  burned  within  him.  His  connection  with  the  army, 
it  is  true,  had  ceased  at  the  death  of  Braddock,  but  his  military 
duties  continued  as  adjutant-general  of  the  northern  division  of 
the  province,  and  he  immediately  issued  orders  for  the  county 
lieutenants  to  hold  the  militia  in  readiness  for  parade  and  exer- 
cise, foreseeing  that,  in  the  present  defenceless  state  of  the 
frontier,  there  would  be  need  of  their  services. 

Tidings  of  the  rout  and  retreat  of  the  army  had  circulated 
far  and  near,  and  spread  consternation  throughout  the  country. 
Immediate  incursions  both  of  French  and  Indians  were  appre- 
hended ;  and  volunteer  companies  began  to  form,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  marching  across  the  mountains  to  the  scene  of  danger. 
It  was  intimated  to  Washington  that  his  services  would  again 
be  wanted  on  the  frontier.  He  declared  instantly  that  he  was 
ready  to  serve  his  country  to  the  extent  of  his  powers ;  but 
never  on  the  same  terms  as  heretofore. 

On  the  4th  of  August,  Governor  Dinwiddie  convened  the 
Assembly  to  devise  measures  for  the  public  safety.  The  sense 
of  danger  had  quickened  the  slow  patriotism  of  the  burgesses  ; 
they  no  longer  held  back  supplies  ;  forty  thousand  pounds  were 
promptly  voted,  and  orders  issued  for  the  raising  of  a  regiment 
of  one  thousand  men. 

Washington's  friends  urged  him  to  present  himself  at  Wil- 
liamsburg as  a  candidate  for  the  command  ;  they  were  confident 
of  his  success,  notwithstanding  that  strong  interest  was  making 
for  the  governor's  favorite,  Colonel  Innes. 

With  mingled  modesty  and  pride,  Washington  declined  to  be  a 
solicitor.  The  only  terms,  he  said,  on  which  he  would  accept 
a  command,  were  a  certainty  as  to  rank  and  emoluments,  a 
right  to  appoint  his  field  officers,  and  the  supply  of  a  sufficient 
military  chest ;  but  to  solicit  the  command,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  to  make  stipulations,  would  be  a  little  incongruous,  and 
carry  with  it  the  face  of  self-sufficiency.  "If,"  added  he, 
"  the  command  should  be  offered  to  me,  the  case  will  then  be 
altered,  as  I  should  be  at  liberty  to  make  such  objections  as 
reason,  and  my  small  experience,  have  pointed  out." 

While   this  was   in   agitation,  he   received  letters  from  his 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  143 

mother,  again  imploring  him  not  to  risk  himself  in  these  frontier 
wars.  His  answer  was  characteristic,  blending  the  filial  defer- 
ence with  which  he  was  accustomed  from  childhood  to  treat 
her,  with  a  calm  patriotism  of  the  Roman  stamp. 

"  Honored  Madam :  If  it  is  in  my  power  to  avoid  going  to 
the  Ohio  again,  I  shall;  but  if  the  command  is  pressed  upon 
me  by  the  general  voice  of  the  country,  and  offered  upon  such 
terms  as  cannot  be  objected  against,  it  would  rellect  dishonor 
on  me  to  refuse  it ;  and  that,  I  am  sure,  must,  and  ought,  to 
give  you  greater  uneasiness,  than  my  going  in  an  honorable 
command.  Upon  no  other  terms  will  I  accept  it.  At  present 
I  have  no  proposals  made  to  me,  nor  have  I  any  advice  of  such 
an  intention,  except  from  private  hands." 

On  the  very  day  that  this  letter  was  despatched  (August  14) , 
he  received  intelligence  of  his  appointment  to  the  command  on 
the  terms  specified  in  his  letters  to  his  friends.  His  com- 
mission nominated  him  commander-in-chief  of  all  the  forces 
raised,  or  to  be  raised  in  the  colony.  The  Assembly  also  voted 
three  hundred  pounds  to  him,  and  proportionate  sums  to  the 
other  officers,  and  to  the  privates  of  the  Virginia  companies,  in 
consideration  of  their  gallant  conduct,  and  their  losses  in  the 
late  battle. 

The  officers  next  in  command  under  him  were  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Adam  Stephen,  and  Major  Andrew  Lewis.  The 
former,  it  will  be  recollected,  had  been  with  him  in  the  unfortu- 
nate affair  at  the  Great  Meadows ;  his  advance  in  rank  shows 
that  his  conduct  had  been  meritorious. 

The  appointment  of  Washington  to  his  present  station  was 
the  more  gratifying  and  honorable  from  being  a  popular  one, 
made  in  deference  to  public  sentiment ;  to  which  Governor 
Dinwiddie  was  obliged  to  sacrifice  his  strong  inclination  in 
favor  of  Colonel  Innes.  It  is  thought  that  the  governor  never 
afterward  regarded  Washington  with  a  friendly  eye.  His  con- 
duct toward  him  subsequently  was  on  various  occasions  cold 
and  ungracious.1 

It  is  worthy  of  note  that  the  early  popularity  of  Washington 
was  not  the  result  of  brilliant  achievements  nor  signal  success ;. 
on  the  contrary,  it  rose  among  trials  and  reverses,  and  may 
almost  be  said  to  have  been  the  fruit  of  defeats.  It  remains 
an  honorable  testimony  of  Virginian  intelligence,  that  the  ster- 
ling, enduring,  but  undazzling  qualities  of  Washington  were 
thus  early  discerned  and  appreciated,  though  only  heralded  b}r 

*  Sparks'  Writings  of  Washington,  vol.  ii.,  p.  161,  note. 


144  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

misfortunes.  The  admirable  manner  in  which  he  had  conducted 
himself  under  these  misfortunes,  and  the  sagacity  and  practical 
wisdom  he  had  displayed  on  all  occasions,  were  universally  ac- 
knowledged ;  and  it  was  observed  that,  had  his  modest  counsels 
been  adopted  by  the  unfortunate  Braddock,  a  totally  different 
result  might  have  attended  the  late  campaign. 

An  instance  of  this  high  appreciation  of  his  merits  occurs  in 
a  sermon  preached  on  the  17th  of  August  by  the  Rev.  Samuel 
Davis,  wherein  he  cites  him  as  "that  heroic  youth,  Colonel 
Washington,  whom  I  cannot  but  hope  Providence  has  hitherto 
preserved  in  so  signal  a  manner  for  some  important  service  to 
his  country. *y  The  expressions  of  the  worthy  clergyman  may 
have  been  deemed  enthusiastic  at  the  time ;  viewed  in  con^ 
nection  with  subsequent  events  they  appear  almost  prophetic. 

Having  held  a  conference  with  Governor  Dinwiddie  at  Wil- 
liamsburg, and  received  his  instructions,  Washington  repaired, 
on  the  14th  of  September,  to  Winchester,  where  he  fixed  his 
head-quarters.  It  was  a  place  as  yet  of  trilling  magnitude,  but 
important  from  its  position  ;  being  a  central  point  where  the 
main  roads  met,  leading  from  north  to  south,  and  east  to  west, 
and  commanding  the  channels  of  traffic  and  communication  be- 
tween some  of  the  most  important  colonies  and  a  great  extent 
of  frontier. 

Here  he  was  brought  into  frequent  and  cordial  communica- 
tion with  his  old  friend  Lord  Fairfax.  The  stir  of  war  bad 
revived  a  spark  of  that  military  fire  which  animated  the  veteran 
nobleman  in  the  days  of  his  youth,  when  an  officer  in  the 
cavalry  regiment  of  the  Blues.  He  was  lord-lieutenant  of  the 
county.  Greenway  Court  was  his  head-quarters.  He  had  organ- 
ized a  troop  of  horse,  which  occasionally  was  exercised  about  the 
lawn  of  his  domain,  and  he  was  now  as  prompt  to  mount  his 
steed  for  a  cavalry  parade  as  he  ever  was  for  a  fox  chase.  The 
arrival  of  Washington  frequently  brought  the  old  nobleman  to 
Winchester,  to  aid  the  young  commander  with  his  counsels  or 
his  sword. 

His  services  were  soon  put  in  requisition.  Washington,  hav- 
ing visited  the  frontier  posts,  established  recruiting  places,  and 
taken  other  measures  of  security,  had  set  off  for  Williamsburg 
on  military  business,  when  an  express  arrived  at  Winchester 
from  Colonel  Stephen,  who  commanded  at  Fort  Cumberland, 
giving  the  alarm  that  a  body  of  Indians  were  ravaging  the  coun- 
try, burning  the  houses,  and  slaughtering  the  inhabitants.  The 
express  was  instantly  forwarded  after  Washington  ;  in  the  mean 
time,  Lord  Fairfax  sent  out  orders  for  the  militia  of  Fairfax 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  145 

and  Prince  William  counties  to  arm  and  hasten  to  the  defence 
of  Winchester,  where  all  was  confusion  and  affright.  One  fear- 
ful account  followed  another.  The  whole  country  beyond  it 
was  said  to  be  at  the  mercy  of  the  savages.  They  had  block- 
aded the  rangers  in  the  little  fortresses  or  outposts  provided  for 
the  protection  of  neighborhoods.  They  were  advancing  upon 
Winchester  with  tire,  tomahawk,  and  scalping-knife.  The  coun- 
try people  were  flocking  into  the  town  for  safety  —  the  towns- 
people were  moving  off  to  the  settlements  beyond  the  Blue 
ridge.  The  beautiful  valley  of  the  Shenandoah  was  likely  to 
become  a  scene  of  savage  desolation. 

In  the  height  of  the  confusion  Washington  rode  into  the 
town.  He  had  been  overtaken  by  Colonel  Stephen's  express. 
His  presence  inspired  some  degree  of  confidence,  and  he  suc- 
ceeded in  stopping  most  of  the  fugitives.  He  would  have  taken 
the  field  at  once  against  the  savages,  believing  their  numbers 
to  be  few ;  but  not  more  than  twenty-live  of  the  militia  could 
be  mustered  for  the  service.  The  rest  refused  to  stir  —  they 
would  rather  die  with  their  wives  and  children. 

Expresses  were  sent  off  to  hurry  up  the  militia  ordered  out 
by  Lord  Fairfax.  Scouts  were  ordered  out  to  discover  the  num- 
ber of  the  foe,  and  convey  assurances  of  succor  to  the  ran- 
gers said  to  be  blocked  up  in  the  fortresses,  though  Washington 
suspected  the  latter  to  be  u  more  encompassed  by  fear  than  by 
the  enemy."  Smiths  were  set  to  work  to  furbish  up  and  repair 
such  fire-arms  as  were  in  the  place,  and  wagons  were  sent  off 
for  musket  balls,  flints,  and  provisions. 

Instead,  however,  of  animated  co-operation,  Washington  was 
encountered  by  difficulties  at  every  step.  The  wagons  in  ques- 
tion had  to  be  impressed,  and  the  wagoners  compelled  by  force 
to  assist.  "No  orders,"  writes  he,  "are  obeyed,  but  such  as 
a  party  of  soldiers  or  my  own  drawn  sword  enforces.  Without 
this,  not  a  single  horse,  for  the  most  earnest  occasion,  can  be 
had  —  to  such  a  pitch  has  the  insolence  of  these  people  arrived, 
by  having  every  point  hitherto  submitted  to  them.  However,  I 
have  given  up  none,  where  his  majesty's  service  requires  the 
contrary,  and  where  my  proceedings  are  justified  by  my  instruc- 
tions ;  nor  will  I,  unless  they  execute  what  they  threaten  —  that 
is,  blow  out  our  brains." 

One  is  tempted  to  smile  at  this  tirade  about  the  "  insolence  of 
the  people,"  and  this  zeal  for  "his  majesty's  service,"  on  the 
part  of  Washington  ;  but  he  was  as  yet  a  young  man  and  a  young 
officer ;  loyal  to  his  sovereign,  and  with  high  notions  of  military 
authority,  which  he  had  acquired  in  the  camp  of  Braddock. 


146  L1FF  OF  WASHINGTON. 

What  he  thus  terms  insolence  was  the  dawning  spirit  of  inde- 
pendence, which  he  was  afterward  the  foremost  to  cherish  and 
promote  ;  and  which,  in  the  present  instance,  had  been  provoked 
by  the  rough  treatment  from  the  military,  which  the  wagoners 
and  others  of  the  yeomanry  had  experienced  when  employed  in 
Braddock's  campaign,  and  by  the  neglect  to  pay  them  for  their 
services.  Much  of  Washington's  difficulties  also  arose,  doubt- 
lessly, from  the  inefficiency  of  the  military  laws,  for  an  amend- 
ment of  which  he  had  in  vain  made  repeated  applications  to 
Governor  Dinwiddie. 

In  the  mean  time  the  panic  and  confusion  increased.  On 
Sunday  an  express  hurried  into  town,  breathless  with  haste  and 
terror.  The  Indians,  he  said,  were  but  twelve  miles  off ;  they 
had  attacked  the  house  of  Isaac  Julian  ;  the  inhabitants  were 
flying  for  their  lives.  Washington  immediately  ordered  the 
town  guards  to  be  strengthened  ;  armed  some  recruits  who  had 
just  arrived,  and  sent  out  two  scouts  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy. 

It  was  a  sleepless  night  in  Winchester.  Horror  increased 
with  the  dawn  ;  before  the  men  could  be  paraded  a  second  ex- 
press arrived,  ten  times  more  terrified  than  the  former.  The 
Indians  were  within  four  miles  of  the  town,  killing  and  destroy- 
ing all  before  them.  He  had  heard  the  constant  firing  of  the 
savages  and  the  shrieks  of  their  victims. 

The  terror  of  Winchester  now  passed  all  bounds.  Wash- 
ington put  himself  at  the  head  of  about  forty  men,  militia  and 
recruits,  and  pushed  for  the  scene  of  carnage. 

The  result  is  almost  too  ludicrous  for  record.  The  whole 
cause  of  the  alarm  proved  to  be  three  drunken  troopers,  carous- 
ing, hallooing,  uttering  the  most  unheard  of  imprecations,  and 
ever  and  anon  firing  off  their  pistols.  Washington  interrupted 
them  in  the  midst  of  their  revel  and  blasphemy,  and  conducted 
them  prisoners  to  town. 

The  reported  attack  on  the  house  of  Isaac  Julian  proved 
equally  an  absurd  exaggeration.  The  ferocious'  party  of  In- 
dians turned  out  to  be  a  mulatto  and  a  negro  in  quest  of  cattle. 
They  had  been  seen  by  a  child  of  Julian,  who  alarmed  his 
father,  who  alarmed  the  neighborhood. 

"These  circumstances,"  says  Washington,  "show  what  a 
panic  prevails  among  the  people  ;  how  much  they  are  all  alarmed 
at  the  most  usual  and  customary  cries ;  and  yet  how  impossi- 
ble it  is  to  get  them  to  act  in  any  respect  for  their  common 
safety." 

They  certainly  present  a  lively  picture  of  the  feverish  state 
of  a  frontier  community,  hourly  in  danger  of  Indian  ravage  and 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  147 

butchery ;  than  which  no  kind  of  warfare  is  more  fraught  with 
real  and  imaginary  horrors. 

The  alarm  thus  originating  had  spread  throughout  the  coun- 
try. A  captain,  who  arrived  with  recruits  from  Alexandria, 
reported  that  he  had  found  the  road  across  the  Blue  Ridge 
obstructed  by  crowds  of  people  flying  for  their  lives,  whom  he 
endeavored  in  vain  to  stop.  They  declared  that  Winchester 
was  in  flames ! 

At  length  the  band  of  Indians,  whose  ravages  had  produced 
this  consternation  throughout  the  land,  and  whose  numbers  did 
not  exceed  one  hundred  and  fifty,  being  satiated  with  carnage, 
conflagration,  and  plunder,  retreated,  bearing  off  spoils  and 
captives.  Intelligent  scouts  sent  out  by  Washington,  followed 
their  traces,  and  brought  back  certain  intelligence  that  they  had 
recrossed  the  Allegan}"  Mountains  and  returned  to  their  homes 
on  the  Ohio.  This  report  allayed  the  public  panic  and  restored 
temporary  quiet  to  the  harassed  frontier. 

Most  of  the  Indians  engaged  in  these  ravages  were  Dclawares 
and  Shawnees,  who,  since  Braddock's  defeat,  had  been  gained 
over  by  the  French.  A  principal  instigator  was  said  to  be 
Washington's  old  acquaintance,  Shingiss,  and  a  reward  was 
offered  for  his  head. 

Scarooyadi,  successor  to  the  half -king,  remained  true  to  the 
English,  and  vindicated  his  people  to  the  Governor  and  Council 
of  Pennsylvania  from  the  charge  of  having  had  any  share  in  the 
late  massacres.  As  to  the  defeat  at  the  Monongahela,  "  it  was 
owing,"  he  said,  "to  the  pride  and  ignorance  of  that  great 
general  (Braddock)  that  came  from  England.  He  is  now  dead  ; 
but  he  was  a  bad  man  when  he  was  alive.  He  looked  upon  us 
as  dogs,  and  would  never  hear  any  thing  that  was  said  to  him. 
We  often  endeavored  to  advise  him,  and  tell  him  of  the  danger 
he  was  in  with  his  soldiers  ;  but  he  never  appeared  pleased  with 
us,  and  that  was  the  reason  that  a  great  many  of  our  warriors 
left  him."1 

Scarooyadi  was  ready  with  his  warriors  to  take  up  the  hatchet 
again  with  their  English  brothers  against  the  French.  "  Let  us 
unite  our  strength,"  said  he;  "you  are  numerous,  and  all  the 
English  governors  along  your  sea-shore  can  raise  men  enough  ; 
but  don't  let  those  that  come  from  over  the  great  seas  be  con- 
cerned any  more.  They  are  unfit  to  fight  in  the  woods.  Let  us 
go  ourselves  —  we  that  came  out  of  this  ground." 

No  one  felt  more  strongly  than  Washington  the  importance, 

1  Hazard's  Register  of  Penn.,  v.,  p.  252,  266. 


148  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

at  this  trying  juncture,  of  securing  the  assistance  of  these  forest 
warriors.  "It  is  in  their  power,"  said  he,  "to  be  of  infinite 
use  to  us  ;  and  without  Indians,  we  shall  never  be  able  to  cope 
with  these  cruel  foes  to  our  country."  l 

Washington  had  now  time  to  inform  himself  of  the  fate  of 
the  other  enterprises  included  in  this  year's  plan  of  military 
operations.  We  shall  briefly  dispose  of  them,  for  the  sake  of 
carrying  on  the  general  course  of  events.  The  history  of  Wash- 
ington is  linked  with  the  history  of  the  colonies.  The  defeat  of 
Braddock  paralyzed  the  expedition  against  Niagara.  ManjT 
of  General  Shirley's  troops,  which  were  assembled  at  Albany, 
struck  with  the  consternation  which  it  caused  throughout  the 
country,  deserted.  Most  of  the  bateau  men,  who  were  to  trans- 
port stores  by  various  streams,  returned  home.  It  was  near  the 
end  of  August  before  Shirley  was  in  force  at  Oswego.  Time 
was  lost  in  building  boats  for  the  lake.  Storms  and  head 
winds  ensued  ;  then  sickness  :  military  incapacity  in  the  general 
completed  the  list  of  impediments.  Deferring  the  completion 
of  the  enterprise  until  the  following  year,  Shirley  returned  to 
Albany  with  the  main  part  of  his  forces  in  October,  leaving 
about  seven  hundred  men  to  garrison  the  fortifications  he  had 
commenced  at  Oswego. 

To  General  William  Johnson,  it  will  be  recollected,  had  been 
confided  the  expedition  against  Crown  Point,  on  Lake  Cham- 
plain.  Preparations  were  made  for  it  in  Albany,  whence  the 
troops  were  to  march,  and  the  artillery,  ammunition,  and  stores 
to  be  conveyed  up  the  Hudson  to  the  carrying-place  between 
that  river  and  Lake  St.  Sacrament,  as  it  was  termed  by  the 
French,  but  Lake  George,  as  Johnson  named  it  in  honor  of  his 
sovereign.  At  the  carrying-place  a  fort  was  commenced,  sub- 
sequently called  Fort  Edward.  Part  of  the  troops  remained  un- 
der General  Lyman,  to  complete  and  garrison  it ;  the  main  force 
proceeded  under  General  Johnson  to  Lake  George,  the  plan 
being  to  descend  that  lake  to  its  outlet  at  Ticonderoga,  in 
Lake  Champlain.  Having  to  attend  the  arrival  of  bateaux  for- 
warded for  the  purpose  from  Albany  by  the  carrying-place, 
Johnson  encamped  at  the  south  end  of  the  lake.  He  had  with 
him  between  five  and  six  thousand  troops  of  New  York  and  New 
England,  and  a  host  of  Mohawk  warriors,  loyally  devoted  to 
him. 

It  so  happened  that  a  French  force  of  upward  of  three  thou- 
sand men,  under  the  Baron  de  Dieskau,  an  old  general  of  high 

i  Letter  to  Dinwiddie. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  149 

reputation,  had  recently  arrived  at  Quebec,  destined  against 
Oswego.  The  baron  had  proceeded  to  Montreal,  and  sent  for- 
ward thence  seven  hundred  of  his  troops,  when  news  arrived  of 
the  army  gathering  on  Lake  George  for  the  attack  on  Crown 
Point,  perhaps  for  an  inroad  into  Canada.  The  public  were  in 
consternation ;  yielding  to  their  importunities,  the  baron  took 
post  at  Crown  Point  for  its  defence.  Besides  his  regular  troops, 
he  had  with  him  eight  hundred  Canadians,  and  seven  hundred 
Indians  of  different  tribes.  The  latter  were  under  the  general 
command  of  the  Chevalier  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre,  the  veteran 
officer  to  whom  Washington  had  delivered  the  despatches  of 
Governor  Dinwiddie  on  his  diplomatic  mission  to  the  frontier. 
The  chevalier  was  a  man  of  great  influence  among  the  Indians. 

In  the  mean  time  Johnson  remained  encamped  at  the  south 
end  of  Lake  George,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  his  bateaux.  The 
camp  was  protected  in  the  rear  by  the  lake,  in  front  by  a  bul- 
wark of  felled  trees ;  and  was  flanked  by  thickly  wooded 
swamps. 

On  the  7th  of  September,  the  Indian  scouts  brought  word 
that  they  had  discovered  three  large  roads  made  through  the 
forests  toward  Fort  Edward.  An  attack  on  that  post  was  ap- 
prehended. Adams,  a  hardy  wagoner,  rode  express  with  orders 
to  the  commander  to  draw  all  the  troops  within  the  works. 
About  midnight  came  other  scouts.  They  had  seen  the  French 
within  four  miles  of  the  carrying-place.  They  had  heard  the 
report  of  a  musket,  and  the  voice  of  a  man  crying  for  mercy, 
supposed  to  be  the  unfortunate  Adams.  In  the  morning  Colonel 
Williams  was  detached  with  one  thousand  men,  and  two  hun- 
dred Indians,  to  intercept  the  enemy  in  their  retreat. 

Within  two  hours  after  their  departure  a  heavy  fire  of 
musketry,  in  the  midst  of  the  forest,  about  three  or  four  miles 
off,  told  of  a  warm  encounter.  The  drums  beat  to  arms ;  all 
were  at  their  posts.  The  firing  grew  sharper  and  sharper,  and 
nearer  and  nearer.  The  detachment  under  Williams  was  evi- 
dently retreating.  Colonel  Cole  was  sent  writh  three  hundred 
men  to  cover  their  retreat.  The  breastwork  of  trees  was 
manned.  Some  heavy  cannon  were  dragged  up  to  strengthen 
the  front.  A  number  of  men  were  stationed  with  a  field-piece 
on  an  eminence  on  the  left  flank. 

In  a  short  time  fugitives  made  their  appearance  ;  first  singly, 
then  in  masses,  flying  in  confusion,  with  a  rattling  fire  behind 
them,  and  the »  horrible  Indian  war-whoop.  Consternation 
seized  upon  the  camp,  especially  when  the  French  emerged 
from  the  forest  in  battle  array,  led  by  the  Baron  Dieskau,  the 


150  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

gallant  commander  of  Crown  Point.  Had  all  his  troops  been 
as  daring  as  himself,  the  camp  might  have  been  carried  by 
assault ;  but  the  Canadians  and  Indians  held  back,  posted 
themselves  behind  trees,  and  took  to  bush-fighting. 

The  baron  was  left  with  his  regulars  (two  hundred  grena- 
diers) in  front  of  the  camp.  He  kept  up  a  fire  by  platoons, 
but  at  too  great  a  distance  to  do  much  mischief ;  the  Cana- 
dians and  Indians  fired  from  their  coverts.  The  artillery  played 
on  them  in  return.  The  camp,  having  recovered  from  its 
panic,  opened  a  fire  of  musketry.  The  engagement  became 
general.  The  French  grenadiers  stood  their  ground  bravely 
for  a  long  time,  but  were  dreadfully  cut  up  by  the  artillery  and 
small-arms.  The  action  slackened  on  the  part  of  the  French, 
until,  after  a  long  contest,  they  gave  way.  Johnson's  men 
and  the  Indians  then  leaped  over  the  breastwork,  and  a  chance 
medley  fight  ensued,  that  ended  in  the  slaughter,  rout,  or  cap- 
ture of  the  enemy. 

The  Baron  de  Dieskau  had  been  disabled  by  a  wound  in  the 
leg.  One  of  his  men,  who  endeavored  to  assist  him,  was  shot 
down  by  his  side.  The  baron,  left  alone  in  the  retreat,  was 
found  by  the  pursuers  leaning  against  the  stump  of  a  tree.  As 
they  approached,  he  felt  for  his  watch  to  insure  kind  treatment 
by  delivering  it  up.  A  soldier,  thinking  he  was  drawing  forth 
a  pistol  to  defend  himself,  shot  him  through  the  hips.  He  was 
conveyed  a  prisoner  to  the  camp,  but  ultimately  died  of  his 
wounds. 

The  baron  had  really  set  off  from  Crown  Point  to  surprise 
Fort  Edward,  and,  if  successful,  to  push  on  to  Albany  and 
Schenectady ;  lay  them  in  ashes,  and  cut  off  all  communication 
with  Oswego.  The  Canadians  and  Indians,  however,  refused 
to  attack  the  fort,  fearful  of  its  cannon  ;  he  had  changed  his 
plan,  therefore,  and  determined  to  surprise  the  camp.  In  the 
encounter  with  the  detachment  under  Williams,  the  brave 
Chevalier  Legardeur  de  St.  Pierre  lost  his  life.  t3n  the  part  of 
the  Americans,  Hendrick,  a  famous  old  Mohawk  sachem,  grand 
ally  of  General  Johnson,  was  slain. 

Johnson  himself  received  a  slight  wound  early  in  the  action, 
and  retired  to  his  tent.  He  did  not  follow  up  the  victory  as  he 
should  have  done,  alleging  that  it  was  first  necessary  to  build  a 
strong  fort  at  his  encampment,  by  way  of  keeping  up  a  com- 
munication with  Albany,  and  by  the  time  this  was  completed, 
it  would  be  too  late  to  advance  against  Crown  Point.  He  ac- 
cordingly erected  a  stockaded  fort,  which  received  the  name  of 
William  Henry  ;  and  having  garrisoned  it,  returned  to  Albany. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  151 

His  services,  although  they  gained  him  no  laurel- wreath,  were 
rewarded  by  government  with  five  thousand  pounds,  and  a 
baronetcy  ;  and  he  was  made  Superintendent  of  Indian  Affairs.1 


CHAPTER  XIX. 

REFORM  IN  THE  MILITIA  LAWS DISCIPLINE  OF  THE  TROOPS DAG 

WORTHY    AND    THE    QUESTION    OF    PRECEDENCE WASHINGTON'S 

JOURNEY     TO      BOSTON STYLE     OF     TRAVELLING CONFERENCE 

WITH    SHIRLEY THE    EARL  OF    LOUDOUN MILITARY  RULE  FOR 

THE      COLONIES WASHINGTON      AT      NEW      YORK MISS      MARY 

PHILIPSE. 

Mortifying  experience  had  convinced  Washington  of  the 
inefficiency  of  the  militia  laws,  and  he  now  set  about  effecting 
a  reformation.  Through  his  great  and  persevering  efforts,  an 
act  was  passed  in  the  Virginia  Legislature  giving  prompt  opera- 
tion to  courts-martial ;  punishing  insubordination,  mutiny  and 
desertion  with  adequate  severity  ;  strengthening  the  authority  of 
a  commander,  so  as  to  enable  him  to  enforce  order  and  disci- 
pline among  officers  as  well  as  privates  ;  and  to  avail  himself, 
in  time  of  emergency,  and  for  the  common  safety,  of  the  means 
and  services  of  individuals. 

This  being  effected,  he  proceeded  to  fill  up  his  companies, 
and  to  enforce  this  newly  denned  authority  within  his  camp. 
All  gaming,  drinking,  quarrelling,  swearing,  and  similar  ex- 
cesses, were  prohibited  under  severe  penalties. 

In  disciplining  his  men,  they  were  instructed  not  merely  in 
ordinary  and  regular  tactics,  but  in  all  the  strategy  of  Indian 
warfare,  and  what  is  called  "bush-fighting,"  —  a  knowledge 
indispensable  in  the  wild  wars  of  the  wilderness.  Stockaded 
forts,  too,  were  constructed  at  various  points,  as  places  of 
refuge  and  defence,  in  exposed  neighborhoods.  Under  shelter 
of  these,  the  inhabitants  began  to  return  to  their  deserted 
homes.  A  shorter  and  better  road,  also,  was  opened  by  him 
between  Winchester  and  Cumberland,  for  the  transmission  of 
re-enforcements  and  supplies. 

His  exertions,  however,  were  impeded  by  one  of  those  ques- 
tions of  precedence,  which  had  so  often  annoyed  him,  arising 
from  the  difference  between  crown  and  provincial  commissions. 

1  Johnson's  Letter  to  the  Colonial  Governors,  September  9,  17f>3.  London  Mag  1755* 
p.  544.    Holmes'  Am.  Annals,  vol.  ii.,  p.  03.    4th  edit.,  1829. 


152  LTFE  OF  WAmWCTOlV. 

Maryland  having  by  a  scanty  appropriation  raised  a  small 
militia  force,  stationed  Captain  Dag  worthy,  with  a  company  of 
thirty  men,  at  Fort  Cumberland,  which  stood  within  the  bound- 
aries of  that  province.  Dagworthy  had  served  in  Canada  in 
the  preceding  war,  and  had  received  a  king's  commission.  This 
lie  had  since  commuted  for  half-pay,  and,  of  course,  had  vir- 
tually parted  with  its  privileges.  He  was  nothing  more,  there- 
fore, than  a  Maryland  provincial  captain,  at  the  head  of  thirty 
men.  He  now,  however,  assumed  to  act  under  his  royal  com- 
mission, and  refused  to  obey  the  orders  of  any  officer,  however 
high  his  rank,  who  merely  held  his  commission  from  a  gov- 
ernor. Nay,  when  Governor,  or  rather  Colonel  Innes,  who 
commanded  at  the  fort,  was  called  away  to  North  Carolina  by 
his  private  affairs,  the  captain  took  upon  himself  the  command, 
and  insisted  upon  it  as  his  right. 

Parties  instantly  arose,  and  quarrels  ensued  among  the 
inferior  officers  ;  grave  questions  were  agitated  between  the 
Governors  of  Maryland  and  Virginia,  as  to  the  fort  itself ; 
the  former  claiming  it  as  within  his  province,  the  latter  insist- 
ing that  as  it  had  been  built  according  to  orders  sent  by  the 
king,  it  was  the  king's  fort,  and  could  not  be  subject  to  the 
authority  of  Maryland. 

Washington  refrained  from  mingling  in  this  dispute ;  but  in- 
timated that  if  the  commander-in-chief  of  the  forces  of  Virginia 
must  yield  precedence  to  a  Maryland  captain  of  thirty  men,  he 
should  have  to  resign  his  commission,  as  he  had  been  compelled 
to  do  before,  by  a  question  of  military  rank. 

So  difficult  was  it,  however,  to  settle  these  disputes  of  pre- 
cedence, especially  where  the  claims  of  two  governors  came  in 
collision,  that  it  was  determined  to  refer  the  matter  to  Major- 
General  Shirley,  who  had  succeeded  Braddock  in  the  general 
command  of  the  colonies.  For  this  purpose  Washington  was 
to  go  to  Boston,  obtain  a  decision  from  Shirley  of  the  point  in 
dispute,  and  a  general  regulation,  by  which  these  difficulties 
could  be  prevented  in  future.  It  was  thought,  also,  that  in  a 
conference  with  the  commander-in-chief  he  might  inform  him- 
self of  the  military  measures  in  contemplation. 

Accordingly,  on  the  4th  of  February  (175G),  leaving  Colonel 
Adam  Stephen  in  command  of  the  troops,  Washington  set  out 
on  his  mission,  accompanied  by  his  aide-de-camp,  Captain 
George  Mercer  of  Virginia,  and  Captain  Stewart  of  the  Virginia 
light  horse,  the  officer  who  had  taken  care  of  General  Brad- 
dock  in  his  last  moments. 

In  those  days  the  conveniences  of  travelling,  even  between 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  153 

our  main  cities,  were  few,  and  the  roads  execrable.  The  party, 
therefore,  travelled  in  Virginia  style,  on  horseback,  attended  by 
their  black  servants  in  livery.1  In  this  way  they  accomplished 
a  journey  of  live  hundred  miles  in  the  depth  of  winter;  stop- 
ping for  some  days  at  Philadelphia  and  New  York.  Those 
cities  were  then  comparatively  small,  and  the  arrival  of  a  party 
of  young  Southern  officers  attracted  attention.  The  late  dis- 
astrous battle  was  still  the  theme  of  every  tongue,  and  the 
honorable  way  in  which  these  young  officers  had  acquitted 
themselves  in  it,  made  them  objects  of  universal  interest. 
Washington's  fame,  especially,  had  gone  before  him  ;  having 
been  spread  by  the  oflicers  who  had  served  with  him,  and  by 
the  public  honors  decreed  him  by  the  Virginia  Legislature. 
"  Your  name,"  wrote  his  former  fellow-campaigner,  Gist,  in  a 
letter  dated  in  the  preceding  autumn,  "is  more  talked  of  in 
Philadelphia  than  that  of  any  other  person  in  the  army,  and 
everybody  seems  willing  to  venture  under  your  command." 

AVith  these  prepossessions  in  his  favor,  when  we  consider 
Washington's  noble  person  and  demeanor,  his  consummate 
horsemanship,  the  admirable  horses  he  was  accustomed  to  ride, 
and  the  aristocratical  style  of  Lis  equipments,  we  may  imagine 
the  effect  produced  by  himself  and  his  little  cavalcade,  as  they 
clattered  through  the  streets  of  Philadelphia,  and  New  Y"ork, 
and  Boston.  It  is  needless  to  say,  their  sojourn  in  each  city 
was  a  continual  fete. 

The  mission  to  General  Shirley  was  entirely  successful  as  to 
the  question  of  rank.  A  written  order  from  the  commander- 
in-chief  determined  that  Dagworthy  was  entitled  to  the  rank 
of  a  provincial  captain  only,  and,  of  course,  must  on  all  occa- 
sions give  precedence  to  Colonel  Washington,  as  a  provincial 
field  officer.  The  latter  was  disappointed,  however,  in  the  hope 
of  getting  himself  and  his  officers  put  upon  the  regular  estab- 
lishment, with  commissions  from  the  king,  and  had  to  remain 

1  We  have  hitherto  treated  of  Washington  in  his  campaigns  in  the  wilderness,  frugal 
and  scanty  in  his  equipments,  often,  very  probably,  in  little  better  than  hunter's  garb. 
His  present  excursion  through  some  of  the  Atlantic  cities  presents  him  in  a  different 
aspect.  His  recent  intercourse  with  young  British  oflicers,  had  probably  elevated  his 
notions  as  to  style  in  dress  and  appearance;  at  least  we  are  inclined  to  suspect  so  from 
the  following  aristocratical  order  for  clothes,  sent  shortly  before  the  time  in  question,  to 
his  correspondent  in  London. 

"2  complete  livery  suits  for  servants;  with  a  spare  cloak,  and  all  other  necessary 
trimmings  for  two  suits  more.  I  would  haVe  you  choose  the  livery  by  our  arms,  only  as 
the  field  of  the  arms  is  white,  I  think  the  clothes  had  better  not  be  quite  so,  but  nearly 
like  the  enclosed.  The  trimmings  and  facings  of  scarlet  and  a  scarlet  waistcoat.  If 
livery  lace  is  not  quite  disused,  I  should  be  glad  to  have  the  cloaks  laced.  I  like  that 
fashion  best,  and  two  silver-laced  hats  for  the  above  servants. 

"1  set  of  horse  furniture,  with  livery  lace,  with  the  Washington  crest  on  the  housings, 
etc.    The  cloak  to  be  of  the  same  piece  and  color  of  the  clothes. 

"  3  gold  and  scarlet  sword-knots.    3  silver  and  blue  do.    1  fashionable  gold-laced  hat.'' 


154  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

subjected  to  mortifying  questions  of  rank  and  etiquette,  when 
serving  in  company  with  regular  troops. 

From  General  Shirley  he  learned  that  the  main  objects  of  the 
ensuing  campaign  would  be  the  reduction  of  Fort  Niagara,  so 
as  to  cut  off  the  communication  between  Canada  and  Louisi- 
ana, the  capture  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  as  a  measure 
of  safety  for  New  York,  the  besieging  of  Fort  Duquesne,  and 
the  menacing  of  Quebec  by  a  body  of  troops  which  were  to 
advance  by  the  Kennebec  River. 

The  official  career  of  General  Shirley  was  drawing  to  a  close. 
Though  a  man  of  good  parts,  he  had  always,  until  recently, 
acted  in  a  civil  capacity,  and  proved  incompetent  to  conduct 
military  operations.  He  was  recalled  to  England,  and  was  to 
be  superseded  by  General  Abercrombie,  who  was  coming  out 
with  two  regiments. 

The  general  command  in  America,  however,  was  to  be  held 
by  the  Earl  of  Loudoun,  who  was  invested  with  powers  almost 
equal  to  those  of  a  viceroy,  being  placed  above  all  the  colonial 
governors.  These  might  claim  to  be  civil  and  military  repre- 
sentatives of  their  sovereign  within  their  respective  colonies ; 
but,  even  there,  were  bound  to  defer  and  yield  precedence  to 
this  their  official  superior.  This  was  part  of  a  plan  devised 
long  ago,  but  now  first  brought  into  operation,  by  which  the 
ministry  hoped  to  unite  the  colonies  under  military  rule,  and 
oblige  the  Assemblies,  magistrates,  and  people  to  furnish  quar- 
ters and  provide  a  general  fund  subject  to  the  control  of  this 
military  dictator. 

Besides  his  general  command,  the  Earl  of  Loudoun  was  to 
be  governor  of  Virginia  and  colonel  of  a  royal  American  regi- 
ment of  four  battalions,  to  be  raised  in  the  colonies,  but 
furnished  with  officers  who,  like  himself,  had  seen  foreign 
service.  The  campaign  would  open  on  his  arrival,  which,  it 
was  expected,  would  be  early  in  the  spring ;  and  brilliant 
results  were  anticipated. 

Washington  remained  ten  days  in  Boston,  attending,  with 
great  interest,  the  meetings  of  the  Massachusetts  Legislature, 
In  wiiich  the  plan  of  military  operations  was  ably  discussed ; 
and  receiving  the  most  hospitable  attentions  from  the  polite 
and  intelligent  society  of  the  place,  after  which  he  returned  to 
New  York. 

Tradition  gives  very  different  motives  from  those  of  business 
for  liis  two  sojourns  in  the  latter  city.  He  found  there  an 
early  friend  and  schoolmate,  Beverly  Robinson,  son  of  John 
Robinson,  speaker  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  155 

He  was  living  happily  and  prosperously  with  a  young  and 
wealthy  bride,  having  married  one  of  the  nieces  and  heiresses 
of  Mr.  Adolphus  Philipse,  a  rich  landholder,  whose  manor- 
house  is  still  to  be  seen  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson.  At  the 
house  of  Mr.  Beverly  Robinson,  where  Washington  was  an 
honored  guest,  he  met  Miss  Mary  Philipse,  sister  of  and  co- 
heiress with  Mrs.  Robinson,  a  young  lady  whose  personal 
attractions  are  said  to  have  rivalled  her  reputed  wealth. 

We  have  already  given  an  instance  of  Washington's  early 
sensibility  to  female  charms.  A  life,  however,  of  constant 
activity  and  care,  passed  for  the  most  part  in  the  wilderness 
and  on  the  frontier,  far  from  female  society,  had  left  little 
mood  or  leisure  for  the  indulgence  of  the  tender  sentiment ;  but 
made  him  more  sensible,  in  the  present  brief  interval  of  gay 
and  social  life,  to  the  attractions  of  an  elegant  woman,  brought 
up  in  the  polite  circle  of  New  York. 

That  he  was  an  open  admirer  of  Miss  Philipse  is  an  historical 
fact ;  that  he  sought  her  hand,  but  was  refused,  is  traditional, 
and  not  very  probable.  His  military  rank,  his  early  laurels 
and  distinguished  presence,  were  all  calculated  to  win  favor  in 
female  eyes ;  but  his  sojourn  in  New  York  was  brief ;  he  may 
have  been  diffident  in  urging  his  suit  with  a  lady  accustomed  to 
the  homage  of  society  and  surrounded  by  admirers.  The  most 
probable  version  of  the  story  is,  that  he  was  called  away  by 
his  public  duties  beforejie  had  made  sufficient  approaches  in  his 
siege  of  the  lady's  heart  to  warrant  a  summons  to  surrender. 
In  the  latter  part  of  March  we  find  him  at  Williamsburg  attend- 
ing the  opening  of  the  Legislature  of  Virginia,  eager  to  promote 
measures  for  the  protection  of  the  frontier  and  the  capture  of 
Fort  Duquesne,  the  leading  object  of  his  ambition.  Maryland 
and  Pennsylvania  were  erecting  forts  for  the  defence  of  their 
own  borders,  but  showed  no  disposition  to  co-operate  with  Vir- 
ginia in  the  field ;  and  artillery,  artillerymen,  and  engineers 
were  wanting  for  an  attack  on  fortified  places.  Washington 
urged,  therefore,  an  augmentation  of  the  provincial  forces,  and 
various  improvements  in  the  militia  laws. 

While  thus  engaged,  he  received  a  letter  from  a  friend  and 
confidant  in  New  Yrork,  warning  him  to  hasten  back  to  that  city 
before  it  was  too  late,  as  Captain  Morris,  who  had  been  his 
fellow  aide-de-camp  under  Braddock,  was  laying  close  siege  to 
Miss  Philipse.  Sterner  alarms,  however,  summoned  him  in 
another  direction.  Expresses  from  Winchester  brought  word 
that  the  French  had  made  another  sortie  from  Fort  Duquesne, 
accompanied  by  a  band  of  savages,  and  were  spreading  terror 


156  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

and  desolation  through  the  country.  In  this  moment  of  exigency 
all  softer  claims  were  forgotten  ;  Washington  repaired  in  all 
haste  to  his  post  at  Winchester,  and  Captain  Morris  was  left  to 
urge  his  suit  unrivalled  and  carry  off  the  prize. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

TROUBLES  IN  THE  SHENANDOAH  VALLEY  —  GREENWAY  COURT  AND 
LORD  FAIRFAX  IN  DANGER ALARMS  AT  WINCHESTER WASH- 
INGTON    APPEALED     TO     FOR     PROTECTION ATTACKED    BY   THE 

VIRGINIA     PRESS HONORED     BY   THE    PUBLIC PROJECTS    FOR 

DEFENCE SUGGESTIONS      OF     WASHINGTON THE      GENTLEMEN 

ASSOCIATORS RETREAT         OF        THE         SAVAGES  EXPEDITION 

AGAINST        KITTANNING CAPTAIN      HUGH        MERCER  SECOND 

STRUGGLE    THROUGH    THE    WILDERNESS. 

Report  had  not  exaggerated  the  troubles  of  the  frontier. 
It  was  marauded  by  merciless  bands  of  savages,  led,  in  some 
instances,  by  Frenchmen.  Travellers  were  murdered,  farm- 
houses burned  down,  families  butchered,  and  even  stockaded 
forts,  or  houses  of  refuge,  attacked  in  open  day.  The  marau- 
ders had  crossed  the  mountains  and  perpetrated  the  valley  of  the 
Shenandoah ;  and  several  persons  had  fallen  beneath  the  toma- 
hawk in  the  neighborhood  of  Winchester. 

Washington's  old  friend,  Lord  Fairfax,  found  himself  no 
longer  safe  in  his  rural  abode.  Greenway  Court  was  in  the 
midst  of  a  woodland  region,  affording  a  covert  approach  for 
the  stealthy  savage.  His  lordship  was  considered  a  great  chief, 
whose  scalp  would  be  an  inestimable  trophy  fo'r  an  Indian 
warrior.  Fears  were  entertained,  therefore,  by  his  friends, 
that  an  attempt  would  be  made  to  surprise  him*  in  his  green- 
wood castle.  His  nephew,  Colonel  Martin,  of  the  militia,  who 
resided  with  him,  suggested  the  expediency  of  a  removal  to  the 
lower  settlements,  beyond  the  Blue  Ridge.  The  high-spirited 
old  nobleman  demurred ;  his  heart  cleaved  to  the  home  which 
he  had  formed  for  himself  in  the  wilderness.  "I  am  an  old 
man,"  said  he,  "  and  it  is  of  little  importance  whether  I  fall  by 
the  tomahawk  or  die  of  disease  and  old  age  ;  but}7ou  are  young, 
and  it  is  to  be  hoped,  have  many  37ears  before  you,  therefore 
decide  for  us  both ;  my  only  fear  is,  that  if  we  retire,  the 
whole  district  will  break  up  and  take  to  flight ;  and  this  fine 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  157 

country,  which  I  have  been  at  such  cost  and  trouble  to  improve, 
will  again  become  a  wilderness." 

Colonel  Martin  took  but  a  short  time  to  deliberate.  He 
knew  the  fearless  character  of  his  uncle,  and  perceived  what 
was  his  inclination.  He  considered  that,  his  lordship  had 
numerous  retainers,  white  and  black,  with  hardy  huntsmen  and 
foresters  to  rally  round  him,  and  that  Green  way  Court  was  at 
no  great  distance  from  Winchester  ;  he  decided,  therefore,  that 
they  should  remain  and  abide  the  course  of  events. 

Washington,  on  his  arrival  at  Winchester,  found  the  in- 
habitants in  great  dismay.  He  resolved  immediately  to  organ- 
ize a  force,  composed  partly  of  troops  from  Fort  Cumberland, 
partly  of  militia  from  Winchester  and  its  vicinity,  to  put  him- 
self at  its  head,  and  "scour  the  woods  and  suspected  places 
in  all  the  mountains  and  valleys  of  this  part  of  the  frontier, 
in  quest  of  the  Indians  and  their  more  cruel  associates.  ' 

He  accordingly  despatched  an  express  to  Fort  Cumberland 
with  orders  for  a  detachment  from  the  garrison  ;  u  but  how," 
said  he,  u  are  men  to  be  raised  at  Winchester,  since  orders  are 
no  longer  regarded  in  the  county  ?  ' ' 

Lord  Fairfax,  and  other  militia  officers  with  whom  he  con- 
sulted, advised  that  each  captain  should  call  a  private  muster 
of  his  men  and  read  before  them  an  address,  or  "  exhortation  " 
as  it  was  called,  being  an  appeal  to  their  patriotism  and  fears, 
and  a  summons  to  assemble  on  the  15th  of  April  to  enroll 
themselves  for  the  projected  mountain  foray. 

This  measure  was  adopted,,  the  private  musterings  occurred  ; 
the  exhortation  was  read ;  the  time  and  place  of  assemblage 
appointed ;  but,  when  the  day  of  enrolment  arrived,  not  more 
than  fifteen  men  appeared  upon  the  ground.  In  the  mean 
time  the  express  returned  with  sad  accounts  from  Fort  Cum- 
berland. No  troops  could  be  furnished  from  that  quarter. 
The  garrison  was  scarcely  strong  enough  for  self-defence, 
having  sent  out  detachments  in  different  directions.  The 
express  had  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life,  having  been  fired 
upon  repeatedly,  his  horse  shot  under  him,  and  his  clothes 
riddled  with  bullets.  The  roads,  he  said,  were  infested  by 
savages  ;  none  but  hunters,  who  knew  how  to  thread  the  forests 
at  night,  could  travel  with  safety. 

Horrors  accumulated  at  Winchester.  Every  hour  brought 
its  tale  of  terror,  true  or  false,  of  houses  burned,  families 
massacred,  or  beleaguered  and  famishing  in  stockaded  forts. 
The  danger  approached.  A  scouting  party  had  been  attacked 
in  the  Warm  Spring  Mountain,  about  twenty  miles  distant,  by 


158  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

a  large  body  of  French  and  Indians,  mostly  on  horseback. 
The  captain  of  the  scouting  party  and  several  of  his  men  had 
been  slain,  and  the  rest  put  to  flight. 

An  attack  on  Winchester  was  apprehended,  and  the  terrors 
of  the  people  rose  to  agony.  They  now  turned  to  Washington 
as  their  main  hope.  The  women  surrounded  him,  holding  up 
their  children,  and  imploring  him  with  tears  and  cries  to  save 
them  from  the  savages.  The  youthful  commander  looked 
round  on  the  suppliant  crowd  with  a  countenance  beaming  with 
pity,  and  a  heart  wrung  with  anguish.  A  letter  to  Governor 
Dinwiddie  shows  the  conflict  of  his  feelings.  "lam  too  little 
acquainted  with  pathetic  language  to  attempt  a  description  of 
these  people's  distresses.  But  what  can  I  do?  I  see  their 
situation  ;  I  know  their  danger,  and  participate  their  sufferings, 
without  having  it  in  my  power  to  give  them  further  relief  than 
uncertain  promises."  —  "  The  supplicating  tears  of  the  women, 
and  moving  petitions  of  the  men,  melt  me  into  such  deadly 
sorrow,  that  I  solemnly  declare,  if  I  know  my  own  mind,  I 
could  offer  myself  a  willing  sacrifice  to  the  butchering  enemy, 
provided  that  would  contribute  to  the  people's  ease." 

The  unstudied  eloquence  of  this  letter  drew  from  the  gov- 
ernor an  instant  order  for  a  militia  force  from  the  upper 
counties  to  his  assistance ;  but  the  Virginia  newspapers,  in 
descanting  on  the  frontier  troubles,  threw  discredit  on  the  army 
and  its  officers,  and  attached  blame  to  its  commander.  Stung 
to  the  quick  by  this  injustice,  Washington  publicly  declared 
that  nothing  but  the  imminent  danger  of  the  times  prevented 
him  from  instantly  resigning  a  command  from  which  he  could 
never  reap  either  honor  or  benefit.  His  sensitiveness  called 
forth  strong  letters  from  his  friends,  assuring  him  of  the  high 
sense  entertained  at  the  seat  of  government,  and  elsewhere,  of 
his  merits  and  sendees.  "Your  good  health  and  fortune  are 
the  toast  of  every  table,"  wrote  his  early  friend,  Colonel  Fair- 
fax, at  that  time  a  member  of  the  governor's  council.  "  Your 
endeavors  in  the  service  and  defence  of  your  country  must 
redound  to  your  honor." 

"  Our  hopes,  dear  George,"  wrote  Mr.  Robinson,  the 
Speaker  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  "  are  all  fixed  on  you 
for  bringing  our  affairs  to  a  happy  issue.  Consider  what  fatal 
consequences  to  your  country  your  resigning  the  command  at 
this  time  may  be,  especially  as  there  is  no  doubt  most  of  the 
officers  will  follow  your  example." 

In  fact,  the  situation  and  services  of  the  youthful  commander, 
shut  up  in  a  frontier  town,  destitute  of  forces,  surrounded  by 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  159 

savage  foes,  gallantly,  though  despairingly,  devoting  himself 
to  the  safety  of  a  suffering  people,  were  properly  understood 
throughout  the  country,  and  excited  a  glow  of  enthusiasm  in 
his  favor.  The  Legislature,  too,  began  at  length  to  act,  but 
timidly  and  inefficiently.  "The  country  knows  her  danger," 
writes  one  of  the  members,  "but  such  is  her  parsimony  that 
she  is  willing  to  wait  for  the  rains  to  wet  the  powder,  and  the 
rats  to  eat  the  bow-strings  of  the  enemy,  rather  than  attempt 
to  drive  them  from  her  frontiers." 

The  measure  of  relief  voted  by  the  Assembly  was  an  addi- 
tional appropriation  of  twenty  thousand  pounds,  and  an  in- 
crease of  the  provincial  force  to  fifteen  hundred  men.  With 
this,  it  was  proposed  to  erect  and  garrison  a  chain  of  frontier 
forts,  extending  through  the  ranges  of  the  Allegany  Mountains, 
from  the  Potomac  to  the  borders  of  North  Carolina  ;  a  distance 
of  between  three  and  four  hundred  miles.  This  was  one  of  the 
inconsiderate  projects  devised  by  Governor  Dinwiddie. 

Washington,  in  letters  to  the  governor  and  to  the  speaker  of 
the  House  of  Burgesses,  urged  the  impolicy  of  such  a  plan,  with 
their  actual  force  and  means.  The  forts,  he  observed,  ought 
to  be  within  fifteen  or  eighteen  miles  of  each  other,  that  their 
spies  might  be  able  to  keep  watch  over  the  intervening  country, 
otherwise  the  Indians  would  pass  between  them  unperceived, 
effect  their  ravages,  and  escape  to  the  mountains,  swamps,  and 
ravines,  before  the  troops  from  the  forts  could  be  assembled  to 
pursue  them.  They  ought  each  to  be  garrisoned  with  eighty 
or  a  hundred  men,  so  as  to  afford  detachments  of  sufficient 
strength,  without  leaving  the  garrison  too  weak ;  for  the  In- 
dians are  the  most  stealthy  and  patient  of  spies  and  lurkers  ; 
will  lie  in  wait  for  days  together  about  small  forts  of  the  kind, 
and,  if  they  find,  by  some  chance  prisoner,  that  the  garrison  is 
actually  weak,  will  first  surprise  and  cut  off  its  scouting  parties, 
and  then  attack  the  fort  itself.  It  wTas  evident,  therefore,  ob- 
served he,  that  to  garrison  properly  such  a  line  of  forts,  would 
require,  at  least,  two  thousand  men.  And  even  then,  a  line  of 
such  extent  might  be  broken  through  at  one  end  before  the 
other  end  could  yield  assistance.  Feint  attacks,  also,  might  be 
made  at  one  point,  while  the  real  attack  was  made  at  another, 
quite  distant ;  and  the  country  be  overrun  before  its  widely- 
posted  defenders  could  be  alarmed  and  concentrated.  Then 
must  be  taken  into  consideration  the  immense  cost  of  building 
so  many  forts,  and  the  constant  and  consuming  expense  of  sup- 
plies and  transportations 

His  idea  of  a  defensive  plan  was  to  build  a  strong  fort  at 


160  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

Winchester,  the  central  point,  where  all  the  main  roads  met  of 
a  wide  range  of  scattered  settlements,  where  tidings  could  soon- 
est be  collected  from  every  quarter,  and  whence  re-enforcements 
and  supplies  could  most  readily  be  forwarded.  It  was  to  be  a 
grand  deposit  of  military  stores,  a  residence  for  commanding 
officers,  a  place  of  refuge  for  the  women  and  children  in  time 
of  alarm,  when  the  men  had  suddenly  to  take  the  field ;  in  a 
word,  it  was  to  be  the  citadel  of  the  frontier. 

Besides  this,  he  would  have  three  or  four  large  fortresses 
erected  at  convenient  distances  upon  the  frontiers,  with  pow- 
erful garrisons,  so  as  to  be  able  to  throw  out,  in  constant 
succession,  strong  scouting  parties,  to  range  the  country.  Fort 
Cumberland  he  condemned  as  being  out  of  the  province,  and 
out  of  the  track  of  Indian  incursions  ;  insomuch  that  it  seldom 
received  an  alarm  until  all  the  mischief  had  been  effected. 

His  representations  with  respect  to  military  laws  and  regula- 
tions were  equally  cogent.  In  the  late  act  of  the  Assembly  for 
raising  a  regiment,  it  was  provided  that,  in  cases  of  emergency, 
if  recruits  should  not  offer  in  sufficient  number,  the  militia  might 
be  drafted  to  supply  the  deficiencies,  but  only  to  serve  until 
December,  and  not  to  be  marched  out  of  the  province.  In  this 
case,  said  he,  before  they  have  entered  upon  service,  or  got 
the  least  smattering  of  duty,  they  will  claim  a  discharge  ;  if  they 
are  pursuing  an  enemy  who  has  committed  the  most  unheard-of 
cruelties,  he  has  only  to  step  across  the  Potomac,  and  he  is- 
safe.  Then  as  to  the  limits  of  service,  they  might  just  as  easily 
have  been  enlisted  for  seventeen  months,  as  seven.  They  would 
then  have  been  seasoned  as  well  as  disciplined  ;  ;t  for  we  find 
by  experience,"  says  he,  "  that  our  poor  ragged  soldiers  would 
kill  the  most  active  militia  in  five  days'  marching." 

Then,  as  to  punishments :  death,  it  was  true,  had  been  de- 
creed for  mutiny  and  desertion  ;  but  there  was  no  punishment 
for  cowardice  ;  for  holding  correspondence  with  the  enemy  ;  for 
quitting,  or  sleeping  on  one's  post ;  all  capital  offences,  ac- 
cording to  the  military  codes  of  Europe.  Neither  were  there 
provisions  for  quartering  or  billeting  soldiers  or  impressing 
wagons  and  other  conveyances,  in  times  of  exigency.  To 
crown  all,  no  court-martial  could  sit  out  of  Virginia ;  a  most 
embarrassing  regulation,  when  troops  were  fifty  or  a  hundred 
miles  beyond  the  frontier.  He  earnestly  suggested  amend- 
ments on  all  these  points,  as  well  as  with  regard  to  the  soldiers' 
pay;  which  was  less  than  that  of  the  regular  troops,  or  the 
troops  of  most  of  the  other  provinces. 

All  these  suggestions,  showing  at  this  youthful  age  that  fore- 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  lGl 

thought  and  circumspection  which  distinguished  him  throughout 
life,  were  repeatedly  and  eloquently  urged  upon  Governor  Din- 
widdie,  with  very  little  effect.  The  plan  of  a  frontier  line  of 
twentjr- three  forts  was  persisted  in .  Fort  Cumberland  was  per- 
tinaciously kept  up  at  a  great  and  useless  expense  of  men  and 
money,  and  the  militia  laws  remained  lax  and  inefficient.  It 
was  decreed,  however,  that  the  great  central  fort  at  Winchester 
recommended  by  Washington,  should  be  erected. 

Jn  the  height  of  the  alarm,  a  company  of  one  hundred  gentle- 
men, mounted  and  equipped,  volunteered  their  services  to  re- 
pair to  the  frontier.  They  were  headed  by  Peyton  Randolph, 
attorney-general,  a  man  deservedly  popular  throughout  the 
province.  Their  offer  was  gladly  accepted.  They  were  denom- 
inated the  "  Gentlemen  Associators,"  and  great  expectations, 
of  course,  were  entertained  from  their  gallantly  and  devotion. 
They  were  empowered,  also,  to  aid  with  their  judgment  in  the 
selection  of  places  for  frontier  forts. 

The  "Gentlemen  Associators,"  like  all  gentlemen  associa- 
tors in  similar  emergencies,  turned  out  with  great  zeal  and 
spirit,  and  immense  popular  effect,  but  wasted  their  fire  in  prep- 
aration, and  on  the  march.  Washington,  who  well  understood 
the  value  of  such  aid,  observed  dryly  in  a  letter  to  Governor 
Dinwiddie,  "  I  am  heartily  glad  that  you  have  fixed  upon  these 
gentlemen  to  point  out  the  places  for  erecting  forts,  but  regret  to 
find  their  motions  so  slow."  There  is  no  doubt  that  they  would 
have  conducted  themselves  gallantly,  had  the}T  been  put  to  the 
test ;  but  before  they  arrived  near  the  scene  of  danger  the  alarm 
was  over.  About  the  beginning  of  May,  scouts  brought  in  word 
that  the  tracks  of  the  marauding  savages  tended  toward  Fort 
Duquesne,  as  if  on  the  return.  In  a  little  while  it  was  ascertained 
that  they  had  recrossed  the  Allegany  Mountains  to  the  Ohio  in 
such  numbers  as  to  leave  a  beaten  track,  equal  to  that  made 
in  the  preceding  year  by  the  army  of  Braddock. 

The  repeated  inroads  of  the  savages  called  for  an  effectual 
and  permanent  check.  The  idea  of  being  constantly  subject 
to  the  irruptions  of  a  deadly  foe,  that  moved  with  stealth  and 
mystery,  and  was  only  to  be  traced  by  its  ravages,  and  counted 
by  its  footprints,  discouraged  all  settlement  of  the  country. 
The  beautiful  valley  of  the  Shenandoah  was  fast  becoming  a 
deserted  and  a  silent  place.  Her  people,  for  the  most  part,  had 
fled  to  the  older  settlements  south  of  the  mountains,  and  the 
Blue  Ridge  was  likely  soon  to  become  virtually  the  frontier  line 
of  the  province. 

We  have  to  record  one  signal  act  of  retaliation  on  the  perfid- 


102  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

ious  tribes  of  the  Ohio,  in  which  a  person  whose  name  subse- 
quently became  dear  to  Americans,  was  concerned.  Prisoners 
who  had  escaped  from  the  savages  reported  that  Shingis,  Wash- 
ington's faithless  ally,  and  another  sachem,  called  Captain 
Jacobs,  were  the  two  heads  of  the  hostile  bands  that  had  deso- 
lated the  frontier.  That  they  lived  at  Kittanning,  an  Indian 
town,  about  forty  miles  above  Fort  Duquesne ;  at  which  their 
warriors  were  fitted  out  for  incursions,  and  whither  they  re- 
turned  with  their  prisoners  and  plunder.  Captain  Jacobs  was 
a  daring  fellow,  and  scoffed  at  palisadoed  forts.  "He  could 
take  any  fort,"  he  said,  ;'  that  would  catch  fire." 

A  party  of  two  hundred  and  eighty  provincials,  resolute  men, 
undertook  to  surprise,  and  destroy  this  savage  nest.  It  was 
commanded  by  Colonel  John  Armstrong  ;  and  with  him  went  Dr. 
Hugh  Mercer,  of  subsequent  renown,  who  had  received  a  cap- 
tain's commission  from  Pennsylvania,  on  the  6th  of  March,  1756. 

Armstrong  led  his  men  rapidly,  but  secretly,  over  mountain, 
and  through  forest,  until,  after  a  long  and  perilous  march, 
they  reached  the  Allegany.  It  was  a  moonlight  night  when  they 
arrived  in  the  neighborhood  of  Kittanning.  They  were  guided 
to  the  village  by  whoops  and  yells,  and  the  sound  of  the  Indian 
drum.  The  warriors  were  celebrating  their  exploits  by  the  tri- 
umphant scalp-dance.  After  a  while  the  revel  ceased,  and  a 
number  of  fires  appeared  here  and  there  in  a  corn-field.  They 
were  made  by  such  of  the  Indians  as  slept  in  the  open  air,  and 
were  intended  to  drive  off  the  gnats.  Armstrong  and  his  men  lay 
down,  "  quiet  and  hush,"  observing  every  thing  narrowly,  and 
waiting  until  the  moon  should  set,  and  the  warriors  be  asleep. 
At  length  the  moon  went  down,  the  fires  burned  low;  all  was 
quiet.  Armstrong  now  roused  his  men,  some  of  whom,  wearied 
by  their  long  march,  had  fallen  asleep.  He  divided  his  forces ; 
part  were  to  attack  the  warriors  in  the  corn-field,  part  were 
despatched  to  the  houses,  which  were  dimly  seen  by  the  first 
streak  of  day.  There  was  sharp  firing  in  both  quarters,  for  the 
Indians,  though  taken  by  surprise,  fought  bravely,  inspired  by 
the  war-whoop  of  their  chief,  Captain  Jacobs.  The  women 
and  children  fled  to  the  woods.  Several  of  the  provincials  were 
killed  and  wounded.  Captain  Hugh  Mercer  received  a  wound 
in  the  arm,  and  was  taken  to  the  top  of  a  hill.  The  fierce 
chieftain,  Captain  Jacobs,  was  besieged  in  his  house,  which  had 
port-holes  ;  whence  he  and  his  warriors  made  havoc  among  the 
assailants.  The  adjoining  houses  were  set  on  fire.  The  chief 
was  summoned  to  surrender  himself.  He  replied  he  was  a  man, 
and  would  not  be  a  prisoner.     He  was  told  he  would  be  burned. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  103 

His  reply  was,  "he  would  kill  four  or  five  before  he  died." 
The  flames  and  smoke  approached.  "One  of  the  besieged 
warriors,  to  show  his  manhood,  began  to  sing.  A  squaw  at 
the  same  time  was  heard  to  cry,  but  was  severely  rebuked  by  the 
men."  1 

In  the  end,  the  warriors  were  driven  out  by  the  flames  ;  some 
escaped,  and  some  were  shot.  Among  the  latter  was  Captain 
Jacobs,  and  his  gigantic  son,  said  to  be  seven  feet  high.  Fire 
was  now  set  to  all  the  houses,  thirty  in  number.  "  During  the 
burning  of  the  houses,"  says  Colonel  Armstrong,  "we  were 
agreeably  entertained  with  a  quick  succession  of  charged  guns, 
gradually  firing  off  as  reached  by  the  fire,  but  much  more  so 
with  the  vast  explosion  of  sundry  bags,  and  large  kegs  of  powder, 
wherewith  almost  every  house  abounded."  The  colonel  was  in 
a  strange  condition  to  enjoy  such  an  entertainment,  having  re- 
ceived a  wound  from  a  large  musket-ball  in  the  shoulder. 

The  object  of  the  expedition  was  accomplished.  Thirty  or 
forty  of  the  warriors  were  slain  ;  their  stronghold  was  a  smok- 
ing ruin.  There  was  danger  of  the  victors  being  cut  off  by  a 
detachment  from  Fort  Duquesne.  They  made  the  best  of  their 
way,  therefore,  to  their  horses,  which  had  been  left  at  a  dis- 
tance, and  set  off  rapidly  on  their  march  to  Fort  Lyttleton, 
about  sixty  miles  north  of  Fort  Cumberland. 

Colonel  Armstong  had  reached  Fort  Lyttleton  on  the  14th 
of  September,  six  days  after  the  battle,  and  fears  were  enter- 
tained that  he  had  been  intercepted  by  the  Indians  and  was 
lost.  He,  with  his  ensign  and  eleven  men,  had  separated 
from  the  main  body  when  they  began  their  march,  and  had  taken 
another  and  what  was  supposed  a  safer  road.  He  had  with 
him  a  woman,  a  boy,  and  two  little  girls,  recaptured  from  the 
Indians.  The  whole  party  ultimately  arrived  safe  at  Fort 
Lyttleton,  but  it  would  seem  that  Mercer,  weak  and  faint  from 
his  fractured  arm,  must  have  fallen  behind,  or  in  some  way 
become  separated  from  them,  and  had  a  long,  solitaiy,  and 
painful  struggle  through  the  wilderness,  reaching  the  fort  sick, 
weary,  and  half  famished.2  We  shall  have  to  speak  hereafter 
of  his  services  when  under  the  standard  of  Washington,  whose 
friend  and  neighbor  he  subsequently  became.3 

1  Letter  from  Colonel  Armstrong. 

2  "  We  hear  that  Captain  Mercer  was  fourteen  days  in  getting  to  Fort  Lyttleton.  He 
had  a  miraculous  escape,  living  ten  days  on  two  dried  clams  and  a  rattlesnake,  with  the 
assistance  of  a  few  berries."  — New  York  Mercury  for  October  4,  1756. 

3  Mercer  was  a  Scotchman,  about  thirty -four  years  of  age.  About  ten  years  previ- 
ously he  had  served  as  Assistant  Surgeon  in  the  forces  of  Charles  Edward,  and  followed 
his  standard  to  the  disastrous  field  of  Culloden.  After  the  defeat  of  the  "  Chevalier,"  he 
had  escaped  by  the  way  of  Inverness  to  America,  and  taken  up  his  residence  on  the 
frontier  of  Pennsylvania. 


164  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

FOUNDING    OF     FORT   LOUDOUN WASHINGTON'S    TOUR  OF     INSPEC- 
TION   INEFFICIENCY      OF      THE       MILITIA    SYSTEM GENTLEMEN 

SOLDIERS CROSS-PURPOSES     WITH     DINWIDDIE MILITARY    AF- 
FAIRS   IN   THE   NORTH DELAYS    OF    LORD    LOUDOUN ACTIVITY 

OF    MONTCALM LOUDOUN    IN    WINTER    QUARTERS. 

Throughout  the  summer  of  1756,  Washington  exerted  him- 
self diligently  in  carrying  out  measures  determined  upon  for 
frontier  security.  The  great  fortress  at  Winchester  was  com- 
menced, and  the  work  urged  forward  as  expeditiously  as 
the  delays  and  perplexities  incident  to  a  badly  organized  service 
would  permit.  It  received  the  name  of  Fort  Loudoun,  in  honor 
of  the  commander-in-chief,  whose  arrival  in  Virginia  was  hope- 
fully anticipated. 

As  to  the  sites  of  the  frontier  posts,  they  were  decided  upon 
by  Washington  and  his  officers,  after  frequent  and  long  consul- 
tations ;  parties  were  sent  out  to  work  on  them,  and  men 
recruited,  and  militia  drafted,  to  garrison  them.  Washington 
visited  occasionally  such  as  were  in  progress,  and  near  at  hand. 
It  was  a  service  of  some  peril,  for  the  mountains  and  forests 
were  still  infested  by  prowling  savages,  especially  in  the  neigh- 
borhood of  these  new  forts.  At  one  time  when  he  was  recon- 
noitring a  wild  part  of  the  country,  attended  merely  by  a 
servant  and  a  guide,  two  men  were  murdered  by  the  Indians  in 
a  solitary  defile  shortly  after  he  had  passed  through  it. 

In  the  autumn,  he  made  a  tour  of  inspection  along  the  whole 
line,  accompanied  by  his  friend,  Captain  Hugh  Mercer,  who 
had  recovered  from  his  recent  wounds.  This  tour  furnished 
repeated  proofs  of  the  inefficiency  of  the  militia  system.  In 
one  place  he  attempted  to  raise  a  force  with  which  to  scour 
a  region  infested  by  roving  bands  of  savages.  After  waiting 
several  days,  but  five  men  answered  to  his  summons.  In 
another  place,  where  three  companies  had  been  ordered  to  the 
relief  of  a  fort,  attacked  by  the  Indians,  all  that  could  be  mus- 
tered were  a  captain,  a  lieutenant,  and  seven  or  eight  men. 

When  the  militia  were  drafted,  and  appeared  under  arms,  the 
case  was  not  much  better.  It  was  now  late  in  the  autumn  ; 
their  term  of  service,  by  the  act  of  the  Legislature,  expired  in 
December  —  half  of  the  time,  therefore,  was  lost  in  marching 
out  and  home.     Their  waste  of  provisions  was  enormous.     To 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  1G5 

be  put  on  allowance,  like  other  soldiers,  they  considered  an 
indignity.  They  would  sooner  starve  than  carry  a  few  days' 
provisions  on  their  backs.  On  the  inarch,  when  breakfast  was 
wanted,  they  would  knock  down  the  first  beeves  they  met  with, 
and,  after  regaling  themselves,  march  on  till  dinner,  when  they 
would  take  the  same  method  ;  and  so  for  supper,  to  the  great 
oppression  of  the  people.  For  the  want  of  proper  military 
laws,  they  were  obstinate,  self-willed,  and  perverse.  Every 
individual  had  his  own  crude  notion  of  things,  and  would  under- 
take to  direct.  If  his  advice  were  neglected,  he  would  think 
himself  slighted,  abused,  and  injured,  and,  to  redress  himself, 
would  depart  for  his  home. 

The  garrisons  were  weak  for  want  of  men,  but  more  so  from 
indolence  and  irregularity.  Not  one  was  in  a  posture  of  de- 
fence ;  few  but  might  be  surprised  with  the  greatest  ease.  At 
one  fort,  the  Indians  rushed  from  their  lurking-place,  pounced 
upon  several  children  playing  under  the  walls,  and  bore  them 
off  before  they  were  discovered.  Another  fort  was  surprised, 
and  many  of  the  people  massacred  in  the  same  manner.  In  the 
course  of  his  tour,  as  he  and  his  party  approached  a  fort,  lie 
heard  a  quick  firing  for  several  minutes  ;  concluding  that  it  was 
attacked,  they  hastened  to  its  relief,  but  found  the  garrison 
were  merely  amusing  themselves  firing  at  a  mark,  or  for 
wagers.  In  this  way  they  would  waste  their  ammunition  as 
freely  as  they  did  their  provisions.  In  the  mean  time,  the 
inhabitants  of  the  country  were  in  a  wretched  situation,  feeling 
the  little  dependence  to  be  put  on  militia,  who  were  slow  in 
coming  to  their  assistance,  indifferent  about  their  preservation, 
unwilling  to  continue,  and  regardless  of  every  thing  but  of  their 
own  case.  In  short,  they  were  so  apprehensive  of  approaching 
ruin,  that  the  whole  back  country  was  in  a  general  motion 
toward  the  southern  colonies. 

From  the  Catawba,  he  was  escorted  along  a  range  of  forts  by 
a  colonel,  and  about  thirty  men,  chiefly  officers.  "  With  this 
small  company  of  irregulars,"  says  he,  "with  whom  order, 
regularity,  circumspection,  and  vigilance  were  matters  of  de- 
rision and  contempt,  we  set  out,  and,  by  the  protection  of 
Providence,  reached  Augusta  court-house  in  seven  days,  with- 
out meeting  the  enemy ;  otherwise,  we  must  have  fallen  a 
sacrifice,  through  the  indiscretion  of  these  whooping,  hallooing, 
gentlemen  soldiers  ! ' ' 

How  lively  a  picture  does  this  give  of  the  militia  system  at 
all  times,  when  not  subjected  to  strict  military  law. 

What  rendered  this  year's  service   peculiarly   irksome    and 


166  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

embarrassing  to  Washington,  was  the  nature  of  his  correspond- 
ence with  Governor  Dinwiddie.  That  gentleman,  either  from  the 
natural  hurry  and  confusion  of  his  mind,  or  from  a  real  dis- 
position to  perplex,  was  extremely  ambiguous  and  unsatisfac- 
tory in  most  of  his  orders  and  replies.  "  So  much  am  I  kept 
in  the  dark,"  says  Washington,  in  one  of  his  letters,  "that  I 
do  not  know  whether  to  prepare  for  the  offensive  or  defensive. 
What  would  be  absolutely  necessary  for  the  one,  would  be  quite 
useless  for  the  other."  And  again  :  "  The  orders  I  receive  are 
full  of  ambiguity.  I  am  left  like  a  wanderer  in  the  wilderness, 
to  proceed  at  hazard.  I  am  answerable  for  consequences,  and 
blamed,  without  the  privilege  of  defence." 

In  nothing  was  this  disposition  to  perplex  more  apparent 
than  in  the  governor's  replies  respecting  Fort  Cumberland. 
Washington  had  repeatedly  urged  the  abandonment  of  this  fort 
as  a  place  of  frontier  deposit,  being  within  the  bounds  of 
another  province,  and  out  of  the  track  of  Indian  incursion  ;  so 
that  often  the  alarm  would  not  reach  there  until  after  the  mis- 
chief had  been  effected.  He  applied,  at  length,  for  particular 
and  positive  directions  from  the  governor  on  this  head.  "  The 
following,"  says  he,  "  is  an  exact  copy  of  his  answer  :  —  '  Fort 
Cumberland  is  a  king's  fort,  and  built  chiefly  at  the  charge  of 
the  colony,  therefore  properly  under  our  direction  until  a  new 
governor  is  appointed.'  Now,  whether  I  am  to  understand  this 
aye  or  no  to  the  plain  simple  question  asked,  Is  the  fort  to  be 
continued  or  removed?  I  know  not.  But  in  all  important  mat- 
ters I  am  directed  in  this  ambiguous  and  uncertain  way." 

Governor  Dinwiddie  subsequently  made  himself  explicit  on 
this  point.  Taking  offence  at  some  of  Washington's  com- 
ments on  the  military  affairs  of  the  frontier,  he  made  the  stand 
of  a  self-willed  and  obstinate  man,  in  the  case  of  Fort  Cumber- 
land ;  and  represented  it  in  such  light  to  Lord  Loudoun,  as  to 
draw  from  his  lordship  an  order  that  it  should  be  kept  up  ;  and 
an  implied  censure  of  the  conduct  of  Washington  in  slighting  a 
post  of  such  paramount  importance.  "  I  cannot  agree  with 
Colonel  Washington,"  writes  his  lordship,  "in  not  drawing  in 
the  posts  from  the  stockade  forts,  in  order  to  defend  that  ad- 
vanced one ;  and  I  should  imagine  much  more  of  the  frontier 
will  be  exposed  by  retiring  your  advanced  posts  near  Winches- 
ter, where  I  understand  he  is  retired  ;  for,  from  your  letter, 
I  take  it  for  granted  he  has  before  this  executed  his  plan, 
without  waiting  for  any  advice.  If  he  leaves  any  of  the  great 
quantity  of  stores  behind,  it  will  be  very  unfortunate,  and  he 
ought  to  consider  that  it  must  lie  at  his  own  door." 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  167 

Thus  powerfully  supported,  Dinwiddie  went  so  far  as  to 
order  that  the  garrisons  should  be  withdrawn  from  the  stock- 
ades and  small  frontier  forts,  and  most  of  the  troops  from 
Winchester,  to  strengthen  Fort  Cumberland,  which  was  now  to 
become  head-quarters ;  thus  weakening  the  most  important 
points  and  places,  to  concentrate  a  force  where  it  was  not 
wanted,  and  would  be  out  of  the  wa}r  in  most  cases  of  alarm. 
By  these  meddlesome  moves,  made  by  Governor  Dinwiddie 
from  a  distance,  without  knowing  any  thing  of  the  game, 
all  previous  arrangements  were  reversed,  every  thing  was 
thrown  into  confusion,  and  enormous  losses  and  expenses 
were  incurred. 

"  Whence  it  arises,  or  why,  I  am  truly  ignorant,"  writes 
Washington  to  Mr.  Speaker  Robinson,  "  but  my  strongest  rep- 
resentations of  matters  relative  to  the  frontiers  are  disregarded 
as  idle  and  frivolous  ;  my  propositions  and  measures  as  partial 
and  selfish ;  and  all  my  sincerest  endeavors  for  the  service  of 
my  country  are  perverted  to  the  worst  purposes.  My  orders 
are  dark  and  uncertain  ;  to-day  approved,  to-morrow  disap- 
proved." 

Whence  all  this  contradiction  and  embarrassment  arose  has 
since  been  explained,  and  with  apparent  reason.  Governor 
Dinwiddie  had  never  recovered  from  the  pique  caused  by  the 
popular  elevation  of  Washington  to  the  command  in  preference 
to  his  favorite,  Colonel  limes.  His  irritation  was  kept  alive  by 
a  little  Scottish  faction,  who  were  desirous  of  disgusting  Wash- 
ington with  the  service,  so  as  to  induce  him  to  resign,  and  make 
way  for  his  rival.  They  might  have  carried  their  point  during 
the  panic  at  Winchester,  had  not  his  patriotism  and  his  sym- 
pathy with  the  public  distress  been  more  powerful  than  his 
self-love.  He  determined,  he  said,  to  bear  up  under  these 
embarrassments  in  the  hope  of  better  regulations  when  Lord 
Loudoun  should  arrive ;  to  whom  he  looked  for  the  future  fate 
of  Virginia. 

While  these  events  were  occurring  on  the  Virginia  frontier, 
military  affairs  went  on  tardily  and  heavily  at  the  north.  The 
campaign  agajnst  Canada,  which  was  to  have  opened  early  in 
the  year,  hung  fire.  The  armament  coming  out  for  the  pur- 
pose, under  Lord  Loudoun,  was  delayed  through  the  want  of 
energy  and  union  in  the  British  cabinet.  General  Abercrom- 
bie,  who  was  to  be  next  in  command  to  his  lordship,  and  to 
succeed  to  General  Shirley,  set  sail  in  advance  for  New  York  with 
two  regiments,  but  did  not  reach  Albany,  the  head-quarters  of 
military  operation,   until  the   25th  of  June.      He  billeted   his 


108  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

soldiers  upon  the  town,  much  to  the  disgust  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  talked  of  ditching  and  stockading  it,  but  postponed  all 
exterior  enterprises  until  the  arrival  of  Lord  Loudoun  ;  then 
the  campaign  was  to  open  in  earnest. 

On  the  12th  of  July,  came  word  that  the  forts  Ontario  and 
Oswego,  on  each  side  of  the  mouth  of  the  Oswego  River,  were 
menaced  by  the  French.  They  had  been  imperfectly  con- 
structed by  Shirley,  and  were  insufficiently  garrisoned,  yet 
contained  a  great  amount  of  military  and  naval  stores,  and  pro- 
tected the  vessels  which  cruised  on  Lake  Ontario. 

Major-General  Webb  was  ordered  by  Abercrombie  to  hold 
himself  in  readiness  to  march  with  one  regiment  to  the  relief  of 
these  forts,  but  received  no  further  orders.  Every  thing  awaited 
the  arrival  at  Albany  of  Lord  Loudoun,  which  at  length  took 
place,  on  the  29th  of  July.  There  were  now  at  least  ten  thou- 
sand troops,  regulars  and  provincials,  loitering  in  an  idle  camp 
at  Albany,  yet  relief  to  Oswego  was  still  delayed.  Lord  Lou- 
doun was  in  favor  of  it,  but  the  governments  of  New  York  and 
New  England  urged  the  immediate  reduction  of  Crown  Point, 
as  necessary  for  the  security  of  their  frontier.  After  much 
debate,  it  was  agreed  that  General  Webb  should  march  to  the 
relief  of  Oswego.  He  left  Albany  on  the  12th  of  August,  but 
had  scarce  reached  the  carrying-place,  between  the  Mohawk 
River  and  Wood  Creek,  when  he  received  news  that  Oswego 
was  reduced,  and  its  garrison  captured.  While  the  British 
commanders  had  debated,  Field-marshal  the  Marquis  de  Mont- 
calm, newly  arrived  from  France,  had  acted.  He  was  a  differ- 
ent kind  of  soldier  from  Abercrombie  or  Loudoun.  A  capacious 
mind  and  enterprising  spirit  animated  a  small,  but  active  and 
untiring  frame.  Quick  in  thought,  quick  in  speech,  quicker 
still  in  action,  he  comprehended  every  thing  at  a  glance,  and 
moved  from  point  to  point  of  the  province  with  a  celerity  and 
secrecy  that  completely  baffled  his  slow  and  pondering  antag- 
onists. Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga  were  visited,  and  steps 
taken  to  strengthen  their  works,  and  provide  for  their  security  ; 
then  hastening  to  Montreal,  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of 
a  force  of  regulars,  Canadians,  and  Indians ;  ascended  the 
St.  Lawrence  to  Lake  Ontario ;  blocked  up  the  mouth  of  the 
Oswego  by  his  vessels,  landed  his  guns,  and  besieged  the  two 
forts  ;  drove  the  garrison  out  of  one  into  the  other ;  killed  the 
commander,  Colonel  Mercer,  and  compelled  the  garrisons  to  sur- 
render prisoners  of  war.  With  the  forts  was  taken  an  immense 
amount  of  military  stores,  ammunition,  and  provisions  ;  one 
hundred  and  twenty-one  cannon,  fourteen  mortars,  six  vessels 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  169 

of  war,  a,  vast  number  of  bateaux,  and  three  chests  of  money. 
His  blow  achieved,  Montcalm  returned  in  triumph  to  Montreal, 
and  sent  the  colors  of  the  captured  forts  to  be  hung  up  as 
trophies  in  the  Canadian  churches. 

The  season  was  now  too  far  advanced  for  Lord  Loudoun  to 
enter  upon  any  great  military  enterprise  ;  he  postponed,  there- 
fore, the  great  northern  campaign,  so  much  talked  of  and  de- 
bated, until  the  following  year  ;  and  having  taken  measures  for 
the  protection  of  his  frontiers,  and  for  more  active  operations 
in  the  spring,  returned  to  New  York,  hung  up  his  sword,  and 
went  into  comfortable  winter-quarters. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

WASHINGTON     VINDICATES    HIS    CONDUCT    TO    LORD    LOUDOUN HIS 

RECEPTION      BY    HIS    LORDSHIP — MILITARY     PLANS —  LORD     LOU- 
DOUN      AT       HALIFAX MONTCALM      ON       LAKE       GEORGE HIS 

TRIUMPHS LORD  LOUDOUN'S  FAILURES WASHINGTON  AT  WIN- 
CHESTER  CONTINUED   MISUNDERSTANDINGS  WITH  DINWIDDIE 

RETURN   TO    MOUNT   VERNON. 

Circumstances  had  led  Washington  to  think  that  Lord  Lou- 
doun "  had  received  impressions  to  his  prejudice  by  false  rep- 
resentations of  facts,"  and  that  a  wrong  idea  prevailed  at 
head-quarters  respecting  the  state  of  military  affairs  in  Vir- 
ginia. He  was  anxious,  therefore,  for  an  opportunity  of  placing 
all  these  matters  in  a  proper  light ;  and,  understanding  that 
there  was  to  be  a  meeting  in  Philadelphia  in  the  month  of 
March,  between  Lord  Loudoun  and  the  southern  governors,  to 
consult  about  measures  of  defence  for  their  respective  prov- 
inces, he  wrote  to  Governor  Dinwiddie  for  permission  to  attend 
it. 

"I  cannot  conceive, "  writes  Dinwiddie  in  reply,  "what 
service  you  can  be  of  in  going  there,  as  the  plan  concerted  will, 
in  course,  be  communicated  to  you  and  the  other  officers. 
However,  as  you  seem  so  earnest  to  go,  I  now  give  you  leave." 

This  ungracious  reply  seemed  to  warrant  the  suspicions  en- 
tertained by  some  of  Washington's  friends,  that  it  was  the  busy 
pen  of  Governor  Dinwiddie  which  had  given  the  ;'  false  repre- 
sentation of  facts,"  to  Lord  Loudoun.  About  a  month,  there- 
fore, before  the  time  of  the  meeting,  Washington  addressed  a 
long  letter  to  his  Lordship,  explanatory  of  military  affairs  in 


170  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

the  quarter  where  he  had  commanded.  In  this  he  set  forth  the 
various  defects  in  the  militia  laws  of  Virginia ;  the  errors  in  its 
system  of  defence,  and  the  inevitable  confusion  which  had 
thence  resulted. 

Adverting  to  his  own  conduct:  "The  orders  I  receive," 
said  he,  "are  full  of  ambiguity.  I  am  left  like  a  wanderer  in 
the  wilderness  to  proceed  at  hazard.  I  am  answerable  for  con- 
sequences, and  blamed,  without  the  privilege  of  defence.  .  .  . 
It  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  if,  under  such  peculiar  circum- 
stances I  should  be  sick  of  a  service  which  promises  so  little  of 
a  soldier's  reward. 

"  I  have  long  been  satisfied  of  the  impossibility  of  continuing 
in  this  service,  without  loss  of  honor.  Indeed,  I  was  fully  con- 
vinced of  it  before  I  accepted  the  command  the  second  time, 
seeing  the  cloudy  prospect  before  me  ;  and  I  did,  for  this  reason, 
reject  the  offer,  until  I  was  ashamed  any  longer  to  refuse,  not 
caring  to  expose  my  character  to  public  censure.  The  solici- 
tations of  the  country  overcame  my  objections  and  induced  me 
to  accept  it.  Another  reason  has  of  late  operated  to  continue 
me  in  the  service  until  now,  and  that  is,  the  dawn  of  hope  that 
arose,  when  I  heard  30111*  lordship  was  destined,  by  his  majesty, 
for  the  important  command  of  his  armies  in  America,  and 
appointed  to  the  government  of  his  dominion  of  Virginia. 
Hence  it  was,  that  I  drew  my  hopes,  and  fondly  pronounced 
your  lordship  our  patron.  Although  I  have  not  the  honor  to  be 
known  to  your  lordship,  yet  your  name  was  familiar  to  my  ear, 
on  account  of  the  important  services  rendered  to  his  majesty  in 
other  parts  of  the  world." 

The  manner  in  which  Washington  was  received  b}T  Lord  Lou- 
doun on  arriving  in  Philadelphia,  showed  him  at  once,  that  his 
long,  explanatory  letter  had  produced  the  desired  effect,  and 
that  his  character  and  conduct  were  justly  appreciated.  Dur- 
ing his  sojourn  in  Philadelphia  he  was  frequently  consulted  on 
points  of  frontier  service,  and  his  advice  was  generally  adopted. 
On  one  point  it  failed.  He  advised  that  an  attack  should  be 
made  on  Fort  Duquesne,  simultaneous  with  the  attempts  on 
Canada.  At  such  time  a  great  part  of  the  garrison  would  be 
drawn  away  to  aid  in  the  defence  of  that  province,  and  a  blow 
might  be  struck  more  likely  to  insure  the  peace  and  safety  of 
the  southern  frontier,  than  all  its  forts  and  defences. 

Lord  Loudoun,  however,  was  not  to  be  convinced,  or  at  least 
persuaded.  According  to  his  plan,  the  middle  and  southern 
provinces  were  to  maintain  a  merely  defensive  warfare ;  and  as 
Virginia  would  be  required  to  send  four  hundred  of  her  troops 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  171 

to  the  aid  of  South  Carolina,  she  would,  in  fact,  be  left  weaker 
than  before. 

Washington  was  also  disappointed  a  second  time,  in  the  hope 
of  having  his  regiment  placed  on  the  same  footing  as  the  regu- 
lar army,  and  of  obtaining  a  king's  commission  ;  the  latter  he 
was  destined  never  to  hold. 

His  representations  with  respect  to  Fort  Cumberland  had  the 
desired  effect  in  counteracting  the  mischievous  intermeddling 
of  Dinwiddie.  The  Virginia  troops  and  stores  were  ordered  to 
be  again  removed  to  Fort  Loudoun,  at  Winchester,  which  once 
more  became  head-quarters,  while  Fort  Cumberland  was  left 
to  be  occupied  by  a  Maryland  garrison.  Washington  was 
instructed,  likewise,  to  correspond  and  co-operate,  in  military 
affairs,  with  Colonel  Stanwix,  who  was  stationed  on  the  Penn- 
sylvania frontier,  with  five  hundred  men  from  the  Royal  Amer- 
ican regiment,  and  to  whom  he  would  be,  in  some  measure, 
subordinate.  This  proved  a  correspondence  of  friendship  as 
well  as  duty ;  Colonel  Stanwix  being  a  gentleman  of  high 
moral  worth,  as  well  as  great  ability  in  military  affairs. 

The  great  plan  of  operations  at  the  north  was  again  doomed 
to  failure.  The  reduction  of  Crown  Point,  on  Lake  Champlain, 
which  had  long  been  meditated,  was  laid  aside,  and  the  capture 
of  Louisburg  substituted,  as  an  acquisition  of  far  greater  impor- 
tance. This  was  a  place  of  great  consequence,  situated  on  the 
isle  of  Cape  Breton,  and  strongly  fortified.  It  commanded 
the  fisheries  of  Newfoundland,  overawed  New  England,  and 
was  a  main  bulwark  to  Acadia. 

In  the  course  of  July,  Lord  Loudoun  set  sail  for  Halifax 
with  all  the  troops  he  could  collect,  amounting  to  about  six 
thousand  men,  to  join  with  Admiral  Holbourne,  who  had  just 
arrived  at  that  port  with  eleven  ships  of  the  line,  a  fire-ship, 
bomb-ketch,  and  fleet  of  transports,  having  on  board  six  thou- 
sand men.  With  this  united  force  Lord  Loudoun  anticipated 
the  certain  capture  of  Louisburg. 

Scarce  had  the  tidings  of  his  lordship's  departure  reached 
Canada,  when  the  active  Montcalm  again  took  the  field,  to 
follow  up  the  successes  of  the  preceding  year.  Fort  William 
Henry,  which  Sir  William  Johnson  had  erected  on  the  southern 
shore  of  Lake  George,  was  now  his  object ;  it  commanded  the 
lake,  and  was  an  important  protection  to  the  British  frontier. 
A  brave  old  officer,  Colonel  Monro,  with  about  five  hundred 
men,  formed  the  garrison  ;  more  than  three  times  that  number 
of  militia  were  intrenched  near  by.  Montcalm  had,  early  in  the 
season ,  made  three  ineffectual  attempts  upon  the  fort ;  he  now 


172  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

trusted  to  be  more  successful.  Collecting  his  forces  from  Crown 
Point,  Ticonderoga,  and  the  adjacent  posts,  with  a  considerable 
number  of  Canadians  and  Indians,  altogether  nearly  eight 
thousand  men,  he  advanced  up  the  lake,  on  the  1st  of  August, 
in  a  fleet  of  boats,  with  swarms  of  Indian  canoes  in  the  advance. 
The  fort  came  near  being  surprised ;  but  the  troops  encamped 
without  it,  abandoned  their  tents  and  hurried  within  the  works. 
A  summons  to  surrender  was  answered  by  a  brave  defiance. 
Montcalm  invested  the  fort,  made  his  approaches  and  battered 
it  with  his  artillery.  For  five  days  its  veteran  commander  kept 
up  a  vigorous  defence,  trusting  to  receive  assistance  from 
General  Webb,  who  had  failed  to  relieve  Fort  Oswego  in  the 
preceding  year,  and  who  was  now  at  Fort  Edward,  about  fif- 
teen miles  distant,  with  upward  of  five  thousand  men.  Instead 
of  this,  Webb,  who  overrated  the  French  forces,  sent  him  a 
letter,  advising  him  to  capitulate.  The  letter  was  intercepted 
by  Montcalm,  but  still  forwarded  to  Monro.  The  obstinate  old 
soldier,  however,  persisted  in  his  defence,  until  most  of  his 
cannon  were  burst,  and  his  ammunition  expended.  At  length, 
in  the  month  of  August,  he  hung  out  a  flag  of  truce,  and 
obtained  honorable  terms  from  an  enemy  who  knew  how  to 
appreciate  his  valor.  Montcalm  demolished  the  fort,  carried  off 
all  the  artillery  and  munitions  of  war,  with  vessels  employed  in 
the  navigation  of  the  lake ;  and  having  thus  completed  his 
destruction  of  the  British  defences  on  this  frontier,  returned 
once  more  in  triumph  with  the  spoils  of  victory,  to  hang  up 
fresh  trophies  in  the  churches  of  Canada. 

Lord  Loudoun,  in  the  mean  time,  formed  his  junction  with 
Admiral  Holbourne  at  Halifax,  and  the  troops  were  embarked 
with  all  diligence  on  board  of  the  transports.  Unfortunately,  the 
French  were  again  too  quick  for  them.  Admiral  de  Bois  de  la 
Mothe  had  arrived  at  Louisburg,  with  a  large  naval  and  land 
force  ;  it  was  ascertained  that  he  had  seventeen  ships  of  the  line, 
and  three  frigates,  quietly  moored  in  the  harbor  ;  that  the  place 
was  well  fortified  and  supplied  with  provisions  and  ammunition, 
and  garrisoned  with  six  thousand  regular  troops,  three  thou- 
sand natives,  and  thirteen  hundred  Indians. 

Some  hot-heads  would  have  urged  an  attempt  against  all  such 
arra3r  of  force,  but  Lord  Loudoun  was  aware  of  the  probability 
of  defeat,  and  the  disgrace  and  ruin  that  it  would  bring  upon 
British  arms  in  America.  He  wisely,  though  ingloriously,  re- 
turned to  New  York.  Admiral  Holbourne  made  a  silly  demon- 
stration of  his  fleet  off  the  harbor  of  Louisburg,  approaching 
within  two  miles  of  the  batteries,  but  retired  on  seeing  the 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  173 

French  admiral  preparing  to  unmoor.  He  afterward  returned 
with  a  re-enforcement  of  four  ships  of  the  line  ;  cruised  before 
Louisburg,  endeavoring  to  draw  the  enemy  to  an  engagement, 
which  De  la  Mothe  had  the  wisdom  to  decline ;  was  overtaken 
by  a  hurricane,  in  which  one  of  his  ships  was  lost,  eleven  were 
dismasted,  others  had  to  throw  their  guns  overboard,  and  all 
returned  in  a  shattered  condition  to  England.  Thus  ended  the 
northern  campaign  by  land  and  sea,  a  subject  of  great  mortifi- 
cation to  the  nation,  and  ridicule  and  triumph  to  the  enemy. 

During  these  unfortunate  operations  to  the  north,  Washing- 
ton was  stationed  at  Winchester,  shorn  of  part  of  his  force  by 
the  detachment  to  South  Carolina,  and  left  with  seven  hundred 
men  to  defend  a  frontier  of  more  than  three  hundred  and  fifty 
miles  in  extent.  The  capture  and  demolition  of  Oswego  by 
Montcalm  had  produced  a  disastrous  effect.  The  whole  country 
of  the  five  nations  was  abandoned  to  the  French.  The  frontiers 
of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland,  and  Virginia  were  harassed  by  re- 
peated inroads  of  French  and  Indians,  and  Washington  had  the 
mortification  to  see  the  noble  valley  of  the  Shenandoah  almost 
deserted  by  its  inhabitants,  and  fast  relapsing  into  a  wilderness. 

The  year  wore  away  on  his  part  in  the  harassing  service  of 
defending  a  wide  frontier  with  an  insufficient  and  badly  organ- 
ized force,  and  the  vexations  he  experienced  were  heightened 
by  continual  misunderstandings  with  Governor  Dinwiddie. 
From  the  ungracious  tenor  of  several  of  that  gentleman's  let- 
ters, and  from  private  information,  he  was  led  to  believe  that 
some  secret  enemy  had  been  making  false  representations  of 
his  motives  and  conduct,  and  prejudicing  the  governor  against 
him.  He  vindicated  himself  warmly  from  the  alleged  asper- 
sions, proudly  appealing  to  the  whole  course  of  his  public  career 
in  proof  of  their  falsity.  "  It  is  uncertain,"  said  he,  "  in  what 
light  my  services  may  have  appeared  to  your  honor ;  but  this  I 
know,  and  it  is  the  highest  consolation  I  am  capable  of  feeling, 
that  no  man  that  ever  was  employed  in  a  public  capacity  has 
endeavored  to  discharge  the  trust  reposed  in  him  with  greater 
honesty  and  more  zeal  for  the  country's  interest  than  I  have 
done  ;  and  if  there  is  any  person  living  who  can  say,  with  jus- 
tice, that  I  have  offered  any  intentional  wrong  to  the  public,  I 
will  cheerfully  submit  to  the  most  ignominious  punishment  that 
an  injured  people  ought  to  inflict.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is 
hard  to  have  my  character  arraigned,  and  my  actions  con- 
demned, without  a  hearing." 

His  magnanimous  appeal  had  but  little  effect.  Dinwiddie 
was  evidently  actuated  by  the  petty  pique  of  a  narrow  and  illib- 


174  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

eral  mind,  impatient  of  contradiction,  even  when  in  error.  He 
took  advantage  of  his  official  station  to  vent  his  spleen  and  grat 
ify  his  petulance  in  a  variety  of  ways  incompatible  with  the 
courtesy  of  a  gentleman.  It  may  excite  a  grave  smile  at  the 
present  day  to  find  Washington  charged  by  this  very  small- 
minded  man  with  looseness  in  his  way  of  writing  to  him  ;  with 
remissness  in  his  duty  toward  him  ;  and  even  with  impertinence 
in  the  able  and  eloquent  representations  which  he  felt  compelled 
to  make  of  disastrous  mismanagement  in  military  affairs ;  and 
still  more,  to  find  his  reasonable  request,  after  a  long  course  of 
severe  duty,  for  a  temporary  leave  of  absence  to  attend  to  his 
private  concerns  peremptorily  refused,  and  that  with  as  little 
courtesy  as  though  he  were  a  mere  subaltern  seeking  to  absent 
himself  on  a  party  of  pleasure. 

The  multiplied  vexations  which  Washington  had  latterly 
experienced  from  this  man,  had  preyed  upon  his  spirits,  and 
contributed,  with  his  incessant  toils  and  anxieties,  to  under- 
mine his  health.  For  some  time  he  struggled  with  repeated 
attacks  of  dysentery  and  fever,  and  continued  in  the  exercise 
of  his  duties ;  but  the  increased  violence  of  his  malady,  and 
the  urgent  advice  of  his  friend  Dr.  Craik,  the  army  surgeon, 
induced  him  to  relinquish  his  post  toward  the  end  of  the  year 
and  retire  to  Mount  Vernon. 

The  administration  of  Dinwiddie,  however,  was  now  at  an 
end.  He  set  sail  for  England  in  Januar}^,  1758,  very  little 
regretted,  excepting  by  his  immediate  hangers-on,  and  leaving 
a  character  overshadowed  by  the  imputation  of  avarice  and 
extortion  in  the  exaction  of  illegal  fees,  and  of  downright  de- 
linquency in  regard  to  large  sums  transmitted  to  him  by  govern- 
ment to  be  paid  over  to  the  province  in  indemnification  of  its 
extra  expenses  ;  for  the  disposition  of  which  sums  he  failed  to 
render  an  account. 

He  was  evidently  a  sordid,  narrow-minded,  and  somewhat 
arrogant  man ;  bustling  rather  than  active  ;  prone*  to  meddle 
with  matters  of  which  he  was  profoundly  ignorant,  and  ab- 
surdly unwilling  to  have  his  ignorance  enlightened. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  175 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 

WASHINGTON     RECOVERS     HIS     HEALTH AGAIN     IN     COMMAND     AT 

FORT     LOUDOUN  - —  ADMINISTRATION     OF      PITT LOUDOUN      SUC- 
CEEDED   BY   GENERAL   ABERCROMBIE MILITARY   ARRANGEMENTS 

WASHINGTON  COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF   OF   THE   VIRGINIA   FORCES 

AMHERST     AGAINST     LOUISBURG GENERAL     WOLFE MONT- 
GOMERY —  CAPTURE     OF     LOUISBURG ABERCROMBIE     ON     LAKE 

GEORGE DEATH    OF    LORD    HOWE REPULSE    OF    ABERCROMBIE 

SUCCESS    OF    BRADSTREET   AT    OSWEGO. 

For  several  months  Washington  was  afflicted  by  returns  of 
his  malady,  accompanied  by  symptoms  indicative,  as  he 
thought,  of  a  decline.  "My  constitution,"  writes  he  to  his 
friend  Colonel  Stanwix,  "is  much  impaired,  and  nothing  can 
retrieve  it  but  the  greatest  care  and  the  most  circumspect  course 
of  life.  This  being  the  case,  as  I  have  now  no  prospect  left  of 
preferment  in  the  military  way,  and  despair  of  rendering  that 
immediate  service  which  my  country  may  require  from  the 
person  commanding  its  troops,  I  have  thoughts  of  quitting 
my  command  and  retiring  from  all  public  business,  leaving  my 
post  to  be  filled  by  some  other  person  more  capable  of  the  task, 
and  who  may,  perhaps,  have  his  endeavors  crowned  with  better 
success  than  mine  have  been." 

A  gradual  improvement  in  his  health,  and  a  change  in  his 
prospects,  encouraged  him  to  continue  in  what  really  was  his 
favorite  career,  and  at  the  beginning  of  April  he  was  again  in 
command  at  Fort  Loudoun.  Mr.  Francis  Fauquier  had  been 
appointed  successor  to  Dinwiddie,  and,  until  he  should  arrive, 
Mr.  John  Blair,  president  of  the  council,  had,  from  his  office, 
charge  of  the  government.  In  the  latter  Washington  had  a 
friend  who  appreciated  his  character  and  services,  and  was 
disposed  to  carry  out  his  plans. 

The  general  aspect  of  affairs,  also,  was  more  animating. 
Under  the  able  and  intrepid  administration  of  William  Pitt, 
who  had  control  of  the  British  cabinet,  an  effort  was  made 
to  retrieve  the  disgraces  of  the  late  American  campaign,  and  to 
carry  on  the  war  with  greater  vigor.  The  instructions  for  a 
common  fund  were  discontinued  ;  there  was  no  more  talk  of 
taxation  by  Parliament.  Lord  Loudoun,  from  whom  so  much 
had  been  anticipated,  had  disappointed  by  his  inactivit}7,  and 
been  relieved  from  a  command  in  which   he   had   attempted 


176  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON-. 

much  and  done  so  little.  His  friends  alleged  that  his  inactiv- 
ity was  owing  to  a  want  of  unanimity  and  co-operation  in 
the  colonial  governments,  which  paralyzed  all  his  well-meant 
efforts.  Franklin,  it  is  probable,  probed  the  matter  with  his 
usual  sagacity  when  he  characterized  him  as  a  man  "  entirely 
made  up  of  indecision."  —  "  Like  St.  George  on  the  signs,  he 
was  alwa}-s  on  horseback,  but  never  rode  on." 

On  the  return  of  his  lordship  to  England,  the  general  com- 
mand in  America  devolved  on  Major-General  Abercrombie, 
and  the  forces  were  divided  into  three  detached  bodies ;  one, 
under  Major-General  Amherst,  was  to  operate  in  the  north  with 
the  fleet  under  Boscawen,  for  the  reduction  of  Louisburg  and 
the  island  of  Cape  Breton  ;  another,  under  Abercrombie  him- 
self, was  to  proceed  against  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  on 
Lake  Champlain  ;  and  the  third,  under  Brigadier-General 
Forbes,  who  had  the  charge  of  the  middle  and  southern 
colonies,  was  to  undertake  the  reduction  of  Fort  Duquesne. 
The  colonial  troops  were  to  be  supplied,  like  the  regulars,  with 
arms,  ammunition,  tents,  and  provisions,  at  the  expense  of 
government,  but  clothed  and  paid  by  the  colonies ;  for  which 
the  king  would  recommend  to  Parliament  a  proper  compensa- 
tion. The  provincial  officers  appointed  by  the  governors,  and 
of  no  higher  rank  than  colonel,  were  to  be  equal  in  command, 
when  united  in  service  with  those  who  held  direct  from  the 
king,  according  to  the  date  of  their  commissions.  By  these 
wise  provisions  of  Mr.  Pitt  a  fertile  cause  of  heart-burnings 
and  dissensions  was  removed. 

It  was  with  the  greatest  satisfaction  Washington  saw  his 
favorite  measure  at  last  adopted,  the  reduction  of  Fort  Du- 
quesne ;  and  he  resolved  to  continue  in  the  service  until  that 
object  was  accomplished.  In  a  letter  to  Stanwix,  who  was  now 
a  brigadier-general,  he  modestly  requested  to  be  mentioned  in 
favorable  terms  to  General  Forbes,  "  not,"  said  he,  uas  a 
person  who  would  depend  upon  him  for  further  recommenda- 
tion to  military  preferment  (for  I  have  long  conquered  all  such 
inclinations,  and  shall  serve  this  campaign  merely  for  the  pur- 
pose of  affording  my  best  endeavors  to  bring  matters  to  a 
conclusion) ,  but  as  a  person  who  would  gladly  be  distinguished 
in  some  measure  from  the  common  run  of  provincial  officers,  as 
I  understand  there  will  be  a  motley  herd  of  us."  He  had  the 
satisfaction  subsequently  of  enjoying  the  fullest  confidence  of 
General  Forbes,  who  knew  too  well  the  sound  judgment  and 
practical  ability  evinced  by  him  in  the  unfortunate  campaign  of 
Braddock  not  to  be  desirous  of  availing  himself  of  his  counsels. 


L1FK  OF   WASHINGTON.  177 

Washington  still  was  commander-in-chief  of  the  Virginia 
troops,  now  augmented,  by  an  act  of  the  Assembly,  to  two 
regiments  of  one  thousand  men  each  ;  one  led  by  himself,  the 
other  by  Colonel  Byrd  ;  the  whole  destined  to  make  a  part  of 
the  army  of  General  Forbes  in  the  expedition  against  Fort 
Duquesne. 

Of  the  animation  which  he  felt  at  the  prospect  of  serving  in 
this  long-desired  campaign,  and  revisiting  with  an  effective 
force  the  scene  of  past  disasters,  we  have  a  proof  in  a  short 
letter,  written  during  the  excitement  of  the  moment,  to  Major 
Francis  Halket,  his  former  companion  in  arms. 

"  My  dear  Halket :  — Are  we  to  have  }7ou  once  more  among 
us?  And  shall  we  revisit  together  a  hapless  spot,  that  proved 
so  fatal  to  many  of  our  former  brave  companions?  Yes;  and 
I  rejoice  at  it,  hoping  it  will  now  be  in  our  power  to  testify  a 
just  abhorrence  of  the  cruel  butcheries  exercised  on  our  friends 
in  the  unfortunate  day  of  General  Braddock's  defeat ;  and, 
moreover,  to  show  our  enemies,  that  we  can  practice  all  that 
lenity  of  which  they  only  boast,  without  affording  any  adequate 
proof." 

Before  we  proceed  to  narrate  the  expedition  against  Fort 
Duquesne,  however,  we  will  briefly  notice  the  conduct  of  the  two 
other  expeditions,  which  formed  important  parts  in  the  plan 
of  military  operations  for  the  year.  And  first,  of  that  against 
Louisburg  and  the  Island  of  Cape  Breton. 

Major-General  Amherst,  who  conducted  this  expedition,  em- 
barked with  between  ten  and  twelve  thousand  men,  in  the  fleet 
of  Admiral  Boscawen,  and  set  sail  about  the  end  of  May,  from 
Halifax,  in  Nova  Scotia.  Along  with  him  went  Brigadier- 
General  James  Wolfe,  an  officer  young  in  years,  but  a  veteran 
in  military  experience,  and  destined  to  gain  an  almost  romantic 
celebrity.  He  may  almost  be  said  to  have  been  born  in  the  camp, 
for  he  was  the  son  of  Major-General  Wolfe,  a  veteran  officer  of 
merit,  and  when  a  lad  had  witnessed  the  battles  of  Dettingen 
and  Fontenoy.  While  a  mere  youth  he  had  distinguished  him- 
self at  the  battle  of  Laffeldt,  in  the  Netherlands  ;  and  now,  after 
having  been  eighteen  years  in  the  service,  he  was  but  thirty-one 
years  of  age.  In  America,  however,  he  was  to  win  his  lasting 
laurels. 

On  the  2d  of  June,  the  fleet  arrived  at  the  Bay  of  Gabarus, 
about  seven  miles  to  the  west  of  Louisburg.  The  latter  place 
was  garrisoned  by  two  thousand  five  hundred  regulars  and  three 
hundred  militia,  and  subsequently  re-enforced  by  upward  of  four 
hundred  Canadians  and  Indians.     In  the  harbor  were  six  ships- 


178  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

of-the-line,  and  five  frigates ;  three  of  which  were  sunk  across 
the  mouth.  For  several  days  the  troops  were  prevented  from 
landing  by  boisterous  weather,  and  a  heavy  surf.  The  French 
improved  that  time  to  strengthen  a  chain  of  forts  along  the 
shore,  deepening  trenches,  and  constructing  batteries. 

On  the  8th  of  June,  preparations  for  landing  were  made  be- 
fore daybreak.  The  troops  were  embarked  in  boats  in  three 
divisions,  under  Brigadiers  Wolfe,  Whetmore,  and  Laurens. 
The  landing  was  to  be  attempted  west  of  the  harbor,  at  a  place 
feebly  secured.  Several  frigates  and  sloops  previously  scoured 
the  beach  with  their  shot,  after  which  Wolfe  pulled  for  shore 
with  his  divisions  ;  the  other  two  divisions  distracting  the  atten- 
tion of  the  enemy,  by  making  a  show  of  landing  in  other  parts. 
The  surf  still  ran  high,  the  enemy  opened  a  fire  of  cannon  and 
musketry  from  their  batteries,  many  boats  were  upset,  many 
men  slain,  but  Wolfe  pushed  forward,  sprang  into  the  water 
when  the  boats  grounded,  dashed  through  the  surf  with  his  men, 
stormed  the  enemy's  breastworks  and  batteries,  and  drove  them 
from  the  shore.  Among. the  subalterns  who  stood  by  Wolfe  on 
this  occasion,  was  an  Irish  youth,  twenty-one  years  of  age, 
named  Richard  Montgomery,  whom,  for  his  gallantry,  Wolfe 
promoted  to  a  lieutenancy,  and  who  was  destined,  in  after  years, 
to  gain  an  imperishable  renown.  The  other  divisions  effected  a 
landing  after  a  severe  conflict ;  artillery  and  stores  were  brought 
on  shore,  and  Louisburg  was  formally  invested. 

The  weather  continued  boisterous ;  the  heavy  cannon,  and 
the  various  munitions  necessary  for  a  siege,  were  landed  with 
difficulty.  Amherst,  moreover,  was  a  cautious  man,  and  made 
his  approaches  slowly,  securing  his  camp  by  redoubts  and 
epaulements.  The  Chevalier  Drucour,  who  commanded  at 
Louisburg,  called  in  his  outposts,  and  prepared  for  a  desperate 
defence ;  keeping  up  a  heavy  fire  from  his  batteries,  and  from 
the  ships  in  the  harbor. 

Wolfe,  with  a  strong  detachment,  surprised  at  night,  and  took 
possession  of  Light  House  Point,  on  the  north-east  side  of  the 
entrance  to  the  harbor.  Here  he  threw  up  batteries  in  addition 
to  those  already  there,  from  which  he  was  enabled  greatly  to 
annoy  both  town  and  shipping,  as  well  as  to  aid  Amherst  in  his 
slow,  but  regular  and  sure  approaches. 

On  the  21st  of  July,  the  three  largest  of  the  enemy's  ships 
were  set  on  fire  by  a  bomb-shell.  On  the  night  of  the  25th  two 
other  of  the  ships  were  boarded,  sword  in  hand,  from  boats  of  the 
squadron  ;  one  being  aground,  was  burned,  the  other  was  towed 
out  of  the  harbor  in  triumph.     The  brave  Drucour  kept  up  the 


ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  179 

defence  until  all  the  ships  were  either  taken  or  destroyed ; 
forty,  out  of  fifty-two  pieces  of  cannon  dismounted,  and  his 
works  mere  heaps  of  ruins.  When  driven  to  capitulate,  he 
refused  the  terms  proposed,  as  being  too  severe,  and,  when 
threatened  with  a  general  assault,  by  sea  and  land,  determined 
to  abide  it,  rather  than  submit  to  what  he  considered  a  humilia- 
tion. The  prayers  and  petitions  of  the  inhabitants,  however, 
overcame  his  obstinacy.  The  place  was  surrendered,  and  he 
and  his  garrison  became  prisoners  of  war.  Captain  Amherst, 
brother  to  the  general,  carried  home  the  news  to  England,  with 
eleven  pair  of  colors,  taken  at  Louisburg.  There  were  rejoicings 
throughout  the  kingdom.  The  colors  were  borne  in  triumph 
through  the  streets  of  London,  with  a  parade  of  horse  and  foot, 
keltle-drums  and  trumpets,  and  the  thunder  of  artillery,  and 
were  put  up  as  trophies  in  St.  Paul's  Cathedral. 

Boscawen,  who  was  a  member  of  Parliament,  received  a 
unanimous  vote  of  praise  from  the  House  of  Commons,  and  the 
youthful  Wolfe,  who  returned  shortly  after  the  victory  to 
England,  was  hailed  as  the  hero  of  the  enterprise. 

We  have  disposed  of  one  of  the  three  great  expeditions  con- 
templated in  the  plan  of  the  year's  campaign.  The  second  was 
that  against  the  French  forts  on  Lakes  George  and  Champlain. 
At  the  beginning  of  July,  Abercrombie  was  encamped  on  the 
borders  of  Lake  George,  with  between  six  and  seven  thousand 
regulars,  and  upward  of  nine  thousand  provincials,  from  New 
England,  New  York,  and  New  Jersey.  Major  Israel  Putnam, 
of  Connecticut,  who  had  served  on  this  lake,  under  Sir  William 
Johnson,  in  the  campaign  in  which  Dieskau  was  defeated  and 
slain,  had  been  detached  with  a  scouting  party  to  reconnoitre 
the  neighborhood.  After  his  return  and  report,  Abercrombie 
prepared  to  proceed  against  Ticonderoga,  situated  on  a  tongue 
of  land  in  Lake  Champlain,  at  the  mouth  of  the  strait  communi- 
cating with  Lake  George. 

On  the  oth  of  July,  the  forces  were  embarked  in  one  hundred 
and  twenty-five  whale-boats,  and  nine  hundred  bateaux,  with 
the  artillery  on  rafts.  The  vast  flotilla  proceeded  slowly  down 
the  lake,  with  banners  and  pennons  fluttering  in  the  summer 
breeze ;  arms  glittering  in  the  sunshine,  and  martial  music 
echoing  along  the  wood-clad  mountains.  With  Abercrombie 
went  Lord  Howe,  a  young  nobleman  brave  and  enterprising, 
full  of  martial  enthusiasm,  and  endeared  to  the  soldiery  by  the 
generosity  of  his  disposition,  and  the  sweetness  of  his  manners. 

On  the  first  night  they  bivouacked  for  some  hours  at  Sabbath- 
day  Point,  but  re-embarked  before  midnight.     The  next  day 


180  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

they  landed  on  a  point  on  the  western  shore,  just  at  the  en- 
trance of  the  strait  leading  to  Lake  Champlain.  Here  they 
were  formed  into  three  columns,  and  pushed  forward. 

They  soon  came  upon  the  enemy's  advanced  guard,  a  bat- 
talion encamped  behind  a  log  breastwork.  The  French  set  fire 
to  their  camp,  and  retreated.  The  columns  kept  their  form, 
and  pressed  forward,  but,  through  ignorance  of  their  guides, 
became  bewildered  in  a  dense  forest,  fell  into  confusion,  and 
blundered  upon  each  other. 

Lord  Howe  urged  on  with  the  van  of  the  right  centre  column. 
Putnam,  who  was  with  him,  and  more  experienced  in  forest 
warfare,  endeavored  in  vain  to  inspire  him  with  caution.  After 
a  time  they  came  upon  a  detachment  of  the  retreating  foe,  who, 
like  themselves,  had  lost  their  way.  A  severe  conflict  ensued. 
Lord  Howe,  who  gallantly  led  the  van,  was  killed  at  the  onset. 
His  fall  gave  new  ardor  to  his  troops.  The  enemy  were  routed, 
some  slain,  some  drowned,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  taken 
prisoners,  including  five  officers.  Nothing  further  was  done 
that  day.  The  death  of  Lord  Howe  more  than  counterbalanced 
the  defeat  of  the  enenry.  His  loss  was  bewailed  not  merely 
by  the  army,  but  by  the  American  people  ;  for  it  is  singular  how 
much  this  young  nobleman,  in  a  short  time,  had  made  himself 
beloved. 

The  point  near  which  the  troops  had  landed  still  bears  his 
name  ;  the  place  where  he  fell  is  still  pointed  out ;  and  Massa- 
chusetts voted  him  a  monument  in  Westminster  Abbey. 

With  Lord  Howe  expired  the  master  spirit  of  the  enter- 
prise. Abercrombie  fell  back  to  the  landing-place.  The  next 
day  he  sent  out  a  strong  detachment  of  regulars,  royal  provin- 
cials, and  bateaux  men,  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Bradstreet,  of 
New  York,  to  secure  a  saw-mill,  which  the  enemy  had  aban- 
doned. This  done,  he  followed  on  the  same  evening  with  the 
main  forces,  and  took  post  at  the  mill,  within  two  miles  of 
the  fort.  Here  he  was  joined  by  Sir  William  Johnson,  with  be- 
tween four  and  five  hundred  savage  warriors  from  the  Mohawk 
River. 

Montcalm  had  called  in  all  his  forces,  between  three  and  four 
thousand  men,  and  was  strongly  posted  behind  deep  intrench- 
ments  and  breastworks  eight  feet  high  ;  with  an  abatis,  of  felled 
trees,  in  front  of  his  lines,  presenting  a  horrid  barrier,  with 
their  jagged  boughs  pointing  outward.  Abercrombie  was  de- 
ceived as  to  the  strength  of  the  French  works ;  his  engineers 
persuaded  him  they  were  formidable  only  in  appearance,  but 
really  weak  and  flimsy.     Without  waiting  for  the  arrival  of  his 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  181 

cannon,  and  against  the  opinion  of  his  most  judicious  officers, 
he  gave  orders  to  storm  the  works.  Never  were  rash  orders 
more  gallantly  obeyed.  The  men  rushed  forward  with  fixed 
bayonets,  and  attempted  to  force  their  way  through,  or  scram- 
ble over  the  abatis,  under  a  sheeted  fire  of  swivels  and  mus- 
ketry. In  the  desperation  of  the  moment,  the  ofiicers  even  tried 
to  cut  their  way  through  with  their  swords.  Some  even  reached 
the  parapet,  where  the}-  were  shot  down.  The  breastwork  was 
too  high  to  be  surmounted,  and  save  a  secure  covert  to  the 
enemy.  Repeated  assaults  were  made,  and  as  often  repelled, 
with  dreadful  havoc.  The  Iroquois  warriors,  who  had  arrived 
with  Sir  William  Johnson,  took  no  part,  it  is  said,  in  this  fierce 
conflict,  but  stood  aloof  as  unconcerned  spectators  of  the  bloody 
strife  of  white  men. 

After  four  hours  of  desperate  and  fruitless  fighting,  Aber- 
crombie,  who  had  all  the  time  remained  aloof  at  the  saw-mills, 
gave  up  the  ill-judged  attempt,  and  withdrew  once  more  to  the 
landing-place,  with  the  loss  of  nearly  two  thousand  in  killed 
and  wounded.  Had  not  the  vastly  inferior  force  of  Montcalm 
prevented  him  from  sallying  beyond  his  trenches,  the  retreat  of 
the  British  might  have  been  pushed  to  a  headlong  and  disastrous 
flight. 

Abercrombie  had  still  nearly  four  times  the  number  of  the 
enemy,  with  cannon,  and  all  the  means  of  carrying  on  a  siege, 
with  every  prospect  of  success  ;  but  the  failure  of  this  rash  as- 
sault seems  completely  to  have  dismayed  him.  The  next  day 
he  re-embarked  all  his  troops,  and  returned  across  that  lake 
where  his  disgraced  banners  had  recently  waved  so  proudl}T. 

While  the  general  was  planning  fortifications  on  Lake  George, 
Colonel  Bradstreet  obtained  permission  to  carry  into  effect  an 
expedition  which  he  had  for  some  time  meditated,  and  which 
had  been  a  favored  project  with  the  lamented  Howe.  This  was 
to  reduce  Fort  Frontenac,  the  stronghold  of  the  French  on 
the  north  side  of  the  entrance  of  Lake  Ontario,  commanding  the 
mouth  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  This  post  was  a  central  point  of 
Indian  trade,  whither  the  tribes  resorted  from  all  parts  of  a 
vast  interior ;  sometimes  a  distance  of  a  thousand  miles,  to 
traffic  away  their  peltries  with  the  fur-traders.  It  was,  more- 
over, a  magazine  for  the  more  southern  posts,  among  which 
was  Fort  Duquesne  on  the  Ohio. 

Bradstreet  was  an  officer  of  spirit.  Pushing  his  way  along 
the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  and  by  the  Oneida,  where  he  was 
joined  by  several  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  he  arrived  at 
Oswego  in  August,  with  nearly  three  thousand  men  ;  the  greater 


182  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

part  of  them  provincial  troops  of  New  York  and  Massachusetts. 
Embarking  at  Oswego  in  open  boats,  he  crossed  Lake  Ontario, 
and  landed  within  a  mile  of  Frontenac.  The  fort  mounted 
sixty  guns,  and  several  mortars,  yet  though  a  place  of  such  im- 
portance, the  garrison  consisted  of  merely  one  hundred  and  ten 
men,  and  a  few  Indians.  These  either  fled,  or  surrendered  at 
discretion.  In  the  fort  was  an  immense  amount  of  merchandise 
and  military  stores  ;  part  of  the  latter  intended  for  the  supply 
of  Fort  Duquesne.  In  the  harbor  were  nine  armed  vessels, 
some  of  them  carrying  eighteen  guns  ;  the  whole  of  the  enemy's 
shipping  on  the  lake.  Two  of  these  Colonel  Bradstreet 
freighted  with  part  of  the  spoils  of  the  fort,  the  others  he 
destroyed  ;  then  having  dismantled  the  fortifications,  and  laid 
waste  every  thing  which  he  could  not  carry  away,  he  recrossed 
the  lake  to  Oswego,  and  returned  with  his  troops  to  the  army  on 
Lake  George. 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

SLOW     OPERATIONS WASHINGTON     ORDERS     OUT    THE     MILITIA 

MISSION     TO     WILLIAMSBURG HALT     AT     MR.    CHAMBERLAYNE's 

mrs.  martha   custis a  brief   courtship an  engage- 
ment  return  to  winchester the  rifle  dress indian 

scouts  —  washington  elected  to  the  house  of  burgesses 
—  tidings   of  amiierst's  success — the  new  road  to  fort 

duquesne march  for  the  fort indiscreet  conduct  of 

major  grant disastrous  consequences washington  ad- 
vances against  fort  duquesne end  of  the  expedition 

washington  returns  home  —  his  marriage. 

Operations  went  on  slowly  in  that  part  of  the  year's  cam- 
paign  in  which  Washington  was  immediately  engaged  —  the 
expedition  against  Fort  Duquesne.  Brigadier-General  Forbes, 
who  was  commander-in-chief,  was  detained  at  Philadelphia  by 
those  delays  and  cross-purposes  incident  to  military  affairs  in 
a  new  country.  Colonel  Bouquet,  who  was  to  command  the 
advanced  division,  took  his  station,  with  a  corps  of  regulars,  at 
Raystown,  in  the  centre  of  Penns3'lvania.  There  slowly  assem- 
bled troops  from  various  parts.  Three  thousand  Pennsylva- 
nians,  twelve  hundred  and  fifty  South  Carolinians,  and  a  few 
hundred  men  from  elsewhere. 

Washington,  in  the  mean  time,  gathered  together  his  scattered 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  183 

regiment  at  Winchester,  some  from  a  distance  of  two  hundred 
miles,  and  diligently  disciplined  his  recruits.  He  had  two  Vir- 
ginia regiments  under  him,  amounting,  when  complete,  to  about 
nineteen  hundred  men.  Seven  hundred  Indian  warriors,  also, 
came  lagging  into  his  camp,  lured  by  the  prospect  of  a  success- 
ful campaign. 

The  president  of  the  council  had  given  Washington  a  discre- 
tionary power  in  the  present  juncture  to  order  out  militia  for 
the  purpose  of  garrisoning  the  fort  in  the  absence  of  the  regular 
troops.  Washington  exercised  the  power  with  extreme  reluc- 
tance. He  considered  it,  he  said,  an  affair  of  too  important 
and  delicate  a  nature  for  him  to  manage,  and  apprehended  the 
discontent  it  might  occasion.  In  fact,  his  sympathies  were 
always  with  the  husbandmen  and  the  laborers  of  the  soil,  and 
he  deplored  the  evils  imposed  upon  them  by  arbitrary  drafts  for 
military  service  ;  a  scruple  not  often  indulged  by  youthful  com- 
manders. 

The  force  thus  assembling  was  in  want  of  arms,  tents,  field- 
equipage,  and  almost  every  requisite.  Washington  had  made 
repeated  representations,  by  letter,  of  the  destitute  state  of  the 
Virginia  troops,  but  without  avail ;  he  was  now  ordered  Iry  Sir 
-John  St.  Clair,  the  quartermaster-general  of  the  forces,  under 
General  Forbes,  to  repair  to  Williamsburg,  and  lay  the  state  of 
the  case  before  the  council.  He  set  off  promptly  on  horseback, 
attended  by  Bishop,  the  well-trained  military  servant,  who  had 
served  the  late  General  Braddock.  It  proved  an  eventful  jour- 
ney, though  not  in  a  military  point  of  view.  In  crossing  a 
ferry  of  the  Pamunkey,  a  branch  of  York  River,  he  fell  in  com- 
pany with  a  Mr.  Chamberlayne,  who  lived  in  the  neighborhood, 
and  who,  in  the  spirit  of  Virginian  hospitality,  claimed  him  as  a 
guest.  It  was  with  difficulty  Washington  could  be  prevailed 
on  to  halt  for  dinner,  so  impatient  was  he  to  arrive  at  Williams- 
burg, and  accomplish  his  mission. 

Among  the  guests  at  Mr.  Chamberlayne's  was  a  young  and 
blooming  widow,  Mrs.  Martha  Custis,  daughter  of  Mr.  John 
Dandridge,  both  patrician  names  in  the  province.  Her  hus- 
band, John  Parke  Custis,  had  been  dead  about  three  years, 
leaving  her  with  two  young  children,  and  a  large  fortune.  She 
is  represented  as  being  rather  below  the  middle  size,  but  ex- 
tremely well-shaped,  with  an  agreeable  countenance,  dark  hazel 
e3'es  and  hair,  and  those  frank,  engaging  manners,  so  captivat- 
ing in  Southern  women.  We  are  not  informed  whether  Wash- 
ington had  met  with  her  before ;  probably  not  during  her 
widowhood,  as  during  that  time  he  had  been  almost  continually 


184  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON-. 

on  the  frontier.  We  have  shown  that,  with  all  his  gravity  and 
reserve,  he  was  quickly  susceptible  to  female  charms  ;  and  they 
may  have  had  a  greater  effect  upon  him  when  thus  casually  en- 
countered in  fleeting  moments  snatched  from  the  cares  and 
perplexities  and  rude  scenes  of  frontier  warfare.  At  any  rate, 
his  heart  appears  to  have  been  taken  by  surprise. 

The  dinner,  which  in  those  days  was  an  earlier  meal  than  at 
present,  seemed  all  too  short.  The  afternoon  passed  away  like 
a  dream.  Bishop  was  punctual  to  the  orders  he  had  received 
on  halting ;  the  horses  pawed  at  the  door ;  but  for  once  Wash- 
ington loitered  in  the  path  of  duty.  The  horses  were  counter- 
manded, and  it  was  not  until  the  next  morning  that  he  was 
again  in  the  saddle,  spurring  for  Williamsburg.  Happily  the 
AVrhite  House,  the  residence  of  Mrs.  Custis,  was  in  New  Kent 
County,  at  no  great  distance  from  that  city,  so  that  he  had 
opportunities  of  visiting  her  in  the  intervals  of  business.  His 
time  for  courtship,  however,  was  brief.  Militan*  duties  called 
him  back  almost  immediately  to  Winchester ;  but  he  feared, 
should  he  leave  the  matter  in  suspense,  some  more  enterprising 
rival  might  supplant  him  during  his  absence,  as  in  the  case  of 
Miss  Philipse,  at  New  York.  He  improved,  therefore,  his 
brief  opportunity  to  the  utmost.  The  blooming  widow  had 
many  suitors,  but  Washington  was  graced  with  that  renown 
so  ennobling  in  the  eyes  of  woman.  In  a  word,  before  they 
separated,  they  had  mutually  plighted  their  faith,  and  the  mar- 
riage was  to  take  place  as  soon  as  the  campaign  against  Fort 
Duquesne  was  at  an  end. 

Before  returning  to  Winchester,  Washington  was  obliged  to 
hold  conferences  with  Sir  John  St.  Clair,  and  Colonel  Bouquet, 
at  an  intermediate  rendezvous,  to  give  them  information  re- 
specting the  frontiers,  and  arrange  about  the  marching  of  his 
troops.  His  constant  word  to  them  was  forward  !  forward  ! 
For  the  precious  time  for  action  was  slipping  away,  and  he 
feared  their  Indian  allies,  so  important  to  their  security  while 
on  the  march,  might,  with  their  usual  fickleness,  lose  patience, 
and  return  home. 

On  arriving  at  Winchester,  he  found  his  troops  restless  and 
discontented  from  prolonged  inaction  ;  the  inhabitants  im- 
patient of  the  burdens  imposed  on  them,  and  of  the  disturb- 
ances of  an  idle  camp  ;  while  the  Indians,  as  he  apprehended, 
had  deserted  outright.  It  was  a  great  relief,  therefore,  when 
he  received  orders  from  the  commander-in-chief  to  repair  to 
Fort  Cumberland.  He  arrived  there  on  the  2d  of  July,  and 
proceeded  to  open  a  road  between  that  post  and  head-quarters, 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  185 

at  Raystown,  thirty  miles  distant,  where  Colonel  Bouquet  was 
stationed. 

His  troops  were  scantily  supplied  with  regimental  clothing. 
The  weather  was  oppressively  warm.  He  now  conceived  the 
idea  of  equipping  them  in  the  light  Indian  hunting  garb,  and 
even  of  adopting  it  himself.  Two  companies  were  accordingly 
equipped  in  this  style,  and  sent  under  the  command  of  Major 
Lewis  to  head-quarters.  "  It  is  an  unbecoming  dress,  I  own, 
for  an  officer, "  writes  Washington,  "but  convenience  rather 
than  show,  I  think,  should  be  consulted.  The  reduction  of  bat- 
horses  alone  would  be  sufficient  to  recommend  it ;  for  nothing 
is  more  certain  than  that  less  baggage  would  be  required." 

The  experiment  was  successful.  "  The  dress  takes  very  well 
here,"  writes  Colonel  Bouquet;  "and,  thank  God,  we  see 
nothing  but  shirts  and  blankets.  .  .  .  Their  dress  should  be  one 
pattern  for  this  expedition."  Such  was  probably  the  origin  o2 
the  American  rifle  dress,  afterward  so  much  worn  in  warfare, 
and  modelled  on  the  Indian  costume. 

The  army  was  now  annoyed  by  scouting  parties  of  Indians 
hovering  about  the  neighborhood.  Expresses  passing  between 
the  posts  were  fired  upon  ;  a  wagoner  was  shot  down.  Wash- 
ington sent  out  counter-parties  of  Cherokees.  Colonel  Bouquet 
required  that  each  party  should  be  accompanied  by  an  officer 
and  a  number  of  white  men.  Washington  complied  with  the 
order,  though  he  considered  them  an  encumbrance  rather  than 
an  advantage.  "Small  parties  of  Indians,"  said  he,  "will 
more  effectually  harass  the  enemy  by  keeping  them  under  con- 
tinual alarms,  than  any  parties  of  white  men  can  do.  For 
small  parties  of  the  latter  are  not  equal  to  the  task,  not  being 
so  dexterous  at  skulking  as  Indians  ;  and  large  parties  will  be 
discovered  by  their  spies  early  enough  to  have  a  superior  force 
opposed  to  them."  With  all  his  efforts,  however,  he  was  never 
able  fully  to  make  the  officers  of  the  regular  army  appreciate 
the  importance  of  Indian  allies  in  these  campaigns  in  the  wil- 
derness. 

On  the  other  hand,  he  earnestly  discountenanced  a  proposi- 
tion of  Colonel  Bouquet,  to  make  an  irruption  into  the  enemy's 
country  with  a  strong  party  of  regulars.  Such  a  detachment, 
he  observed,  could  not  be  sent  without  a  cumbersome  train  of 
supplies,  which  would  discover  it  to  the  enemy,  who  must  at 
that  time  be  collecting  his  whole  force  at  Fort  Duquesne ;  the 
enterprise,  therefore,  would  be  likely  to  terminate  in  a  miscar- 
riage, if  not  in  the  destruction  of  the  party.  We  shall  see  that 
his  opiuion  was  oracular. 


186  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

As  Washington  intended  to  retire  from  military  life  at  the 
close  of  this  campaign,  he  had  proposed  himself  to  the  electors 
of  Frederick  County  as  their  representative  in  the  House  of 
Burgesses.  The  election  was  coming  on  at  Winchester ;  his 
friends  pressed  him  to  attend  it,  and  Colonel  Bouquet  gave  him 
leave  of  absence  ;  but  he  declined  to  absent  himself  from  his 
post  for  the  promotion  of  his  political  interests.  There  were 
three  competitors  in  the  field,  yet  so  high  was  the  public  opinion 
of  his  merit,  that,  though  Winchester  had  been  his  head-quar- 
ters for  two  or  three  years  past,  and  he  had  occasionally  en- 
forced martial  law  with  a  rigorous  hand,  he  was  elected  by  a 
large  majority.  The  election  was  carried  on  somewhat  in  the 
English  st}*le.  There  was  much  eating  and  drinking  at  the  ex- 
pense of  the  candidate.  Washington  appeared  on  the  hustings 
by  proxy,  and  his  representative  was  chaired  about  the  town  with 
enthusiastic  applause  and  huzzaing  for  Colonel  Washington. 

On  the  21st  of  July  arrived  tidings  of  the  brilliant  success  of 
that  part  of  the  scheme  of  the  year's  campaign  conducted  by 
General  Amherst  and  Admiral  Boscawen,  who  had  reduced  the 
strong  town  of  Louisburg  and  gained  possession  of  the  Island 
of  Cape  Breton.  This  intelligence  increased  Washington's  im- 
patience at  the  delays  of  the  expedition  with  which  he  was  con- 
nected. He  wished  to  rival  these  successes  by  a  brilliant  blow 
in  the  south.  Perhaps  a  desire  for  personal  distinction  in  the 
eyes  of  the  lady  of  his  choice  may  have  been  at  the  bottom  of 
this  impatience  ;  for  we  are  told  that  he  kept  up  a  constant  cor- 
respondence with  her  throughout  the  campaign. 

Understanding  that  the  commander-in-chief  had  some  thoughts 
of  throwing  a  body  of  light  troops  in  the  advance,  he  wrote  to 
Colonel  Bouquet,  earnestly  soliciting  his  influence  to  have  him- 
self and  his  Virginia  regiment  included  in  the  detachment.  "If 
any  argument  is  needed  to  obtain  this  favor,"  said  he,  "  I  hope, 
without  vanity  I  may  be  allowed  to  say,  that  from  long  intimacy 
with  these  woods,  and  frequent  scouting  in  them,  my  men  are  at 
least  as  well  acquainted  with  all  the  passes  and  difficulties  as 
any  troops  that  will  be  emplo3red." 

He  soon  learned  to  his  surprise,  however,  that  the  road  to 
which  his  men  were  accustomed,  and  which  had  been  worked 
by  Braddock's  troops  in  his  campaign,  was  not  to  be  taken  in 
the  present  expedition,  but  a  new  one  opened  through  the  heart 
of  Pennsylvania,  from  Raystown  to  Fort  Duquesne,  on  the  track 
generally  taken  by  the  northern  traders.  He  instantly  com- 
menced long  and  repeated  remonstrances  on  the  subject ;  rep- 
resenting that  Braddock's  road,  from  recent  examination,  only 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  181 

needed  partial  repairs,  and  showing  by  clear  calculation  that  an 
army  could  reach  Fort  Duquesne  by  that  route  in  thirty-four 
days,  so  that  the  whole  campaign  might  be  effected  by  the  middle 
of  October ;  whereas  the  extreme  labor  of  opening  a  new  road 
across  mountains,  swamps,  and  through  a  densely  wooded 
country,  would  detain  them  so  late,  that  the  season  would  be 
over  before  they  could  reach  the  scene  of  action.  His  repre- 
sentations were  of  no  avail.  The  officers  of  the  regular  service 
had  received  a  fearful  idea  of  Braddock's  road  from  his  own 
despatches,  wherein  he  had  described  it  as  lying  "  across  moun- 
tains and  rocks  of  an  excessive  height,  vastly  steep,  and  divided 
by  torrents  and  rivers,"  whereas  the  Pennsylvania  traders,  who 
were  anxious  for  the  opening  of  the  new  road  through  their 
province,  described  the  country  through  which  it  would  pass  as 
less  difficult,  and  its  streams  less  subject  to  inundation  ;  above 
all,  it  was  a  direct  line,  and  fifty  miles  nearer.  This  route, 
therefore,  to  the  great  regret  of  Washington  and  the  indignation 
of  the  Virginia  Assembly,  was  definitely  adopted,  and  sixteen 
hundred  men  were  immediately  thrown  in  the  advance  from 
Raystown  to  work  upon  it. 

The  first  of  September  found  Washington  still  encamped  at 
Fort  Cumberland,  his  troops  sickly  and  dispirited,  and  the  bril- 
liant expedition  which  he  had  anticipated,  dwindling  down  into 
a  tedious  operation  of  road-making.  In  the  mean  time,  his 
scouts  brought  him  word  that  the  whole  force  at  Fort  Duquesne 
on  the  13th  of  August,  Indians  included,  did  not  exceed  eight 
hundred  men :  had  an  early  campaign  been  pressed  forward,  as 
he  recommended,  the  place  by  this  time  would  have  been  cap- 
tured. At  length,  in  the  month  of  September,  he  received 
orders  from  General  Forbes  to  join  him  with  his  troops  at  Rays- 
town,  where  he  had  just  arrived,  having  been  detained  by  severe 
illness.  He  was  received  by  the  general  with  the  highest  marks 
of  respect.  On  all  occasions,  both  in  private  and  at  councils  of 
war,  that  commander  treated  his  opinions  with  the  greatest  def- 
erence. He,  moreover,  adopted  a  plan  drawn  out  by  Washing- 
ton for  the  march  of  the  army ;  and  an  order  of  battle  wrhich 
still  exists,  furnishing  a  proof  of  his  skill  in  frontier  warfare. 

It  was  now  the  middle  of  September;  yet  the  great  body  of 
men  engaged  in  opening  the  new  military  road,  after  incredible 
toil,  had  not  advanced  above  forty-five  miles,  to  a  place  called 
Loyal  Hannan,  a  little  beyond  Laurel  Hill.  Colonel  Bouquet, 
who  commanded  the  division  of  nearly  two  thousand  men  sent 
forward  to  open  this  road,  had  halted  at  Loyal  Hannan  to 
establish  a  military  post  and  deposit. 


J88  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

He  was  upward  of  fifty  miles  from  Fort  Duquesne,  and  was 
tempted  to  adopt  the  measure,  so  strongly  discountenanced  by 
Washington,  of  sending  a  party  on  a  foray  into  the  enemy's 
country.  He  accordingly  detached  Major  Grant  with  eight  hun- 
dred picked  men,  some  of  them  Highlanders,  others,  in  Indian 
garb,  the  part  of  Washington's  Virginian  regiment  sent  forward 
by  him  from  Cumberland  under  command  of  Major  Lewis. 

The  instructions  given  to  Major  Grant  were  merely  to  recon- 
noitre the  country  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Duquesne,  and 
ascertain  the  strength  and  position  of  the  enemy.  He  con- 
ducted the  enterprise  with  the  foolhardiness  of  a  man  eager  for 
personal  notoriety.  His  whole  object  seems  to  have  been  by 
open  bravado  to  provoke  an  action.  The  enemy  were  apprised, 
through  their  scouts,  of  his  approach,  but  suffered  him  to 
advance  unmolested.  Arriving  at  night  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  fort,  he  posted  his  men  on  a  hill,  aud  sent  out  a  party  of 
observation,  who  set  fire  to  a  log  house  near  the  walls  and  re- 
turned to  the  encampment.  As  if  this  were  not  sufficient  to  put 
the  enemy  on  the  alert,  he  ordered  the  reveille  to  be  beaten  in 
the  morning  in  several  places  ;  then,  posting  Major  Lewis  with 
his  provincial  troops  at  a  distance  in  the  rear  to  protect  the 
baggage,  he  marshalled  his  regulars  in  battle  array,  and  sent  an 
engineer,  with  a  covering  party,  to  take  a  plan  vf  the  works  in 
full  view  of  the  garrison. 

Not  a  gun  was  fired  by  the  fort ;  the  silence  which  was  main- 
tained was  mistaken  for  fear,  and  increased  the  arrogance  and 
blind  security  of  the  British  commander.  At  length,  when  he 
was  thrown  off  his  guard,  there  was  a  sudden  sally  of  the  gar- 
rison, and  an  attack  on  the  flanks  by  Indians  hid  in  ambush. 
A  scene  now  occurred  similar  to  that  at  the  defeat  of  Braddock. 
The  British  officers  marshalled  their  men  according  to  European 
tactics,  and  the  Highlanders  for  some  time  stood  their  ground 
bravely  ;  but  the  destructive  fire  and  horrid  yells  of  the  Indians 
soon  produced  panic  and  confusion.  Major  Lewis,  at  the  first 
noise  of  the  attack,  left  Captain  Bullitt,  with  fifty  Virginians, 
to  guard  the  baggage,  and  hastened  with  the  main  part  of  his 
men  to  the  scene  of  action.  The  contest  was  kept  up  for  some 
time,  but  the  confusion  was  irretrievable.  The  Indians  sallied 
from  their  concealment,  and  attacked  with  the  tomahawk  and 
scalping-knife.  Lewis  fought  hand  to  hand  with  an  Indian  brave, 
whom  he  lay  dead  at  his  feet,  but  was  surrounded  by  others, 
and  only  saved  his  life  by  surrendering  himself  to  a  French 
officer.  Major  Grant  surrendered  himself  in  like  manner.  The 
whole  detachment  was  put  to  the  rout  with  dreadful  carnage. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  189 

Captain  Bullitt  rallied  several  of  the  fugitives,  and  prepared 
to  make  a  forlorn  stand,  as  the  only  chance  where  the  enemy  was 
overwhelming  and  merciless.  Despatching  the  most  valuable 
baggage  with  the  strongest  horses,  he  made  a  barricade  with 
the  baggage  wagons,  behind  which  he  posted  his  men,  giving 
them  orders  how  they  were  to  act.  All  this  was  the  thought 
and  the  work  almost  of  a  moment,  for  the  savages,  having  fin- 
ished the  havoc  and  plunder  of  the  field  of  battle,  were  hasten- 
ing in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives.  Bullitt  suffered  them  to  come 
near,  when,  on  a  concerted  signal,  a  destructive  fire  was  opened 
from  behind  the  baggage  wagons.  They  were  checked  for  a 
time ;  but  were  again  pressing  forward  in  greater  numbers, 
when  Bullitt  and  his  men  held  out  the  signal  of  capitulation, 
and  advanced  as  if  to  surrender.  When  within  eight  yards  of 
the  enemy,  they  suddenly  levelled  their  arms,  poured  a  most 
effective  volley,  and  then  charged  with  the  bayonet.  The  In- 
dians fled  in  dismay,  and  Bullitt  took  advantage  of  this  check 
to  retreat  with  all  speed,  collecting  the  wounded  and  the  scat- 
tered fugitives  as  he  advanced.  The  routed  detachment  came 
back  in  fragments  to  Colonel  Bouquet's  camp  at  Loyal  Hannan, 
with  the  loss  of  twenty-one  officers  and  two  hundred  and  seven- 
ty-three privates  killed  and  taken.  The  Highlanders  and  the 
Virginians  were  those  that  fought  the  best  and  suffered  the 
most  in  this  bloody  battle.  Washington's  regiment  lost  six 
officers  and  sixty- two  privates. 

If  Washington  could  have  taken  any  pride  in  seeing  his 
presages  of  misfortune  verified,  he  might  have  been  gratified 
by  the  result  of  this  rash  "  irruption  into  the  enemy's  country," 
which  was  exactly  what  he  had  predicted.  In  his  letters  to 
Governor  Fauquier,  however,  he  bears  lightly  on  the  error  of 
Colonel  Bouquet. 

"  From  all  accounts  I  can  collect,"  says  he,  "  it  appears  very 
clear  that  this  was  a  very  ill-concerted,  or  a  very  ill-executed 
plan,  perhaps  both;  but  it  seems  to  be  generally  acknowledged 
that  Major  Grant  exceeded  his  orders,  and  that  no  disposition 
was  made  for  engaging." 

Washington,  who  was  at  Raystown  when  the  disastrous  news 
arrived,  was  publicly  complimented  by  General  Forbes,  on  the 
gallant  conduct  of  his  Virginian  troops,  and  Bullitt's  behavior 
was  "a  matter  of  great  admiration."  The  latter  was  soon 
after  rewarded  with  a  major's  commission. 

As  a  further  mark  of  the  high  opinion  now  entertained  of 
provincial  troops  for  frontier  service,  Washington  was  given 
the  command  of  a  division,  partly  composed  of  his  own  men} 


190  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

to   keep  in    the   advance  of   the  main  bod}7,  cleat  the  roads, 
throw  out  scouting  parties,  and  repel  Indian  attacks. 

It  was  the  5th  of  November  before  the  whole  army  assem- 
bled at  Loyal  Hannan.  Winter  was  now  at  hand,  and  upward 
of  fifty  miles  of  wilderness  were  yet  to  be  traversed,  by  a 
road  not  yet  formed,  before  they  could  reach  Fort  Duquesne. 
Again,  Washington's  predictions  seemed  likely  to  be  verified, 
and  the  expedition  to  be  defeated  by  delay  ;  for  in  a  council  of 
war  it  was  determined  to  be  impracticable  to  advance  further 
with  the  arm}'  that  season.  Three  prisoners,  however,  who 
were  brought  in,  gave  such  an  account  of  the  weak  state  of  the 
garrison  at  Fort  Duquesne,  its  want  of  provisions,  and  the  de- 
fection of  the  Indians,  that  it  was  determined  to  push  forward. 
The  march  was  accordingly  resumed,  but  without  tents  or  bag- 
gage, and  with  only  a  light  train  of  artillery. 

Washington  still  kept  the  advance.  After  leaving  Loyal 
Hannan,  the  road  presented  traces  of  the  late  defeat  of  Grant ; 
being  strewed  with  human  bones,  the  sad  relics  of  fugitives  cut 
down  by  the  Indians,  or  of  wounded  soldiers  who  had  died  on 
the  retreat ;  they  lay  mouldering  in  various  stages  of  decay, 
mingled  with  the  bones  of  horses  and  of  oxen.  As  they  ap- 
proached Fort  Duquesne  these  mementoes  of  former  disasters 
became  more  frequent ;  and  the  bones  of  those  massacred  in 
the  defeat  of  Braddock,  still  lay  scattered  about  the  battle-field, 
whitening  in  the  sun. 

At  length  the  army  arrived  in  sight  of  Fort  Duquesne,  ad- 
vancing with  great  precaution,  and  expecting  a  vigorous  de- 
fence ;  but  that  formidable  fortress,  the  terror  and  scourge  of 
the  frontier,  and  the  object  of  such  warlike  enterprise,  fell 
without  a  blow.  The  recent  successes  of  the  English  forces 
in  Canada,  particularly  the  capture  and  destruction  of  Fort 
Frontenac,  had  left  the  garrison  without  hope  of  re-enforcements 
and  supplies.  The  whole  force,  at  the  time,  did  not  exceed  five 
hundred  men,  and  the  provisions  were  nearly  exhausted.  The 
commander,  therefore,  waited  only  until  the  English  army  was 
within  one  day's  march,  when  he  embarked  his  troops  at  night 
in  bateaux,  blew  up  his  magazines,  set  fire  to  the  fort,  and  re- 
treated down  the  Ohio,  by  the  light  of  the  flames.  On  the  25th 
of  November,  Washington,  with  the  advanced  guard,  marched 
in,  and  planted  the  British  flag  on  the  yet  smoking  ruins. 

One  of  the  first  offices  of  the  army  was  to  collect  and  bury, 
in  one  common  tomb,  the  bones  of  their  fellow-soldiers  who 
had  fallen  in  the  battles  of  Braddock  and  Grant.  In  this  pious 
duty  it  is  said  every  one  joined,  from  the  general  down  to  the 


LIFE   OF    WASFIINGTON.  191 

private  soldier;  and  some  veterans  assisted,  with  heavy  hearts 
and  frequent  ejaculations  of  poignant  feeling,  who  had  been 
present  in  the  scenes  of  defeat  and  carnage. 

The  ruins  of  the  fortress  were  now  put  in  a  defensible  state, 
and  garrisoned  by  two  hundred  men  from  Washington's  regi- 
ment ;  the  name  was  changed  to  that  of  Fort  Pitt,  in  honor  of 
the  illustrious  British  minister,  whose  measures  had  given  vigor 
and  effect  to  this  year's  campaign  ;  it  has  since  been  modified 
into  Pittsburg,  and  designates  one  of  the  most  busy  and  popu- 
lous cities  of  the  interior. 

The  reduction  of  Fort  Duquesne  terminated,  as  Washington 
had  foreseen,  the  troubles  and  dangers  of  the  southern  frontier. 
The  French  domination  of  the  Ohio  was  at  an  end ;  the  Indians, 
as  usual,  paid  homage  to  the  conquering  power,  and  a  treaty  of 
peace  was  concluded  with  all  the  tribes  between  the  Ohio  and 
the  lakes. 

With  this  campaign  ended,  for  the  present,  the  military  ca- 
reer of  Washington.  His  great  object  was  attained,  the  resto- 
ration of  quiet  and  security  to  his  native  province  ;  and,  having 
abandoned  all  hope  of  attaining  rank  in  the  regular  army,  and 
his  health  being  much  impaired,  he  gave  up  his  commission  at 
the  close  of  the  year,  and  retired  from  the  service,  followed 
by  the  applause  of  his  fellow-soldiers,  and  the  gratitude  and 
admiration  of  all  his  countrymen. 

His  marriage  with  Mrs.  Custis  took  place  shortly  after  his 
return.  It  was  celebrated  on  the  6th  of  January,  1759,  at  the 
White  House,  the  residence  of  the  bride,  in  the  good  old  hos- 
pitable style  of  Virginia,  amid  a  joyous  assemblage  of  relatives 
and  friends. 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

PLAN  OF  OPERATIONS  FOR  1759 INVESTMENT  OF  FORT  NIAG- 
ARA  DEATH  OF  PRIDEAUX SUCCESS  OF  SIR  WILLIAM  JOHN- 
SON  AMHERST    AT     TICONDEROGA WOLFE     AT     QUEBEC HIS 

TRIUMPH     AND     DEATH  FATE     OF     MONTCALM  CAPITULATION 

OF    QUEBEC  — ATTEMPT    OF    DE    LEVI    TO    RETAKE    IT  —  ARRIVAL 

OF      A      BRITISH      FLEET LAST      STAND      OF      THE      FRENCH      AT 

MONTREAL SURRENDER    OF    CANADA. 

Before  following  Washington  into  the  retirement  of  domestic 
life,  we  think  it  proper  to  notice  the  events  which  closed  the 
great   struggle   between   England   and   France   for  empire   in 


192  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

America.  In  that  struggle  he  had  first  become  practised  in 
arms,  and  schooled  in  the  ways  of  the  world  ;  and  its  results 
will  be  found  connected  with  the  history  of  his  later  years. 

General  Abercrombie  had  been  superseded  as  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  forces  in  America  by  Major- General  Amherst,  who 
had  gained  great  favor  by  the  reduction  of  Louisburg.  Ac- 
cording to  the  plan  of  operations  for  1759,  General  Wolfe,  who 
had  risen  to  fame  by  his  gallant  conduct  in  the  same  affair,  was 
to  ascend  the  St.  Lawrence  in  a  fleet  of  ships-of-war,  with  eight 
thousand  men,  as  soon  as  the  river  should  be  free  of  ice,  and 
lay  siege  to  Quebec,  the  capital  of  Canada.  General  Amherst, 
in  the  mean  time,  was  to  advance,  as  Abercrombie  had  done, 
by  Lake  George,  against  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point ;  re- 
duce those  forts,  cross  Lake  Champlain,  push  on  to  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  co-operate  with  Wolfe. 

A  third  expedition,  under  Brigadier-General  Prideaux,  aided 
by  Sir  William  Johnson  and  his  Indian  warriors,  was  to  attack 
Fort  Niagara,  which  controlled  the  whole  country  of  the  Six 
Nations,  and  commanded  the  navigation  of  the  great  lakes, 
and  the  intercourse  between  Canada  and  Louisiana.  Having 
reduced  this  fort,  he  was  to  traverse  Lake  Ontario,  descend  the 
St.  Lawrence,  capture  Montreal,  and  join  his  forces  with  those 
of  Amherst. 

The  last  mentioned  expedition  was  the  first  executed.  Gen- 
eral Prideaux  embarked  at  Oswego  on  the  first  of  July,  with 
a  large  body  of  troops,  regulars  and  provincials  —  the  latter 
partly  from  New  York.  He  was  accompanied  by  Sir  William 
Johnson,  and  his  Indian  braves  of  the  Mohawk.  Landing  at 
an  inlet  of  Lake  Ontario,  within  a  few  miles  of  Fort  Niagara, 
he  advanced,  without  being  opposed,  and  proceeded  to  invest 
it.  The  garrison,  six  hundred  strong,  made  a  resolute  defence. 
The  siege  was  carried  on  by  regular  approaches,  but  pressed 
with  vigor.  On  the  20th  of  July,  Prideaux,  in  visiting  his 
trenches,  was  killed  by  the  bursting  of  a  cohorn.  Informed 
b}^  express  of  this  misfortune,  General  Amherst  detached  from 
the  main  army  Brigadier-General  Gage,  the  officer  who  had  led 
Braddock's  advance,  to  take  the  command. 

In  the  mean  time,  the  siege  had  been  conducted  by  Sir  Wil- 
liam Johnson  with  courage  and  sagacity.  He  was  destitute  of 
militaiy  science,  but  had  a  natural  aptness  for  warfare,  es- 
pecially for  the  rough  kind  carried  on  in  the  wilderness.  Being 
informed  by  his  scouts  that  twelve  hundred  regular  troops, 
drawn  from  Detroit,  Venango,  and  Presque  Isle,  and  led  by 
D'Aubry,  with  a  number  of  Indian  auxiliaries,  were  hastening 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  193 

to  the  rescue,  he  detached  a  force  of  grenadiers  and  light  in- 
fantry, with  some  of  his  Mohawk  warriors,  to  intercept  them. 
They  came  in  sight  of  each  other  on  the  road,  between  Niagara 
Falls  and  the  fort,  within  the  thundering  sound  of  the  one,  and 
the  distant  view  of  the  other.  Johnson's  "  braves  "  advanced 
to  have  a  parley  with  the  hostile  redskins.  The  latter  received 
them  with  a  war-whoop,  and  Frenchman  and  savage  made  an 
impetuous  onset.  Johnson's  regulars  and  provincials  stood 
their  ground  firmly,  while  his  red  warriors  fell  on  the  flanks  of 
the  enemy. 

After  a  sharp  conflict,  the  French  were  broken,  routed,  and 
pursued  through  the  woods,  with  great  carnage.  Among  the 
prisoners  taken  were  seventeen  officers.  The  next  day  Sir 
William  Johnson  sent  a  trumpet,  summoning  the  garrison  to 
surrender,  to  spare  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  prevent  outrages 
by  the  Indians.  They  had  no  alternative ;  were  permitted  to 
march  out  with  the  honors  of  war,  and  were  protected  by  Sir 
William  from  his  Indian  allies.  Thus  was  secured  the  key  to 
the  communication  between  Lakes  Ontario  and  Erie,  and  to  the 
vast  interior  region  connected  with  them.  The  blow  alarmed 
the  French  for  the  safety  of  Montreal,  and  De  Levi,  the  second 
in  command  of  their  Canadian  forces,  hastened  up  from  before 
Quebec,  and  took  post  at  the  fort  of  Oswegatchie  (now 
Ogdensburg),  to  defend  the  passes  of  the  St.  Lawrence. 

We  now  proceed  to  notice  the  expedition  against  Ticonde- 
roga  and  Crown  Point.  In  the  month  of  July,  General  Amherst 
embarked  with  nearly  twelve  thousand  men,  at  the  upper  part 
of  Lake  George,  and  proceeded  down  it,  as  Abercrombie  had 
done  in  the  preceding  year,  in  a  vast  fleet  of  whale-boats, 
bateaux,  and  rafts,  and  all  the  glitter  and  parade  of  war.  On 
the  22d,  the  army  debarked  at  the  lower  part  of  the  lake,  and 
advanced  toward  Ticonderoga.  After  a  slight  skirmish  with 
the  advanced  guard,  they  secured  the  old  post  at  the  saw-mill. 

Montcalm  was  no  longer  in  the  fort ;  he  was  absent  for  the 
protection  of  Quebec.  The  garrison  did  not  exceed  four  hun- 
dred men.  Bourlamarque,  a  brave  officer,  who  commanded,  at 
first  seemed  disposed  to  make  defence ;  but,  against  such  over- 
whelming force,  it  would  have  been  madness.  Dismantling 
the  fortifications,  therefore,  he  abandoned  them,  as  he  did 
likewise  those  at  Crown  Point,  and  retreated  down  the  lake,  to 
assemble  forces,  and  make  a  stand  at  the  Isle  Aux  Noix,  for 
the  protection  of  Montreal  and  the  province. 

Instead  of  following  him  up,  and  hastening  to  co-operate 
with  Wrolfe,  General  Amherst  proceeded  to  repair  the  works  at 


194  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON. 

Ticonderoga,  and  erect  a  new  fort  at  Crown  Point,  though 
neither  were  in  present  danger  of  being  attacked,  nor  would  be 
of  use  if  Canada  were  conquered.  Amherst,  however,  was 
one  of  those  cautious  men,  who,  in  seeking  to  be  sure,  are  apt 
to  be  fatally  slow.  His  delay  enabled  the  enemy  to  rally  their 
forces  at  Isle  Aux  Noix,  and  call  in  Canadian  re-enforcements, 
while  it  deprived  Wolfe  of  that  co-operation  which,  it  will  be 
shown,  was  most  essential  to  the  general  success  of  the  cam- 
paign. 

Wolfe,  with  his  eight  thousand  men,  ascended  the  St.  Law- 
rence in  the  fleet,  in  the  month  of  June.  With  him  came 
Brigadiers  Monckton,  Townshend  and  Murray,  youthful  and 
brave  like  himself,  and  like  himself,  already  schooled  in  arms. 
Monckton,  it  will  be  recollected,  had  signalized  himself,  when 
a  colonel,  in  the  expedition  in  1755,  in  which  the  French 
were  driven  from  Nova  Scotia.  The  Grenadiers  of  the  army 
were  commanded  by  Colonel  Guy  Carleton,  and  part  of  the 
light  infantry  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  William  Howe,  both 
destined  to  celebrity  in  after  years,  in  the  annals  of  the 
American  Revolution.  Colonel  Howe  was  brother  of  the  gallant 
Lord  Howe,  whose  fall  in  the  preceding  year  was  so  generally 
lamented.  Among  the  officers  of  the  fleet,  was  Jervis,  the 
future  admiral,  and  ultimately  Earl  St.  Vincent ;  and  the  mas- 
ter of  one  of  the  ships  was  James  Cook,  afterward  renowned 
as  a  discoverer. 

About  the  end  of  June,  the  troops  debarked  on  the  large, 
populous,  and  well-cultivated  Isle  of  Orleans,  a  little  below 
Quebec,  and  encamped  in  its  fertile  'fields.  Quebec,  the  cita- 
del of  Canada,  was  strong  by  nature.  It  was  built  round  the 
point  of  a  rocky  promontory,  and  flanked  by  precipices.  The 
crystal  current  of  the  St.  Lawrence  swept  by  it  on  the  right, 
and  the  river  St.  Charles  flowed  along  on  the  left,  before 
mingling  with  that  might}7  stream.  The  place  was  tolerably 
fortified,  but  art  had  not  yet  rendered  it,  as  at  the  present 
day,  impregnable. 

Montcalm  commanded  the  post.  His  troops  were  more 
numerous  than  the  assailants ;  but  the  greater  part  were 
Canadians,  many  of  them  inhabitants  of  Quebec ;  and  he 
had  a  host  of  savages.  His  forces  were  drawn  out  along  the 
northern  shore  below  the  city,  from  the  river  St.  Charles  to 
the  Falls  of  Montmorency,  and  their  position  was  secured  by 
deep  intrenchments. 

The  night  after  the  debarkation  of  Wolfe's  troops  a  furious 
storm  caused  great  damage  to  the  transports,  and  sank  some  of 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  195 

the  small  craft.  While  it  was  still  raging,  a  number  of  fire- 
ships,  sent  to  destroy  the  fleet,  came  driving  down.  They 
were  boarded  intrepidly  by  the  British  seamen,  and  towed  out 
of  the  way  of  doing  harm.  After  much  resistance,  Wolfe  es- 
tablished batteries  at  the  west  point  of  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  and 
at  Point  Levi,  on  the  right  (or  south)  bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence, 
within  cannon  range  of  the  city.  Colonel  Guy  Carleton,  com- 
mander at  the  former  battery  ;  Brigadier  Monckton  at  the  latter. 
From  Point  Levi  bombshells  and  red-hot  shot  were  discharged  ; 
many  houses  were  set  on  fire  in  the  upper  town,  the  lower 
town  was  reduced  to  rubbish ;  the  main  fort,  however,  re- 
mained unharmed. 

Anxious  for  a  decisive  action,  Wolfe,  on  the  9th  of  July, 
crossed  over  in  boats  from  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  to  the  north 
bank  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  encamped  below  the  Montmo- 
rency. It  was  an  ill-judged  position,  for  there  was  still  that 
tumultuous  stream,  with  its  rocky  banks,  between  him  and  the 
camp  of  Montcalm  ;  but  the  ground  he  had  chosen  was  higher 
than  that  occupied  by  the  latter,  and  the  Montmorency  had  a 
ford  below  the  falls,  passable  at  low  tide.  Another  ford  was 
discovered,  three  miles  within  land,  but  the  banks  were  steep, 
and  shagged  with  forest.  At  both  fords  the  vigilant  Montcalm 
had  thrown  up  breastworks,  and  posted  troops. 

On  the  18th  of  July,  Wolfe  made  a  reconnoitring  expedition 
up  the  river,  with  two  armed  sloops,  and  two  transports  with 
troops.  He  passed  Quebec  unharmed,  and  carefully  noted 
the  shores  above  it.  Rugged  cliffs  rose  almost  from  the 
water's  edge.  Above  them,  he  was  told,  was  an  extent  of  level 
ground,  called  the  Plains  of  Abraham,  by  which  the  upper 
town  might  be  approached  on  its  weakest  side ;  but  how 
was  that  plain  to  be  attained,  when  the  cliffs,  for  the  most 
part,  were  inaccessible,  and  every  practicable  place  fortified? 

He  returned  to  Montmorency  disappointed,  and  resolved  to 
attack  Montcalm  in  his  camp,  however  difficult  to  be  approached, 
and  however  strongly  posted.  Townshend  and  Murray,  with 
their  brigades,  were  to  cross  the  Montmorency  at  low  tide 
below  the  falls,  and  storm  the  redoubt  thrown  up  in  front  of  the 
ford.  Monckton,  at  the  same  time,  was  to  cross,  with  part  of 
his  brigade,  in  boats  from  Point  Levi.  The  ship  Centurion, 
stationed  in  the  channel,  was  to  check  the  fire  of  a  battery 
which  commanded  the  ford  ;  a  train  of  artillery,  planted  on  an 
eminence,  was  to  enfilade  the  enemy's  intrenchments  ;  and  two 
armed,  flat-bottomed  boats,  were  to  be  run  on  shore,  near  the 
redoubt,  and  favor  the  crossing  of  the  troops. 


196  LIFE  OF   WASntttGTOtf. 

As  usual  in  complicated  orders,  part  were  misunderstood  01 
neglected,  and  confusion  was  the  consequence.  Many  of  the 
boats  from  Point  Levi  ran  aground  on  a  shallow  in  the  river, 
where  the}'  were  exposed  to  a  severe  fire  of  shot  and  shells. 
Wolfe,  who  was  on  the  shore,  directing  every  thing,  endeavored 
to  stop  his  impatient  troops  until  the  boats  could  be  got  afloat, 
and  the  men  landed.  Thirteen  companies  of  grenadiers  and 
two  hundred  provincials  were  the  first  to  land.  Without  wait- 
ing for  Brigadier  Monckton  and  his  regiment ;  without  waiting 
for  the  co-operation  of  the  troops  under  Townshend ;  with- 
out waiting  even  to  be  drawn  up  in  form,  the  grenadiers 
rushed  impetuously  toward  the  enemy's  intrenchments.  A 
sheeted  fire  mowed  them  down,  and  drove  them  to  take  shelter 
behind  the  redoubt,  near  the  ford,  which  the  enemy  had  aban- 
doned. Here  they  remained,  unable  to  form  under  the  galling 
fire  to  which  they  were  exposed,  whenever  they  ventured  from 
their  covert.  Monckton's  brigade  at  length  was  landed,  drawn 
up  in  order,  and  advanced  to  their  relief,  driving  back  the  enemy. 
Thus  protected,  the  grenadiers  retreated  as  precipitately  as 
they  had  advanced,  leaving  many  of  their  comrades  wounded 
on  the  field,  who  were  massacred  and  scalped  in  their  sight,  by 
the  savages.  The  delay  thus  caused  was  fatal  to  the  enterprise. 
The  day  was  advanced ;  the  weather  became  stormy ;  the  tide 
began  to  make  ;  at  a  later  hour,  retreat,  in  case  of  a  second 
repulse,  would  be  impossible.  Wolfe,  therefore,  gave  up  the 
attack,  and  withdrew  across  the  river,  having  lost  upward  of 
four  hundred  men,  through  this  headlong  impetuosity  of  the 
grenadiers.  The  two  vessels  which  had  been  run  aground, 
were  set  on  fire,  lest  they  should  fall  into  the  hands  of  the 
enemy.1 

Brigadier  Murray  was  now  detached  with  twelve  hundred 
men,  in  transports,  to  ascend  above  the  town,  and  co-operate 
with  Rear-Admiral  Holmes,  in  destroying  the  enemy's  shipping, 
and  making  descents  upon  the  north  shore.  The  shipping 
were  safe  from  attack  ;  some  stores  and  ammunition  were  de- 
stroyed;  some  prisoners  taken,  and  Murray  returned  with  the 
news  of  the  capture  of  Fort  Niagara,  Ticonderoga,  and  Crown 
Point,  and  that  Amherst  was  preparing  to  attack  the  Isle  Aux 
Noix. 

Wolfe,  of  a  delicate  constitution  and  sensitive  nature,  had 
been  deeply  mortified  by  the  severe  check  sustained  at  the  Falls 
of  Montmorenc}',  fancying  himself  disgraced  ;  and  these  suc- 


Wolfe's  Letter  to  Pitt,  September  2,  1759. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  197 

cesses  of  his  fellow-commanders  in  other  parts  increased  his 
self-upbraiding.  The  difficulties  multiplying  around  him,  and 
the  delay  of  General  Amherst  in  hastening  to  his  aid,  preyed 
incessantly  on  his  spirits  ;  he  was  dejected  even  to  despond- 
ency, and  declared  he  would  never  return  without  success,  to 
be  exposed,  like  other  unfortunate  commanders,  to  the  sneers 
and  reproaches  of  the  populace.  The  agitation  of  his  mind, 
and  his  acute  sensibility,  brought  on  a  fever,  which  for  some 
time  incapacitated  him  from  taking  the  field. 

In  the  midst  of  his  illness  he  called  a  council  of  war.  in 
which  the  whole  plan  of  operations  was  altered.  It  was  de- 
termined to  convey  troops  above  the  town,  and  endeavor  to 
make  a  diversion  in  that  direction,  or  draw  Montcalm  into  the 
open  field.  Before  carrying  this  plan  into  effect,  Wolfe  again 
reconnoitred  the  town  in  company  with  Admiral  Saunders,  but 
nothing  better  suggested  itself. 

The  brief  Canadian  summer  was  over ;  they  were  in  the 
month  of  September.  The  camp  at  Montmorency  was  broken 
up.  The  troops  were  transported  to  Point  Levi,  leaving  a  suffi- 
cient number  to  man  the  batteries  on  the  Isle  of  Orleans.  On 
the  fifth  and  sixth  of  September  the  embarkation  took  place 
above  Point  Levi,  in  transports  which  had  been  sent  up  for  the 
purpose.  Montcalm  detached  De  Bougainville  with  fifteen 
hundred  men  to  keep  along  the  north  shore  above  the  town, 
watch  the  movements  of  the  squadron,  and  prevent  a  landing. 
To  deceive  him,  Admiral  Holmes  moved  with  the  ships  of  war 
three  leagues  beyond  the  place  where  the  landing  was  to  be 
attempted.  He  was  to  drop  down,  however,  in  the  night,  and 
protect  the  landing.  Cook,  the  future  discoverer,  also,  was 
employed  with  others  to  sound  the  river  and  place  buoys  oppo- 
site the  camp  of  Montcalm,  as  if  an  attack  were  meditated  in 
that  quarter. 

Wolfe  was  still  suffering  under  the  effects  of  his  late  fever. 
"  My  constitution,"  writes  he  to  a  friend,  "  is  entirely  ruined, 
without  the  consolation  of  having  done  any  considerable  service 
to  the  state,  and  without  any  prospect  of  it."  Still  he  was  un- 
remitting in  his  exertions,  seeking  to  wipe  out  the  fancied  dis- 
grace incurred  at  the  Falls  of  Montmorency.  It  was  in  this 
mood  he  is  said  to  have  composed  and  snug  at  his  evening 
mess  that  little  campaigning  song  still  linked  with  his  name  : 

Why,  soldiers,  why 
Should  we  be  melancholy,  boys? 
Why,  soldiers,  why? 
Whose  business  'tis  to  die! 


198  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Even  when  embarked  in  his  midnight  enterprise,  the  present- 
iment of  death  seems  to  have  cast  its  shadow  over  him.  A 
midshipman  who  was  present,1  used  to  relate,  that  as  Wolfe 
sat  among  his  officers,  and  the  boats  floated  down  silently  with 
the  current,  he  recited,  in  low  and  touching  tones,  Gray's  Elegy 
in  a  country  churchyard,  then  just  published.  One  stanza 
may  especially  have  accorded  with  his  melancholy  mood. 

"  The  boast  of  heraldry,  the  pomp  of  power, 
And  all  that  beauty,  all  that  wealth  e'er  gave, 
Await  alike  the  inevitable  hour. 
The  paths  of  glory  lead  but  to  the  grave." 

"Now,  gentlemen,"  said  he,  when  he  had  finished,  "I 
would  rather  be  the  author  of  that  poem  than  take  Quebec." 

The  descent  was  made  in  flat-bottomed  boats,  past  midnight, 
on  the  loth  of  September.  They  dropped  down  silently  with 
the  swift  current.  "  Qui  va  la?  "  (Who  goes  there?)  cried  a 
sentinel  from  the  shore.  "  La  France,"  replied  a  captain  in 
the  first  boat,  who  understood  the  French  language. 

"  A  quel  regiment?  "  was  the  demand.  "  l)e  la  Reine  "  (the 
queen's),  replied  the  captain,  knowing  that  regiment  was  in  De 
Bougainville's  detachment.  Fortunately,  a  convoy  of  provisions 
was  expected  down  from  De  Bougainville's  which  the  sentinel 
supposed  this  to  be.  "  Passe ,"  cried  he,  and  the  boats  glided 
on  without  further  challenge.  The  landing  took  place  in  a  cove 
near  Cape  Diamond,  which  still  bears  Wolfe's  name.  He  had 
marked  it  in  reconnoitring,  and  saw  that  a  cragged  path 
straggled  up  from  it  to  the  Heights  of  Abraham,  which  might 
be  climbed,  though  with  difficulty,  and  that  it  appeared  to  be 
slightly  guarded  at  top.  Wolfe  was  among  the  first  that  landed 
and  ascended  up  the  steep  and  narrow  path,  where  not  more 
than  two  could  go  abreast,  and  which  had  been  broken  up  by 
cross  ditches.  Colonel  Howe,  at  the  same  time,  with  the  light 
infantry  and  Highlanders,  scrambled  up  the  woody  precipices, 
helping  themselves  by  the  roots  and  branches,  and  putting  to 
flight  a  sergeant's  guard  posted  at  the  summit.  Wolfe  drew  up 
the  men  in  order  as  they  mounted ;  and  by  the  break  of  day 
found  himself  in  possession  of  the  fateful  Plains  of  Abraham. 

Montcalm  was  thunderstruck  when  word  was  brought  to  him 
in  his  camp  that  the  English  were  on  the  heights  threatening 
the  weakest  part  of  the  town.  Abandoning  his  intrenchments, 
he  hastened    across   the   river  St.    Charles    and    ascended    the 

1  Afterward  Professor  John  Robison,  of  Edinburgh. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  199 

heights,  which  slope  up  gradually  from  its  banks.  His  force 
was  equal  in  number  to  that  of  the  English,  but  a  great  part 
was  made  up  of  colony  troops  and  savages.  When  he  saw  the 
formidable  host  of  regulars  he  had  to  contend  with,  he  sent  off 
swift  messengers  to  summon  De  Bougainville  with  his  detach- 
ment to  his  aid  ;  and  De  Vaudreuil  to  re-enforce  him  with  fifteen 
hundred  men  from  the  camp.  In  the  mean  time  he  prepared  to 
flank  the  left  of  the  English  line  and  force  them  to  the  opposite 
precipices.  Wolfe  saw  his  aim,  and  sent  Brigadier  Townshend 
to  counteract  him  with  a  regiment  which  was  formed  en  potence, 
and  supported  by  two  battalions,  presenting  on  the  left  a  double 
front. 

The  French,  in  their  haste,  thinking  they  were  to  repel  a  mere 
scouting  party,  had  brought  but  three  light  field-pieces  with 
them ;  the  English  had  but  a  single  gun,  which  the  sailors  had 
dragged  up  the  heights.  With  these  they  cannonaded  each 
other  for  a  time,  Montcalm  still  waiting  for  the  aid  he  had 
summoned.  At  length,  about  nine  o'clock,  losing  all  patience, 
he  led  on  his  disciplined  troops  to  a  close  conflict  with  small- 
arms,  the  Indians  to  support  them  by  a  galling  fire  from 
thickets  and  corn-fields.  The  French  advanced  gallantly,  but 
irregularly ;  firing  rapidly,  but  with  little  effect.  The  English 
reserved  their  fire  until  their  assailants  were  within  forty  yards, 
and  then  delivered  it  in  deadly  volleys.  They  suffered,  how- 
ever, from  the  lurking  savages,  who  singled  out  the  officers. 
Wolfe,  who  was  in  front  of  the  line,  a  conspicuous  mark,  was 
wounded  b}'  a  ball  in  the  wrist.  He  bound  his  handkerchief 
round  the  wound  and  led  on  the  grenadiers,  with  fixed  bayonets, 
to  charge  the  foe,  who  began  to  waver.  Another  ball  struck 
him  in  the  breast.  He  felt  the  wound  to  be  mortal,  and  feared 
his  fall  might  dishearten  the  troops.  Leaning  on  a  lieutenant 
for  support ;  "  Let  not  my  brave  fellows  see  me  drop,"  said  he 
faintly.  He  was  borne  off  to  the  rear ;  water  was  brought  to 
quench  his  thirst,  and  he  was  asked  if  he  would  have  a  sur- 
geon. "  It  is  needless,"  he  replied  ;  "  it  is  all  over  with  me." 
He  desired  those  about  him  to  lay  him  down.  The  lieutenant 
seated  himself  on  the  ground,  and  supported  him  in  his  arms. 
"They  run!  they  run!  see  how  they  run  !  "  cried  one  of  the 
attendants.  "  Who  run?"  demanded  Wolfe,  earnestly,  like 
one  aroused  from  sleep.  u  The  enemy,  sir;  they  give  waj' 
everywhere."  The  spirit  of  the  expiring  hero  flashed  up. 
M  Go,  one  of  you,  my  lads,  to  Colonel  Burton  ;  tell  him  to 
march  Webb's  regiment  with  all  speed  down  to  Charles  River, 
to  cut  off  the  retreat  by  the  bridge."     Then  turning  on  his  side  ; 


200  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

"  Now  God  be  praised,  I  will  die  in  peace  !  "  said  he,  and  ex« 
pired,1 — soothed  in  his  last  moments  by  the  idea  that  victory 
would  obliterate  the  imagined  disgrace  at  Montmorency. 

Brigadier  Murray  had  indeed  broken  the  centre  of  the  enemy, 
and  the  Highlanders  were  making  deadly  havoc  with  their  clay- 
mores, driving  the  French  into  the  town  or  down  to  their  works 
on  the  river  St.  Charles.  Monckton,  the  first  brigadier,  was 
disabled  by  a  wound  in  the  lungs,  and  the  command  devolved 
on  Townshend,  who  hastened  to  re-form  the  troops  of  the 
centre,  disordered  in  pursuing  the  enemy.  By  this  time  De 
Bougainville  appeared  at  a  distance  in  the  rear,  advancing  with 
two  thousand  fresh  troops,  but  he  arrived  too  late  to  retrieve 
the  day.  The  gallant  Montcalm  had  received  his  death- wound 
near  St.  John's  Gate,  while  endeavoring  to  rally  his  flying 
troops,  and  had  been  borne  into  the  town. 

Townshend  advanced  with  a  force  to  receive  De  Bougain- 
ville ;  but  the  latter  avoided  a  combat,  and  retired  into  woods 
and  swamps,  where  it  was  not  thought  prudent  to  follow  him. 
The  English  had  obtained  a  complete  victory ;  slain  about  five 
hundred  of  the  enemy ;  taken  above  a  thousand  prisoners,  and 
among  them  several  officers ;  and  had  a  strong  position  on  the 
Plains  of  Abraham,  which  they  hastened  to  fortify  with  re- 
doubts, and  artillery  drawn  up  the  heights. 

The  brave  Montcalm  wrote  a  letter  to  General  Townshend, 
recommending  the  prisoners  to  British  humanity.  When  told 
by  his  surgeon  that  he  could  not  survive  above  a  few  hours : 
li  So  much  the  better,"  replied  he  ;  "I  shall  not  live  to  see  the 
surrender  of  Quebec."  To  De  Ramsa}^  the  French  king's 
lieutenant,  who  commanded  the  garrison,  he  consigned  the 
defence  of  the  city.  "  To  your  keeping,"  said  he,  "  I  commend 
the  honor  of  France.  I'll  neither  give  orders,  nor  interfere 
any  further.  *I  have  business  to  attend  to  of  greater  moment 
than  your  ruined  garrison,  and  this  wretched  country.  My 
time  is  short  —  I  shall  pass  this  night  with  God,  and  prepare 
myself  for  death.  I  wish  you  all  comfort ;  and  to  be  happily 
extricated  from  your  present  perplexities."  He  then  called 
for  his  chaplain,  who,  with  the  bishop  of  the  colony,  remained 
with  him  through  the  night.  He  expired  early  in  the  morning, 
dying  like  a  brave  soldier  and  a  devout  Catholic.  Never  did 
two  worthier  foes  mingle  their  life  blood  on  the  battle-field  than 
Wolfe  and  Montcalm.2 

Preparations  were  now  made  by  the  army  and  the  fleet  to 

1  Hist.  Jour,  of  Captain  John  Knox,  vol.  i.,  p.  79. 

2  Knox  ;  Hiot.  Jour.,  vol.  i.,  p.  77. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  201 

make  an  attack  on  both  upper  and  lower  town ;  but  the  spirit 
of  the  garrison  was  broken,  and  the  inhabitants  were  clamorous 
for  the  safety  of  their  wives  and  children.  On  the  17th 
of  September,  Quebec  capitulated,  and  was  taken  possession  of 
by  the  British,  who  hastened  to  put  it  in  a  complete  posture  of 
defence.  A  garrison  of  six  thousand  effective  men  was  placed 
in  it,  under  the  command  of  Brigadier-General  Murray,  and 
victualled  from  the  fleet.  General  Townshend  embarked  with 
Admiral  Saunders,  and  returned  to  England  ;  and  the  wounded 
General  Monckton  was  conveyed  to  New  York,  of  which  he 
afterward  became  governor. 

Had  Amherst  followed  up  his  success  at  Ticonderoga  the 
preceding  summer,  the  }Tear's  campaign  would  have  ended, 
as  had  been  projected,  in  the  subjugation  of  Canada.  His  cau- 
tious delay  gave  De  Levi,  the  successor  of  Montcalm,  time  to 
rally,  concentrate  the  scattered  French  forces,  and  struggle  for 
the  salvation  of  the  province. 

In  the  following  spring,  as  soon  as  the  river  St.  Lawrence 
opened,  he  approached  Quebec,  and  landed  at  Point  an  Tremble, 
about  twelve  miles  off.  The  garrison  had  suffered  dreadfully 
during  the  winter  from  excessive  cold,  want  of  vegetables  and 
of  fresh  provisions.  Many  had  died  of  scurvy,  and  many 
more  were  ill.  Murray,  sanguine  and  injudicious,  on  hearing 
that  De  Levi  was  advancing  with  ten  thousand  men,  and  five 
hundred  Indians,  sallied  out  with  his  diminished  forces  of  not 
more  than  three  thousand.  English  soldiers,  he  boasted,  were 
habituated  to  victory ;  he  had  a  fine  train  of  artillery,  and 
stood  a  better  chance  in  the  field  than  cooped  up  in  a  wretched 
fortification.  If  defeated,  he  would  defend  the  place  to  the  last 
extremity,  and  then  retreat  to  the  Isle  of  Orleans,  and  wait  for 
re-enforcements.  More  brave  than  discreet,  he  attacked  the 
vanguard  of  the  enemy  ;  the  battle  which  took  place  was  fierce 
and  sanguinary.  Murray's  troops  had  caught  his  own  head- 
long valor,  and  fought  until  near  a  third  of  their  number  were 
slain.  They  were  at  length  driven  back  into  the  town,  leaving 
their  boasted  train  of  artillery  on  the  field. 

De  Levi  opened  trenches  before  the  town  the  very  evening  of 
the  battle.  Three  French  ships,  which  had  descended  the  river, 
furnished  him  with  cannon,  mortars,  and  ammunition.  By  the 
11th  of  May,  he  had  one  bomb  battery,  and  three  batteries  of 
cannon.  Murray,  equally  alert  within  the  walls,  strengthened 
his  defences,  and  kept  up  a  vigorous  fire.  His  garrison  was 
now  reduced  to  two  hundred  and  twenty  effective  men,  and 
he  himself,  with  all  his  vaunting  spirit,  was  driven  almost  to 


202  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

despair,  when  a  British  fleet  arrived  in  the  river.  The  whole 
scene  was  now  reversed.  One  of  the  French  frigates  was 
driven  on  the  rocks  above  Cape  Diamond ;  another  ran  on 
shore,  and  was  burned ;  the  rest  of  their  vessels  were 
either  taken,  or  destroyed.  The  besieging  army  retreated  in 
the  night,  leaving  provisions,  implements,  and  artillery  behind 
them  ;  and  so  rapid  was  their  flight,  that  Murray,  who  sallied 
forth  on  the  following  day,  could  not  overtake  them. 

A  last  stand  for  the  preservation  of  the  colony  was  now 
made  by  the  French  at  Montreal,  where  De  Vaudreuil  fixed  his 
head-quarters,  fortified  himself,  and  called  in  all  possible  aid, 
Canadian  and  Indian. 

The  cautious,  but  tardy  Amherst  was  now  in  the  field  to 
carry  out  the  plan  in  which  he  had  fallen  short  in  the  previous 
year.  He  sent  orders  to  General  Murray  to  advance  by  water 
against  Montreal,  with  all  the  force  that  could  be  spared  from 
Quebec  ;  he  detached  a  body  of  troops  under  Colonel  Haviland 
from  Crown  Point,  to  cross  Lake  Champlain,  take  possession  of 
the  Isle  Aux  Noix,  and  push  on  to  the  St.  Lawrence,  while  he 
took  the  roundabout  way  with  his  main  army  by  the  Mohawk 
and  Oneida  rivers  to  Lake  Ontario ;  thence  to  descend  the  St. 
Lawrence  to  Montreal. 

Murray,  according  to  orders,  embarked  his  troops  in  a  great 
number  of  small  vessels,  and  ascended  the  river  in  character- 
istic style,  publishing  manifestoes  in  the  Canadian  villages, 
disarming  the  inhabitants,  and  exacting  the  oath  of  neutrality. 
He  looked  forward  to  new  laurels  at  Montreal,  but  the  slow 
and  sure  Amherst  had  anticipated  him.  That  worthy  general, 
after  delaying  on  Lake  Ontario  to  send  out  cruisers,  and  stop- 
ping to  repair  petty  forts' on  the  upper  part  of  the  St.  Law- 
rence, which  had  been  deserted  by  their  garrisons,  or  surrendered 
without  firing  a  gun,  arrived  on  the  6th  of  September  at  the 
island  of  Montreal,  routed  some  light  skirmishing  parties,  and 
presented  himself  before  the  town.  Vaudreuil  found  himself 
threatened  by  an  army  of  nearly  ten  thousand  men,  and  a  host 
of  Indians ;  for  Amherst  had  called  in  the  aid  of  Sir  William 
Johnson,  and  his  Mohawk  braves.  To  withstand  a  siege  in  an 
almost  open  town  against  such  superior  force,  was  out  of  the 
question ;  especially  as  Murray  from  Quebec,  and  Haviland 
from  Crown  Point,  were  at  hand  with  additional  troops.  A 
capitulation  accordingly  took  place  on  the  8th  of  September, 
including  the  surrender  not  merely  of  Montreal,  but  of  all 
Canada. 

Thus  ended  the  contest  between  France  and  England  foi 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  203 

dominion  in  America,  in  which,  as  has  been  said,  the  first  gun 
was  fired  in  Washington's  encounter  with  De  Jumonville.  A 
French  statesman  and  diplomatist  consoled  himself  by  the  per- 
suasion that  it  would  be  a  fatal  triumph  to  England.  It  would 
remove  the  only  check  by  which  her  colonies  were  kept  in  awe. 
"  They  will  no  longer  need  her  protection,"  said  he  ;  tw  she  will 
call  on  them  to  contribute  toward  supporting  the  burdens  they 
have  helped  to  bring  on  her,  and  they  will  answer  by  striking 
off  all  dependence."1 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Washington's  installation  in  the  house  of  burgesses — ins 

RURAL  LIKE MOUNT  VERNON  AND  ITS   VICINITY ARISTOCRATI- 

CAL    DAYS    OF    VIRGINIA WASHINGTON'S    MANAGEMENT    OF    HIS 

ESTATE DOMESTIC  HABITS FOX-HUNTING LORD  FAIRFAX 

FISHING     AND     DUCK-SIIOOTING THE     POACHER LYNCH     LAW 

AQUATIC    STATE LIFE  AT  ANNAPOLIS WASHINGTON  IN  THE 

DISMAL    SWAMP. 

For  three  months  after  his  marriage,  Washington  resided 
with  his  bride  at  the  "  White  House.' '  During  his  sojourn 
there,  he  repaired  to  Williamsburg,  to  take  his  seat  in  the 
House  of  Burgesses.  By  a  vote  of  the  House  it  had  been 
determined  to  greet  his  installation  by  a  signal  testimonial  of 
respect.  Accordingly,  as  soon  as  he  took  his  seat,  Mr.  Rob- 
inson, the  Speaker,  in  eloquent  language,  dictated  by  the 
warmth  of  private  friendship,  returned  thanks,  on  behalf  of  tiie 
colony,  for  the  distinguished  military  services  he  had  rendered 
to  his  country. 

Washington  rose  to  reply  ;  blushed  —  stammered  —  trembled, 
and  could  not  utter  a  word.  "  Sit  down,  Mr.  Washington," 
said  the  Speaker,  with  a  smile;  "your  modesty  equals  your 
valor,  and  that  surpasses  the  power  of  any  language  I  possess." 

Such  was  Washington's  first  launch  into  civil  life,  in  which 
he  was  to  be  distinguished  by  the  same  judgment,  devotion, 
courage,  and  magnanimity  exhibited  in  his  military  career.  He 
attended  the  House  frequently  during  the  remainder  of  the 
session,  after  which  he  conducted  his  bride  to  his  favorite 
abode  of  Mount  Vernon. 

*  Count  de  Vergeimes,  French  ambassador  at  Constantinople. 


204  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Mr.  Custis,  the  first  husband  of  Mrs.  Washington,  had  left 
large  landed  property,  and  forty- five  thousand  pounds  sterling 
in  money.  One-third  fell  to  his  widow  in  her  own  right ;  two- 
thirds  were  inherited  equally  by  her  two  children  —  a  boy  of 
six,  and  a  girl  of  four  years  of  age.  By  a  decree  of  the  Gen- 
eral Court,  Washington  was  intrusted  with  the  care  of  the 
property  inherited  by  the  children  ;  a  sacred  and  delicate  trust, 
which  he  discharged  in  the  most  faithful  and  judicious  manner ; 
becoming  more  like  a  parent  than  a  mere  guardian  to  them. 

From  a  letter  to  his  correspondent  in  England,  it  would 
appear  that  he  had  long  entertained  a  desire  to  visit  that  coun- 
try. Had  he  done  so,  his  acknowledged  merit  and  military 
services  would  have  insured  him  a  distinguished  reception  ;  aud 
it  has  been  intimated,  that  the  signal  favor  of  government 
might  have  changed  the  current  of  his  career.  We  believe  him, 
however,  to  have  been  too  pure  a  patriot,  and  too  clearly  pos- 
sessed of  the  true  interests  of  his  country,  to  be  diverted  from 
the  course  which  he  ultimately  adopted.  His  marriage,  at  any 
rate,  had  put  an  end  to  all  travelling  inclinations.  In  his  letter 
from  Mount  Vernon,  he  writes :  "lam  now,  I  believe,  fixed  in 
this  seat,  with  an  agreeable  partner  for  life,  and  I  hope  to  find 
more  happiness  in  retirement  than  I  ever  experienced  in  the 
wide  and  bustling  world." 

This  was  no  Utopian  dream  transiently  indulged,  amid  the 
charms  of  novelty.  It  was  a  deliberate  purpose  with  him,  the  re- 
sult of  innate  and  enduring  inclinations.  Throughout  the  whole 
course  of  his  career,  agricultural  life  appears  to  have  been  his 
beau  ideal  of  existence,  which  haunted  his  thoughts  even  amid 
the  stern  duties  of  the  field,  and  to  which  he  recurred  with  un- 
flagging interest  whenever  enabled  to  indulge  his  natural  bias. 

Mount  Vernon  was  his  harbor  of  repose,  where  he  repeatedly 
furled  his  sail  and  fancied  himself  anchored  for  life.  No  im- 
pulse of  ambition  tempted  him  thence  ;  nothing  but  the  call  of 
his  country,  and  his  devotion  to  the  public  good.  The.  place 
was  endeared  to  him  by  the  remembrance  of  his  brother  Law- 
rence, and  of  the  happy  days  he  had  passed  here  with  that 
brother  in  the  days  of  boyhood  ;  but  it  was  a  delightful  place  in 
itself,  and  well  calculated  to  inspire  the  rural  feeling. 

The  mansion  was  beautifully  situated  on  a  swelling  height, 
crowned  with  wood,  and  commanding  a  magnificent  view  up 
and  down  the  Potomac.  The  grounds  immediately  about  it 
were  laid  out  somewhat  in  the  English  taste.  The  estate  was 
apportioned  into  separate  farms,  devoted  to  different  kinds  of 
culture,  each  having  its  allotted  laborers.     Much,  however,  was 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  205 

still  covered  with  wild  woods,  seamed  with  deep  dells  and  runs 
of  water,  and  indented  with  inlets ;  haunts  of  deer,  and  lurking- 
places  of  foxes.  The  whole  woody  region  along  the  Potomac 
from  Mount  Vernon  to  Belvoir,  and  far  beyond,  with  its  range 
of  forests  and  hills,  and  picturesque  promontories,  afforded 
sport  of  various  kinds,  and  was  a  noble  hunting-ground.  Wash- 
ington had  hunted  through  it  with  old  Lord  Fairfax  in  his  strip- 
ling days ;  we  do  not  wonder  that  his  feelings  throughout  life 
incessantly  reverted  to  it. 

"  No  estate  in  United  America,"  observes  he,  in  one  of  his 
letters,  "is  more  pleasantly  situated.  In  a  high  and  healthy 
country  ;  in  a  latitude  between  the  extremes  of  heat  and  cold ; 
on  one  of  the  finest  rivers  in  the  world ;  a  river  well  stocked 
with  various  kinds  of  fish  at  all  seasons  of  the  year ;  and  in  the 
spring  with  shad,  herrings,  bass,  carp,  sturgeon,  etc.,  in  great 
abundance.  The  borders  of  the  estate  are  washed  by  more  than 
ten  miles  of  tide  water;  several  valuable  fisheries  appertain  to 
it:  the  whole  shore,  in  fact,  is  one  entire  fishery." 

These  were,  as  yet,  the  aristocratical  days  of  Virginia.  The 
estates  were  large,  and  continued  in  the  same  families  by  entails. 
Many  of  the  wealthy  planters  were  connected  with  old  families 
in  England.  The  young  men,  especially  the  elder  sons,  were 
often  sent  to  finish  their  education  there,  and  on  their  return 
brought  out  the  tastes  and  habits  of  the  mother  country.  The 
governors  of  Virginia  were  from  the  higher  ranks  of  society, 
and  maintained  a  corresponding  state.  The  "  established,"  or 
Episcopal  church,  predominated  throughout  the  "ancient  domin- 
ion," as  it  was  termed  ;  each  county  was  divided  into  parishes, 
as  in  England  —  each  with  its  parochial  church,  its  parsonage, 
and  glebe.  Washington  was  vestryman  of  two  parishes,  Fair- 
fax and  Truro  ;  the  parochial  church  of  the  former  was  at  Alex- 
andria, ten  miles  from  Mount  Vernon  ;  of  the  latter,  at  Pohick, 
about  seven  miles.  The  church  at  Pohick  was  rebuilt  on  a  plan 
of  his  own,  and  in  a  great  measure  at  his  expense.  At  one  or 
other  of  these  churches  he  attended  every  Sunday,  when  the 
weather  and  the  roads  permitted.  His  demeanor  was  reverential 
and  devout.  Mrs.  Washington  knelt  during  the  prayers;  he 
always  stood,  as  was  the  custom  at  that  time.  Both  were  com- 
municants. 

Among  his  occasional  visitors  and  associates  were  Captain 
Hugh  Mercer  and  Dr.  Craik ;  the  former,  after  his  narrow 
escapes  from  the  tomahawk  and  scalping-knife,  was  quietly 
settled  at  Fredericksburg  ;  the  latter,  after  the  campaigns  on  the 
frontier  were  over,  had  taken  up  his  residence  at  Alexandria 


206  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

and  was  now  Washington's  family  physician.  Both  were  drawn 
to  him  by  campaigning  ties  and  recollections,  and  were  ever 
welcome  at  Mount  Vernon. 

A  style  of  living  prevailed  among  the  opulent  Virginian 
families  in  those  days  that  has  long  since  faded  away.  The 
houses  were  spacious,  commodious,  liberal  in  all  their  appoint- 
ments, and  fitted  to  cope  with  the  free-handed,  open-hearted 
hospitality  of  the  owners.  Nothing  was  more  common  than  to 
see  handsome  services  of  plate,  elegant  equipages,  and  superb 
carriage  horses  —  all  imported  from  England. 

The  Virginians  have  always  been  noted  for  their  love  of 
horses ;  a  manly  passion  which,  in  those  days  of  opulence, 
they  indulged  without  regard  to  expense.  The  rich  planters 
vied  with  each  other  in  their  studs,  importing  the  best  English 
stocks.  Mention  is  made  of  one  of  the  Randolphs  of  Tuckahoe, 
who  built  a  stable  for  his  favorite  dapple-gray  horse,  Shake- 
speare, with  a  recess  for  the  bed  of  the  negro  groom,  who 
always  slept  beside  him  at  night. 

Washington,  by  his  marriage,  had  added  above  one  hundred 
thousand  dollars  to  his  already  considerable  fortune,  and  was 
enabled  to  live  in  ample  and  dignified  style.  His  intimacy 
with  the  Fairfaxes,  and  his  intercourse  with  British  officers  of 
rank,  had  perhaps  had  their  influence  on  his  mode  of  living. 
He  had  his  chariot  and  four,  with  black  postilions  in  livery, 
for  the  use  of  Mrs.  Washington  and  her  lady  visitors.  As  for 
himself,  he  always  appeared  on  horseback.  His  stable  was 
well  filled  and  admirably  regulated.  His  stud  was  thorough- 
bred and  in  excellent  order.  His  household  books  contain 
registers  of  the  names,  ages,  and  marks  of  his  various  horses ; 
such  as  Ajax,  Blueskin,  Valiant,  Magnolia  (an  Arab),  etc. 
Also  his  dogs,  chiefly  fox-hounds,  Vulcan,  Singer,  Ring  wood, 
Sweetlips,  Forrester,  Music,  Rockwood,  Truelove,  etc.1 

A  large  Virginia  estate,  in  those  days,  was  a  little  empire. 
The  mansion-house  was  the  seat  of  government,  with  its  numer- 
ous dependencies,  such  as   kitchens,  smoke-house,  workshops 

1  In  one  of  his  letter-books  we  find  orders  on  his  London  agent  for  riding  equip- 
ments.   For  example : 

1  Man's  riding-saddle,  hogskin  seat,  large  plated  stirrups  and  every  thing  complete. 
Double-reined  bridle  and  Pelham  bit,  plated. 

A  very  neat  and  fashionable  Newmarket  saddle-cloth. 

A  large  and  best  portmanteau,  saddle,  bridle,  and  pillion. 

Cloak-bag  surcingle ;  checked  saddle-cloth,  holsters,  etc. 

A  riding-frock  of  a  handsome  drab-colored  broadcloth,  with  plain  double  gilt  buttons. 

A  riding  waistcoat  of  superfine  scarlet  cloth  and  gold  lace,  with  buttons  like  those  ot 
the  coat. 

A  blue  surtout  coat. 

A  neat  switch  whip,  silver  cap. 

Black  velvet  cap  for  servant. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  207 

and  stables.  In  this  mansion  the  planter  ruled  supreme ;  his 
steward  or  overseer  was  his  prime  minister  and  executive 
officer ;  he  had  his  legion  of  house  negroes  for  domestic  ser- 
vice, and  his  host  of  field  negroes  for  the  culture  of  tobacco, 
Indian  corn,  and  other  crops,  and  for  other  out  of  door  labor. 
Their  quarter  formed  a  kind  of  hamlet  apart,  composed  of 
various  huts,  with  little  gardens  and  poultry  yards,  all  well 
stocked,  and  swarms  of  little  negroes  gambolling  in  the  sun- 
shine. Then  there  were  large  wooden  edifices  for  curing  tobacco, 
the  staple  and  most  profitable  production,  and  mills  for  grind- 
ing wheat  and  Indian  corn,  of  which  large  fields  were  cultivated 
for  the  supply  of  the  family  and  the  maintenance  of  the 
negroes. 

Among  the  slaves  were  artificers  of  all  kinds,  tailors,  shoe- 
makers, carpenters,  smiths,  wheelwrights,  and  so  forth ;  so 
that  a  plantation  produced  every  thing  within  itself  for  ordi- 
nary use :  as  to  articles  of  fashion  and  elegance,  luxuries,  and 
expensive  clothing,  they  were  imported  from  London  ;  for  the 
planters  on  the  main  rivers,  especially  the  Potomac,  carried 
on  an  immediate  trade  with  England.  Their  tobacco  was  put 
up  by  their  own  negroes,vbore  their  own  marks  was  shipped 
on  board  of  vessels  which  came  up  the  rivers  for  the  purpose, 
and  consigned  to  some  agent  in  Liverpool  or  Bristol,  with 
whom  the  planter  kept  an  account. 

The  Virginia  planters  were  prone  to  leave  the  care  of  their 
estates  too  much  to  their  overseers,  and  to  think  personal 
labor  a  degradation.  Washington  carried  into  his  rural  affairs 
the  same  method,  activity,  and  circumspection  that  had  dis- 
tinguished him  in  military  life.  lie  kept  his  own  accounts, 
posted  up  his  books  and  balanced  them  with  mercantile  exact- 
ness. We  have  examined  them  as  well  as  his  diaries  recording 
his  daily  occupations,  and  his  letter-books,  containing  entries 
of  shipments  of  tobacco,  and  correspondence  with  his  London  j 
agents.     They  are  monuments  of  his  business  habits.1 

The  products  of   his  estate  also  became  so  noted  for  the 

1  The  following  letter  of  Washington  to  his  London  correspondents  will  give  an  idea 
of  the  early  intercourse  of  the  Virginia  planters  with  the  mother  country. 

"  Our  goods  by  the  Liberty,  Captain  Walker,  came  to  hand  in  good  order  and  soon  after 
his  arrival,  as  they  generally  do  when  shipped  in  a  vessel  to  this  river  [the  Potomac], 
and  scarce  ever  when  they  go  to  any  others;  for  it  don't  often  happen  that  a  vessel  bound 
to  one  river  has  goods  01  any  consequence  to  another;  and  the  masters,  in  these  cases, 
keep  the  packages  till  an  accidental  conveyance  offers,  and  for  want  of  better  opportu- 
nities frequently  commit  them  to  boatmen  who  care  very  little  for  the  goods  so  they  get 
their  freight,  and  often  land  them  wherever  it  suits  their  convenience,  not  where  they 
have  engaged  to  do  so.  ...  A  ship  from  London  to  Virginia  may  be  in  Rappahannock 
or  any  of  the  other  rivers  three  months  before  I  know  any  thing  of  their  arrival,  anu 
may  make  tweuty  voyages  without  my  seeing  or  even  hearing  of  the  captain." 


208  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

faithfulness,  as  to  quality  and  quantity,  with  which  they  were 
put  up,  that  it  is  said  any  barrel  of  flour  that  bore  the  brand  of 
George  Washington,  Mount  Vernon,  was  exempted  from  the 
customary  inspection  in  the  West  India  ports.1 

He  was  an  early  riser,  often  before  daybreak  in  the  winter 
when  the  nights  were  long.  On  such  occasions  he  lit  his  own 
fire  and  wrote  or  read  by  candle-light.  He  breakfasted  at  seven 
in  summer,  at  eight  in  winter.  Two  small  cups  of  tea  and 
three  or  four  cakes  of  Indian  meal  (called  hoe  cakes),  formed 
his  frugal  repast.  Immediately  after  breakfast  he  mounted  his 
horse  and  visited  those  parts  of  the  estate  where  any  work  was 
going  on,  seeing  to  every  thing  with  his  own  eyes,  and  often 
aiding  with  his  own  hand. 

Dinner  was  served  at  two  o'clock.  He  ate  heartily,  but  was 
no  epicure,  nor  critical  about  his  food.  His  beverage  was  small 
beer  or  cider,  and  two  glasses  of  old  Madeira.  He  took  tea,  of 
which  he  was  very  fond,  early  in  the  evening,  and  retired  for 
the  night  about  nine  o'clock. 

If  confined  to  the  house  by  bad  weather,  he  took  that  occasion 
to  arrange  his  papers,  post  up  his  accounts,  or  write  letters ; 
passing  part  of  the  time  in  reading,  and  occasionally  reading 
aloud  to  the  family. 

He  treated  his  negroes  with  kindness ;  attended  to  their 
comforts  ;  was  particularly  careful  of  them  in  sickness ;  but 
never  tolerated  idleness,  and  exacted  a  faithful  performance  of 
all  their  allotted  tasks.  He  had  a  quick  eye  at  calculating  each 
man's  capabilities.  An  entry  in  his  diary  gives  a  curious  in- 
stance of  this.  Four  of  his  negroes,  employed  as  carpenters, 
were  hewing  and  shaping  timber.  It  appeared  to  him,  in  noticing 
the  amount  of  work  accomplished  between  two  succeeding 
mornings,  that  they  loitered  at  their  labor.  Sitting  down  quietly 
he  timed  their  operations ;  how  long  it  took  them  to  get  their 
cross-cut  saw  and  other  implements  ready ;  how  long  to  clear 
away  the  branches  from  the  trunk  o^a  fallen  tree  ;  how  long  to 
hew  and  saw  it ;  what  time  was  expended  in  considering  and 
consulting,  and  after  all,  how  much  work  was  effected  during 
the  time  he  looked  on.  From  this  he  made  his  computation  how 
much  they  could  execute  in  the  course  of  a  day,  working  entirely 
at  their  ease. 

At  another  time  we  find  him  working  for  a  part  of  two  days 
with  Peter,  his  smith,  to  make  a  plough  on  a  new  invention  of  his 
own.    This,  after  two  or  three  failures,  he  accomplished.    Then, 

1  Speech  of  the  Hon.  Robert  C.  "Winthrop  on  laying  the  corner-stone  of  Washing 
ton's  Monument. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  209 

with  less  than  his  usual  judgment,  he  put  his  two  chariot  horses 
to  the  plough,  and  ran  a  great  risk  of  spoiling  them,  in  giving  his 
new  invention  a  trial  over  ground  thickly  swarded. 

Anon,  during  a  thunderstorm,  a  frightened  negro  alarms  the 
house  with  word  that  the  mill  is  giving  way,  upon  which  there 
is  a  general  turn  out  of  all  the  forces,  with  Washington  at  their 
head,  wheeling  and  shovelling  gravel,  during  a  pelting  rain,  to 
check  the  rushing  water. 

Washington  delighted  in  the  chase.  In  the  hunting  season, 
when  he  rode  out  early  in  the  morning  to  visit  distant  parts  of 
the  estate,  where  work  was  going  on,  he  often  took  some  of  the 
dogs  with  him  for  the  chance  of  starting  a  fox,  which  he  occa- 
sionally did,  though  he  was  not  always  successful  in  killing  him. 
He  was  a  bold  rider  and  an  admirable  horseman,  though  he 
never  claimed  the  merit  of  being  an  accomplished  fox-hunter. 
In  the  height  of  the  season,  however,  he  would  be  out  with  the 
fox-hounds  two  or  three  times  a  week,  accompanied  by  his 
guests  at  Mount  Vernon  and  the  gentlemen  of  the  neighbor- 
hood, especially  the  Fairfaxes  of  Belvoir,  of  which  estate  his 
friend  George  William  Fairfax  was  now  the  proprietor.  On 
such  occasions  there  would  be  a  hunting  dinner  at  one  or  other 
of  those  establishments,  at  which  convivial  repasts  Washington 
is  said  to  have  enjoyed  himself  with  unwonted  hilarity. 

Now  and  then  his  old  friend  and  instructor  in  the  noble  art 
of  venery,  Lord  Fairfax,  would  be  on  a  visit  to  his  relatives  at 
Belvoir,  and  then  the  hunting  was  kept  up  with  unusual  spirit.1 

His  lordship,  however,  since  the  alarms  of  Indian  war  had 
ceased,  lived  almost  entirely  at  Greeuway  Court,  where  Wash- 
ington was  occasionally  a  guest,  when  called  by  public  business 
to  Winchester.  Lord  Fairfax  had  made  himself  a  favorite 
throughout  the  neighborhood.  As  lord-lieutenant  and  custos 
rotulorum  of  Frederick  county,  he  presided  at  county  courts 
held  at  Winchester,  where,  during  the  sessions,  he  kept  open 
table.  He  acted  also  as  surveyor  and  overseer  of  the  public 
roads  and  highways,  and  was  unremitting  in  his  exertions  and 
plans  for  the  improvement  of  the  country.  Hunting,  however, 
was  his  passion.  When  the  sport  was  poor  near  home,  he  would 
take  his  hounds  to  a  distant  part  of   the   country,   establish 

1  Hunting  memoranda  from  Washington's  journal,  Mount  Vernon. 

Nov.  22. —  Hunting  with  Lord  Fairfax  and  his  brother,  and  Colonel  Fairfax. 

Nov.  25.  —  Mr.  Bryan  Fairfax,  Mr.  Grayson,  and  Phil.  Alexander  came  here  by  sun- 
rise. Hunted  and  catched  a  fox  with  these,  Lord  Fairfax,  his  brother,  and  Col.  Fairfax, 
—  all  of  whom,  with  Mr.  Fairfax  and  Mr.  Wilson  of  England,  dined  here.  26th  and 
29th.  —  Hunted  again  with  the  same  company. 

Dec.  5. —  Fox-hunting  with  Lord  Fairfax,  and  his  brother,  and  Colonel  Fairfax 
Started  a  fox  and  lost  it.     Dined  at  Belvoir,  and  returned  in  the  eveuing. 


UNIVERSITY 


210  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

himself  at  an  inn,  and  keep  open  house  and  open  table  to  every 
person  of  good  character  and  respectable  appearance  who  chose 
to  join  him  in  following  the  hounds. 

It  was  probably  in  quest  of  sport  of  the  kind  that  he  now 
and  then,  in  the  hunting  season,  revisited  his  old  haunts  and 
former  companions  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac,  and  then  the 
beautiful  woodland  region  about  Belvoir  and  Mount  Vernon 
was  sure  to  ring  at  early  morn  with  the  inspiring  music  of  the 
hound. 

The  waters  of  the  Potomac  also  afforded  occasional  amuse- 
ment in  fishing  and  shooting.  The  fishing  was  sometimes  on 
a  grand  scale,  when  the  herrings  came  up  the  river  in  shoals, 
iind  the  negroes  of  Mount  Vernon  were  marshalled  forth  to  draw 
ihe  seine,  which  was  generally  done  with  great  success.  Canvas- 
back  ducks  abounded  at  the  proper  season,  and  the  shooting  of 
them  was  one  of  Washington's  favorite  recreations.  The  river 
border  of  his  domain,  however,  was  somewhat  subject  to  inva- 
sion. An  0}Tsterman  once  anchored  his  craft  at  the  landing- 
place,  and  disturbed  the  quiet  of  the  neighborhood  by  the 
insolent  and  disorderly  conduct  of  himself  and  crew.  It  took 
a  campaign  of  three  days  to  expel  these  invaders  from  the 
premises. 

A  more  summary  course  was  pursued  with  another  interloper. 
This  was  a  vagabond  who  infested  the  'creeks  and  inlets  which 
bordered  the  estate,  lurking  in  a  canoe  among  the  reeds  and 
bushes,  and  making  great  havoc  among  the  canvas-back  ducks. 
He  had  been  warned  off  repeatedly,  but  without  effect.  As 
Washington  was  one  day  riding  about  the  estate  he  heard  the 
report  of  a  gun  from  the  margin  of  the  river.  Spurring  in  that 
direction,  he  dashed  through  the  bushes  and  came  upon  the 
culprit  just  as  he  was  pushing  his  canoe  from  shore.  The  lat- 
ter raised  his  gun  with  a  menacing  look  ;  but  Washington  rode 
into  the  stream,  seized  the  painter  of  the  canoe,  drew  it  to 
shore,  sprang  from  his  horse,  wrested  the  gun  from  the  -hands 
of  the  astonished  delinquent,  and  inflicted  on  him  a  lesson  in 
"Lynch  law"  that  effectually  cured  him  of  all  inclination  to 
trespass  again  on  these  forbidden  shores. 

The  Potomac,  in  the  palmy  days  of  Virginia,  was  occasion- 
ally the  scene  of  a  little  aquatic  state  and  ostentation  among 
the  rich  planters  who  resided  on  its  banks.  They  had  beautiful 
barges,  which,  like  their  land  equipages,  were  imported  from 
England  ;  and  mention  is  made  of  a  Mr.  Digges  who  always  re- 
ceived Washington  in  his  barge,  rowed  by  six  negroes,  arrayed 
in  a  kind  of  uniform  of  check  shirts  and  black  velvet  caps.     At 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  211 

one  time,  according  to  notes  in  Washington's  diary,  the  whole 
neighborhood  is  thrown  into  a  paroxysm  of  festivity,  by  the 
anchoring  of  a  British  frigate  (the  Boston)  in  the  river,  jnst  in 
front  of  the  hospitable  mansion  of  the  Fairfaxes.  A  succes- 
sion of  dinners  and  breakfasts  takes  place  at  Mount  Vernon 
and  Belvoir,  with  occasional  tea  parties  on  board  of  the  frigate. 
The  commander,  Sir  Thomas  Adams,  his  officers,  and  his  mid- 
shipmen, are  cherished  guests,  and  have  the  freedom  of  botli 
establishments. 

Occasionally  he  and  Mrs.  Washington  would  pay  a  visit  to 
Annapolis,  at  that  time  the  seat  of  government  of  Maryland, 
and  partake  of  the  gayeties  which  prevailed  daring  the  session 
of  the  Legislature.  The  society  of  these  seats  of  provincial 
governments  was  always  polite  and  fashionable,  and  more  ex- 
clusive than  in  these  republican  days,  being,  in  a  manner,  the 
outposts  of  the  English  aristocracy,  where  all  places  of  dignity 
or  profit  were  secured  for  younger  sons,  and  poor,  but  proud 
relatives.  During  the  session  of  the  Legislature,  dinners  and 
balls  abounded,  and  there  were  occasional  attempts  at  theatri- 
cals. The  latter  was  an  amusement  for  which  Washington 
always  had  a  relish,  though  he  never  had  an  opportunity  of 
gratifying  it  effectually.  Neither  was  he  disinclined  to  mingle 
in  the  dance,  and  we  remember  to  have  heard  venerable  ladies, 
who  had  been  belles  in  his  day,  pride  themselves  on  having 
had  him  for  a  partner,  though,  they  added,  he  was  apt  to  be 
a  ceremonious  and  grave  one.1 

In  this  round  of  rural  occupation,  rural  amusements,  and  social 
intercourse,  Washington  passed  several  tranquil  years,  the  hal- 
cj'on  season  of  his  life.  His  already  established  reputation  drew 
many  visitors  to  Mount  Vernon  ;  some  of  his  early  companions 
in  arms  were  his  occasional  guests,  and  his  friendships  and 
connections  linked  him  with  some  of  the  most  prominent 
and  worthy  people  of  the  country,  who  were  sure  to  be  received 
with  cordial,  but  simple  and  unpretending  hospitality.  His 
marriage  was  unblessed  with  children ;  but  those  of  Mrs. 
Washington  experienced  from  him  parental  care  and  affec- 
tion, and  the  formation  of  their  minds  and  manners  was  one 

1  We  have  had  an  amusing  picture  of  Annapolis,  as  it  was  at  this  period,  furnished 
to  us,  some  years  since  by  an  octogenarian  who  had  resided  there  in  his  boyhood.  "  In 
those  parts  of  the  country,"  said  he,  "  where  the  roads  were  too  rough  for  carriages,  the 
ladies  used  to  ride  on  ponies,  followed  by  black  servants  on  horseback;  in  this  way  his 
mother,  then  advanced  in  life,  used  to  travel,  in  a  scarlet  cloth  riding  habit,  which  she 
had  procured  from  England.  Nay,  in  this  way,  on  emergencies,"  he  added,  "  the  young 
ladies  from  the  country  used  to  come  to  the  balls  at  Annapolis,  riding  with  their  hoops 
arranged  '  fore  and  aft'  like  lateeu  sails;  and  after  dancing  all  night,  would  ride  home 
again  in  the  morning." 


212  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

of  the  dearest  objects  of  his  attention.  His  domestic  concerns 
and  social  enjoyments,  however,  were  not  permitted  to  inter- 
fere with  his  public  duties.  He  was  active  by  nature,  and 
eminently  a  man  of  business  by  habit.  As  judge  of  the  county 
court,  and  member  of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  he  had  numer- 
ous calls  upon  his  time  and  thoughts,  and  was  often  drawn 
from  home ;  for  whatever  trust  he  undertook,  he  was  sure  to 
fulfil  with  scrupulous  exactness. 

About  this  time  we  find  him  engaged,  with  other  men  of 
enterprise,  in  a  project  to  drain  the  great  Dismal  Swamp,  and 
render  it  capable  of  cultivation.  This  vast  morass  was  about 
thirty  miles  long,  and  ten  miles  wide,  and  its  interior  but  little 
known.  With  his  usual  zeal  and  hardihood  he  explored  it  on 
horseback  and  on  foot.  In  many  parts  it  was  covered  with 
dark  and  gloomy  woods  of  cedar,  cypress,  and  hemlock,  or 
deciduous  trees,  the  branches  of  which  were  hung  with  long 
drooping  moss.  Other  parts  were  almost  inaccessible,  from 
the  density  of  brakes  and  thickets,  entangled  with  vines,  briers, 
and  creeping  plants,  and  intersected  by  creeks  and  standing 
pools.  Occasionally  the  soil,  composed  of  dead  vegetable  fibre, 
was  over  his  horse's  fetlocks,  and  sometimes  he  had  to  dis- 
mount and  make  his  way  on  foot  over  a  quaking  bog  that 
shook  beneath  his  tread. 

In  the  centre  of  the  morass  he  came  to  a  great  piece  of 
water,  six  miles  long,  and  three  broad,  called  Drummond's 
Pond,  but  more  poetically  celebrated  as  the  Lake  of  the  Dis- 
mal Swamp.  It  was  more  elevated  than  any  other  part  of 
the  swamp,  and  capable  of  feeding  canals,  In-  wrhich  the  whole 
might  be  traversed.  Having  made  the  circuit  of  it,  and  noted 
all  its  characteristics,  he  encamped  for  the  night  upon  the  firm 
land  which  bordered  it,  and  finished  his  explorations  on  the 
following  day. 

In  the  ensuing  session  of  the  Virginia  Legislature,  the  asso- 
ciation in  behalf  of  which  he  had  acted,  was  chartered  under 
the  name  of  the  Dismal  Swamp  Company ;  and  to  his  obser- 
vations and  forecast  may  be  traced  the  subsequent  improvement 
and  prosperity  of  that  once  desolate  region. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  213 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

TREATY   OF    PEACE  —  PONTIAC's  WAR COURSE    OF  PUBLIC  EVENTS 

BOARD    OF   TRADE    AGAINST    PAPER    CURRENCY RESTRICTIVE 

POLICY     OF     ENGLAND NAVIGATION      LAWS DISCONTENTS      IN 

NEW  ENGLAND OF  THE  OTHER  COLONIES PROJECTS  TO  RAISE 

REVENUE    BY   TAXATION BLOW    AT  THE    INDEPENDENCE  OF  THE 

JUDICIARY NAVAL    COMMANDERS    EMPLOYED    AS  CUSTOM  DOUSE 

OFFICERS RETALIATION     OF     THE     COLONISTS TAXATION     RE- 
SISTED   IN    BOSTON PASSING    OF    THE    STAMP    ACT BURST    OF 

OPPOSITION    IN    VIRGINIA SPEECH    OF    PATRICK    HENRY. 

Tidings  of  peace  gladdened  the  colonies  in  the  spring  of 
1763.  The  definitive  treaty  between  England  and  France  had 
been  signed  at  Fontainblean.  Now,  it  was  trusted,  there  would 
be  an  end  to  those  horrid  ravages  that  had  desolated  the  inte- 
rior of  the  country.  "The  desert  and  the  silent  place  would 
rejoice,  and  the  wilderness  would  blossom  like  the  rose." 

The  month  of  May  proved  the  fallacy  of  such  hopes.  In 
that  month  the  famous  insurrection  of  the  Indian  tribes  broke 
out,  which,  from  the  name  of  the  chief  who  was  its  prime 
mover  and  master  spirit,  is  commonly  called  Pontiac's  war. 
The  Delawares  and  Shawnees,  and  other  of  those  emigrant 
tribes  of  the  Ohio,  among  whom  Washington  had  mingled, 
were  foremost  in  this  conspiracy.  Some  of  the  chiefs  who  had 
been  his  allies,  had  now  taken  up  the  hatchet  against  the 
English.  The  plot  was  deep  laid,  and  conducted  with  Indian 
craft  and  secrecy.  At  a  concerted  time  an  attack  was  made 
upon  all  the  posts  from  Detroit  to  Fort  Pitt  (late  Fort  Du- 
quesne) .  Several  of  the  small  stockaded  forts,  the  places  of 
refuge  of  woodland  neighborhoods,  were  surprised  and  sacked 
with  remorseless  butchery.  The  frontiers  of  Pennsylvania, 
Maryland,  and  Virginia,  were  laid  waste  ;  traders  in  the  wilder- 
ness were  plundered  and  slain  ;  hamlets  and  farmhouses  were 
wrapped  in  flames,  and  their  inhabitants  massacred.  Shingiss, 
with  his  Delaware  warriors,  blockaded  Fort  Pitt,  which,  for 
some  time,  was  in  imminent  danger.  Detroit,  also,  came  near 
falling  into  the  hands  of  the  savages.  It  needed  all  the  influ- 
ence of  Sir  William  Johnson,  that  potentate  in  savage  life,  to 
keep  the  Six  Nations  from  joining  this  formidable  conspiracy  ; 
had  the}-  done  so,  the  triumph  of  the  tomahawk  and  scalping 
knife  would  have  been  complete;  as  it  was,   a  considerable 


214  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

time  elapsed  before  the  frontier  was  restored  to  tolerable  tran- 
quillity. 

Fortunately,  Washington's  retirement  from  the  army  pre- 
vented his  being  entangled  in  this  savage  war,  which  raged 
throughout  the  regions  he  had  repeatedly  visited,  or  rather  his 
active  spirit  had  been  diverted  into  a  more  peaceful  channel, 
for  he  was  at  this  time  occupied  in  the  enterprise  just  noticed, 
for  draining  the  great  Dismal  Swamp. 

Public  events  were  now  taking  a  tendenc}T  which,  without 
any  political  aspiration  or  forethought  of  his  own,  was  destined 
gradually  to  bear  him  away  from  his  quiet  home  and  individual 
pursuits,  and  launch  him  upon  a  grander  and  wider  sphere  of 
action  than  any  in  which  he  had  hitherto  been  engaged. 

The  prediction  of  the  Count  de  Vergennes  was  in  the  pro- 
cess of  fulfilment.  The  recent  war  of  Great  Britain  for  do- 
minion in  America,  though  crowned  with  success,  had  engendered 
a  progeny  of  discontents  in  her  colonies.  Washington  was 
among  the  first  to  perceive  its  bitter  fruits.  British  merchants 
had  complained  loudly  of  losses  sustained  by  the  depreciation 
of  the  colonial  paper,  issued  during  the  late  war,  in  times  of 
emergency,  and  had  addressed  a  memorial  on  the  subject  to  the 
Board  of  Trade.  Scarce  was  peace  concluded,  when  an  order 
from  the  board  declared  that  no  paper,  issued  by  colonial 
Assemblies,  should  thenceforward  be  a  legal  tender  in  the  pay- 
ment of  debts.  Washington  deprecated  this  tc  stir  of  the 
merchants,"  as  peculiarly  ill-timed  ;  and  expressed  an  appre- 
hension that  the  orders  in  question  "  would  set  the  whole 
country  in  flames." 

We  do  not  profess,  in  this  personal  memoir,  to  enter  into  a 
wide  scope  of  general  history,  but  shall  content  ourselves  with 
a  glance  at  the  circumstances  and  events  which  gradually 
kindled  the  conflagration  thus  apprehended  by  the  anxious  mind 
of  Washington. 

Whatever  might  be  the  natural  affection  of  the  colonies  for 
the  mother  country  —  and  there  are  abundant  evidences  to 
prove  that  it  was  deep-rooted  and  strong  —  it  had  never  been 
properly  reciprocated.  They  yearned  to  be  considered  as 
children  ;  they  were  treated  by  her  as  changelings.  Burke  tes- 
tifies that  her  policy  toward  them  from  the  beginning  had  been 
purely  commercial,  and  her  commercial  policy  wholly  restrictive. 
"  It  was  the  system  of  a  monopoly." 

Her  navigation  laws  had  shut  their  ports  against  foreign 
vessels  ;  obliged  them  to  export  their  productions  only  to  coun- 
tries belonging  to  the  British  crown  ;  to  import  European  goods 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  215 

solely  from  England,  and  in  English  ships ;  and  had  subjected 
the  trade  between  the  colonies  to  duties.  All  manufactures, 
too,  in  the  colonies  that  might  interfere  with  those  of  the  mother 
country  had  been  either  totally  prohibited,  or  subjected  to 
intolerable  restraints. 

The  acts  of  Parliament,  imposing  these  prohibitions  and 
restrictions,  had  at  various  times  produced  sore  discontent 
and  opposition  on  the  part  of  the  colonies,  especially  among  those 
of  New  England.  The  interests  of  these  last  were  chiefly  com- 
mercial, and  among  them  the  republican  spirit  predominated. 
They  had  sprung  into  existence  during  that  part  of  the  reign 
of  James  I.  when  disputes  ran  high  about  kingly  prerogative 
and  popular  privilege. 

The  Pilgrims,  as  they  styled  themselves,  who  founded  Plym- 
outh Colony  in  1620,  had  been  incensed  while  in  England  by 
what  they  stigmatized  as  the  oppressions  of  the  monarchy  and 
the  established  church.  They  had  sought  the  wilds  of  America 
for  the  indulgence  of  freedom  of  opinion,  and  had  brought  with 
them  the  spirit  of  independence  and  self-government.  Those 
who  followed  them  in  the  reign  of  Charles  I.  were  imbued  with 
the  same  spirit,  and  gave  a  lasting  character  to  the  people  of 
New  England. 

Other  colonies,  having  been  formed  under  other  circumstances, 
might  be  inclined  toward  a  monarchical  government  and  dis- 
posed to  acquiesce  in  its  exactions  ;  but  the  republican  spirit 
was  ever  alive  in  New  England,  watching  over  "  natural  and 
chartered  rights,"  and  prompt  to  defend  them  against  any 
infringement.  Its  example  and  instigation  had  gradually  an 
effect  on  the  other  colonics,  a  general  impatience  was  evinced 
from  time  to  time  of  parliamentary  interference  in  colonial 
affairs,  and  a  disposition  in  the  various  provincial  Legislatures 
to  think  and  act  for  themselves  in  matters  of  civil  and  religious, 
as  well  as  commercial. polity. 

There  was  nothing,  however,  to  which  the  jealous  sensi- 
bilities of  the  colonies  were  more  alive  than  to  any  attempt  of 
the  mother  country  to  draw  a  revenue  from  them  b}T  taxation. 
From  the  earliest  period  of  their  existence,  they  had  maintained 
the  principle  that  they  could  only  be  taxed  by  a  Legislature  in 
which  they  were  represented.  Sir  Robert  Walpole,  when  at 
the  head  of  the  British  government,  was  aware  of  their  jealous 
sensibility  on  this  point,  and  cautious  of  provoking  it.  When 
American  taxation  was  suggested,  "it  must  be  a  bolder  man 
than  himself,"  he  replied,  "  and  one  less  fricn  Uy  to  commerce, 
who  should  venture  on  such  an  expedient.     For  his    part,  he 


216  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

would  encourage  the  trade  of  the  colonies  to  the  utmost ;  one 
half  of  the  profits  would  be  sure  to  come  into  the  royal  ex- 
chequer through  the  increased  demand  for  British  manufactures. 
This,"  said  he,  sagaciously,  "is  taxing  them  more  agreeably 
to  their  own  constitution  and  laivs." 

Subsequent  ministers  adopted  a  widely  different  policy. 
During  the  progress  of  the  French  war,  various  projects  were 
discussed  in  England  with  regard  to  the  colonies,  which  were  to 
be  carried  into  effect  on  the  return  of  peace.  The  open  avowal 
of  some  of  these  plans,  and  vague  rumors  of  others,  more  than 
ever  irritated  the  jealous  feelings  of  the  colonists,  and  put  the 
dragon  spirit  of  New  England  on  .the  alert. 

In  1760,  there  was  an  attempt  in  Boston  to  collect  duties  on 
foreign  sugar  and  molasses  imported  into  the  colonies.  Writs 
of  assistance  were  applied  for  by  the  custom-house  officers, 
authorizing  them  to  break  open  ships,  stores,  and  private  dwell- 
ings, in  quest  of  articles  that  had  paid  no  duty ;  and  to  call  the 
assistance  of  others  in  the  discharge  of  their  odious  task.  The 
merchants  opposed  the  execution  of  the  writ  on  constitutional 
grounds.  The  question  was  argued  in  court,  where  James  Otis 
spoke  so  eloquently  in  vindication  of  American  rights,  that  all 
his  hearers  went  away  ready  to  take  arms  against  writs  of  assist- 
ance. "  Then  and  there,"  says  John  Adams,  who  was  present, 
"  was  the  first  scene  of  opposition  to  the  arbitrary  claims  of 
Great  Britain.  Then  and  there  American  Independence  was 
born." 

Another  ministerial  measure  was  to  instruct  the  provincial 
governors  to  commission  judges.  Not  as  theretofore  "  during 
good  behavior,"  but  "  during  the  king's  pleasure."  New  York 
was  the  first  to  resent  this  blow  at  the  independence  of  the  judi- 
ciary. The  lawyers  appealed  to  the  public  through  the  press 
against  an  act  which  subjected  the  halls  of  justice  to  the  prerog- 
ative. Their  appeals  were  felt  be}Tond  the  bounds  of  the  prov- 
ince, and  awakened  a  general  spirit  of  resistance. 

Thus  matters  stood  at  the  conclusion  of  the  war.  One  of  the 
first  measures  of  ministers,  on  the  return  of  peace,  was  to  enjoin 
on  all  naval  officers  stationed  on  the  coasts  of  the  American  colo- 
nies the  performance,  under  oath,  of  the  duties  of  custom-house 
officers,  for  the  suppression  of  smuggling.  This  fell  ruinously 
upon  a  clandestine  trade  which  had  long  been  connived  at  be- 
tween the  English  and  Spanish  colonies,  profitable  to  both,  but 
especially  to  the  former,  and  beneficial  to  the  mother  country, 
opening  a  market  to  her  manufactures. 

"Men-of-war,"  says  Burke,  "were  for  the  first  time  armed 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  217 

with  the  regular  commissions  of  custom-house  officers,  invested 
the  coasts,  and  gave  the  collection  of  revenue  the  air  of  hostile 
contribution.  .  .  .  They  fell  so  indiscriminately  on  all  sorts  of 
contraband,  or  supposed  contraband,  that  some  of  the  most 
valuable  branches  of  trade  were  driven  violently  from  our  ports, 
which  caused  an  universal  consternation  throughout  the  col- 
onies." 1 

As  a  measure  of  retaliation,  the  colonists  resolved  not  to 
purchase  British  fabrics,  but  to  clothe  themselves  as  much  as 
possible  in  home  manufactures.  The  demand  for  British  goods 
in  Boston  alone  was  diminished  upward  of  £10,000  sterling  in 
the  course  of  a  year. 

In  1764,  George  Grenville,  now  at  the  head  of  government, 
ventured  upon  the  policy  from  which  Walpole  had  so  wisely 
abstained.  Early  in  March  the  eventful  question  was  debated, 
tw  whether  they  had  a  right  to  tax  America."  It  was  decided 
in  the  affirmative.  Next  followed  a  resolution,  declaring  it 
proper  to  charge  certain  stamp  duties  in  the  colonies  and  plan- 
tations, but  no  immediate  step  was  taken  to  carry  it  into  effect. 
Mr.  Grenville,  however,  gave  notice  to  the  American  agents  in 
London,  that  he  should  introduce  such  a  measure  on  the  ensuing 
session  of  Parliament.  In  the  mean  time  Parliament  perpetu- 
ated certain  duties  on  sugar  and  molasses  —  heretofore  subjects 
of  complaint  and  opposition  — now  reduced  and  modified  so  as 
to  discourage  smuggling,  and  thereby  to  render  them  more  pro- 
ductive. Duties,  also,  were  imposed  on  other  articles  of  foreign 
produce  or  manufacture  imported  into  the  colonies.  To  recon- 
cile the  latter  to  these  impositions,  it  was  stated  that  the  revenue 
thus  raised  was  to  be  appropriated  to  their  protection  and  se- 
curity ;  in  other  words,  to  the  support  of  a  standing  army, 
intended  to  be  quartered  upon  them. 

We  have  here  briefly  stated  but  a  part  of  what  Burke  terms  an 
4 '  infinite  variety  of  paper  chains,"  extending  through  no  less 
than  twenty-nine  acts  of  Parliament,  from  1GG0  to  1764,  by 
which  the  colonies  had  been  held  in  thraldom. 

The  New  Englanders  were  the  first  to  take  the  field  against 
the  project  of  taxation.  They  denounced  it  as  a  violation  of  their 
rights  as  freemen  ;  of  their  chartered  rights,  by  which  they  were 
to  tax  themselves  for  their  support  and  defence  ;  of  their  rights 
as  British  subjects,  who  ought  not  to  be  taxed  but  b}r  themselves 
or  their  representatives.  They  sent  petitions  and  remonstrances 
on  the  subject  to  the  king,  the  lords  and  the  commons,  in  which 

1  Burke  on  the  state  of  the  nation. 


218  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

they  were  seconded  by  New  York  and  Virginia.  Franklin  ap- 
peared in  London  at  the  head  of  agents  from  Pennsylvania, 
Connecticut  and  South  Carolina,  to  deprecate,  in  person,  meas- 
ures so  fraught  with  mischief.  The  most  eloquent  arguments 
were  used  by  British  orators  and  statesmen  to  dissuade  Grenville 
from  enforcing  them.  He  was  warned  of  the  sturdy  independ- 
ence of  the  colonists,  and  the  spirit  of  resistance  he  might  pro- 
voke. All  was  in  vain.  Grenville,  "great  in  daring  and  little 
in  views,"  says  Horace  Walpole,  u  was  charmed  to  have  an 
untrodden  field  before  him  of  calculation  and  experiment."  In 
March,  17G5,  the  act  was  passed,  according  to  which  all  instru- 
ments in  writing  were  to  be  executed  on  stamped  paper,  to  be 
purchased  from  the  agents  of  the  British  government.  What 
was  more  :  all  offences  against  the  act  could  be  tried  in  any 
royal,  marine  or  admiralty  court  throughout  the  colonies,  however 
distant  from  the  place  where  the  offence  had  been  committed ; 
thus  interfering  with  that  most  inestimable  right,  a  trial  by 
jury. 

It  was  an  ominous  sign  that  the  first  burst  of  opposition  to 
this  act  should  take  place  in  Virginia.  That  colony  had  hitherto 
been  slow  to  accord  with  the  republican  spirit  of  New  England. 
Founded  at  an  earlier  period  of  the  reign  of  James  I.,  before 
kingly  prerogative  and  ecclesiastical  supremacy  had  been  made 
matters  of  doubt  and  fierce  dispute,  it  had  grown  up  in  loyal 
attachment  to  king,  church,  and  constitution  ;  was  aristocratical 
in  its  tastes  and  habits,  and  had  been  remarked  above  all  the  other 
colonies  for  its  sympathies  with  the  mother  country.  More- 
over, it  had  not  so  many  pecuniary  interests  involved  in  these 
questions  as  had  the  people  of  New  England,  being  an  agricul- 
tural rather  than  a  commercial  province  ;  but  the  Virginians 
are  of  a  quick  and  generous  spirit,  readily  aroused  on  all  points 
of  honorable  pride,  and  they  resented  the  stamp  act  as  an 
outrage  on  their  rights. 

Washington  occupied  his  seat  in  the  House  of  Burgesses, 
when,  on  the  29th  of  May,  the  stamp  act  became  a  subject  of 
discussion.  We  have  seen  no  previous  opinions  of  his  on  the 
subject.  His  correspondence  hitherto  had  not  turned  on  polit- 
ical or  speculative  themes ;  being  engrossed  by  either  military 
or  agricultural  matters,  and  evincing  little  anticipation  of  the 
vortex  of  public  duties  into  which  he  was  about  to  be  drawn. 
All  his  previous  conduct  and  writings  show  a  loyal  devotion  to 
the  crown,  with  a  patriotic  attachment  to  his  country.  It  is 
probable  that  on  the  present  occasion  that  latent  patriotism 
i-eceived  its  first  electric  shock. 


BENJAMIN    FRANKLINv 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  219 

Among  the  Burgesses  sat  Patrick  Henry,  a  young  lawyer  who 
had  recently  distinguished  himself  by  pleading  against  the  exer- 
cise of  the  royal  prerogative  in  church  matters,  and  who  was 
now  for  the  first  time  a  member  of  the  House.  Rising  in  his 
place,  he  introduced  his  celebrated  resolutions,  declaring  that 
the  General  Assembly  of  Virginia  had  the  exclusive  right  and 
power  to  lay  taxes  and  impositions  upon  the  inhabitants,  and 
that  whoever  maintained  the  contrary  should  be  deemed  an  enemy 
to  the  colony. 

The  Speaker,  Mr.  Robinson,  objected  to  the  resolutions,  as 
inflammatory.-  Henry  vindicated  them,  as  justified  by  the 
nature  of  the  case  ;  went  into  an  able  and  constitutional  dis- 
cussion of  colonial  rights,  and  an  eloquent  exposition  of  the 
manner  in  which  they  had  been  assailed  ;  wound  up  by  one  of 
those  daring  flights  of  declamation  for  which  he  was  remarkable, 
and  startled  the  House  by  a  warning  flash  from  history  :  "  Caesar 
had  his  Brutus ;  Charles  his  Cromwell,  and  George  the  Third 
—  ('Treason!  treason!'  resounded  from  the  neighborhood 
of  the  Chair)  — may  profit  by  their  examples,"  added  Henry. 
"  Sir,  if  this  be  treason  (bowing  to  the  speaker),  make  the 
most  of  it !  " 

The  resolutions  were  modified,  to  accommodate  them  to  the 
scruples  of  the  speaker  and  some  of  the  members,  but  their 
spirit  was  retained.  The  Lieutenant-Governor  (Fauquier), 
startled  by  this  patriotic  outbreak,  dissolved  the  Assembly, 
and  issued  writs  for  a  new  election ;  but  the  clarion  had 
sounded.  "  The  resolves  of  the  Assembly  qf  Virginia,"  says 
a  correspondent  of  the  ministry,  "  gave  the  signal  for  a  gen- 
eral outcry  over  the  continent.  The  movers  and  supporters 
of  them  were  applauded  as  the  protectors  and  asserters  of 
American  liberty."  1 

1  Letter  to  Secretary  Conway,  New  York,  September  23.  —Parliamentary  Register. 


220  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Washington's  ideas  concerning  the  stamp  act  —  opposition  to 

it  in  the  colonies portentous  ceremonies  at  boston  and 

new  york non-importation  agreement  among  the  mer- 
chants   washington   and    george   mason dismissal    of 

grenville  from  the  british  cabinet franklin  before  the 

house   of  commons repeal   of  the   stamp   act joy  of 

washington fresh  causes  of  colonial  dissensions cir- 
cular of  the  general  court  of  massachusetts embarka- 
tion of  troops  for  boston measures  of  the  bostonians. 

Washington  returned  to  Mount  Vernon  full  of  anxious 
thoughts  inspired  by  the  political  events  of  the  day,  and  the 
legislative  scene  which  he  witnessed.  His  recent  letters  had 
spoken  of  the  state  of  peaceful  tranquillity  in  which  he  was  liv- 
ing ;  those  now  written  from  his  rural  home  show  that  he  fully 
participated  in  the  popular  feeling,  and  that  while  he  had  a 
presentiment  of  an  arduous  struggle,  his  patriotic  mind  was  re- 
volving means  of  coping  with  it.  Such  is  the  tenor  of  a  letter 
written  to  his  wife's  uncle,  Francis  Dandridge,  then  in  London. 
"  The  stamp  act,"  said  he,  "  engrosses  the  conversation  of  the 
speculative  part  of  the  colonists,  who  look  upon  this  unconstitu- 
tional method  of  taxation  as  a  direful  attack  upon  their  liber- 
ties, and  loudly  exclaim  against  the  violation.  What  may  be 
the  result  of  this,  and  of  some  other  (I  think  I  may  add  ill- 
judged)  measures,  I  will  not  undertake  to  determine ;  but  this 
I  ma}7  venture  to  affirm,  that  the  advantage  accruing  to  the 
mother  country  will  fall  greatly  short  of  the  expectation  of  the 
ministry  ;  for  certain  it  is,  that  our  whole  substance  already  in 
a  manner  flows  to  Great  Britain,  and  that  whatsoever  contributes 
to  lessen  our  importations  must  be  hurtful  to  her  manufactures.- 
The  eyes  of  our  people  already  begin  to  be  opened ;  and  they 
will  perceive,  that  many  luxuries,  for  which  we  lavish  our  sub- 
stance in  Great  Britain,  can  well  be  dispensed  with.  This, 
consequently,  will  introduce  frugality,  and  be  a  necessary  incite- 
ment to  industry.  ..."  As  to  the  stamp  act,  regarded  in  a  sin- 
gle view,  one  of  the  first  bad  consequences  attending  it  is,  thut 
our  courts  of  judicature  must  inevitably  be  shut  up  ;  for  it  is 
impossible,  or  next  to  impossible,  under  our  present  circum- 
stances, that  the  act  of  Parliament  can  be  complied  with,  were 
we  ever  so  willing  to  enforce  its  execution.     And  not  to  say 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  221 

(which  alone  would  be  sufficient)  that  we  have  not  money 
enough  to  pay  for  the  stamps,  there  are  many  other  cogent 
reasons  which  prove  that  it  would  be  ineffectual." 

A  letter  of  the  same  date  to  his  agents  in  London,  of  ample 
length  and  minute  in  all  its  details,  shows  that,  while  deeply 
interested  in  the  course  of  public  affairs,  his  practical  mind  was 
enabled  thoroughly  and  ably  to  manage  the  financial  concerns 
ofliis  estate  and  of  the  estate  of  Mrs.  Washington's  son,  John 
Parke  Custis,  toward  whom  he  acted  the  part  of  a  faithful  and 
affectionate  guardian.  In  those  days,  Virginia  planters  were 
still  in  direct  and  frequent  correspondence  with  their  London 
factors ;  and  Washington's  letters  respecting  his  shipments  of 
tobacco,  and  the  returns  required  in  various  articles  for  house- 
hold and  personal  use,  are  perfect  models  for  a  man  of  business. 
And  this  may  be  remarked  throughout  his  whole  career,  that  no 
pressure  of  events  nor  multiplicity  of  cares  prevented  a  clear, 
steadfast  undercurrent  of  attention  to  domestic  affairs,  and  the 
interest  and  well-being  of  all  dependent  upon  him. 

In  the  mean  time,  from  his  quiet  abode  at  Mount  Vernon, 
he  seemed  to  hear  the  patriotic  voice  of  Patrick  Henry,  which 
had  startled  the  House  of  Burgesses,  echoing  throughout  the 
land,  and  rousing  one  legislative  body  after  another  to  follow 
the  example  of  that  of  Virginia.  At  the  instigation  of  the 
General  Court  or  Assembly  of  Massachusetts,  a  Congress  was 
held  in  New  York  in  October,  composed  of  delegates  from 
Massachusetts,  Rhode  Island,  Connecticut,  New  York,  New 
Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  Maryland,  and  South  Caro- 
lina. In  this  they  denounced  the  acts  of  Parliament  imposing 
taxes  on  them  without  their  consent,  and  extending  the  juris- 
diction of  the  courts  of  admiral,  as  violations  of  their  rights 
and  liberties  as  natural  born  subjects  of  Great  Britain,  and 
prepared  an  address  to  the  king,  and  a  petition  to  both  Houses 
of  Parliament,  praying  for  redress.  Similar  petitions  were  for- 
warded to  England  by  the  colonies  not  represented  in  the 
Congress. 

The  very  preparations  for  enforcing  the  stamp  act  called 
forth  popular  tumults  in  various  places.  In  Boston  the  stamp 
distributer  was  hanged  in  effigy  ;  his  windows  were  broken  ;  a 
house  intended  for  a  stamp  office  was  pulled  clown,  and  the  effigy 
burned  in  a  bonfire  made  of  the  fragments.  The  lieutenant- 
governor,  chief  justice,  and  sheriff,  attempting  to  allay  the 
tumult,  were  pelted.  The  stamp  officer  thought  himself  happy 
to  be  hanged  merely  in  effigy,  and  next  day  publicly  renounced 
the  perilous  office. 


222  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

Various  were  the  proceedings  in  other  places,  all  manifesting 
public  scorn  and  defiance  of  the  act.  In  Virginia,  Mr.  George 
Mercer  had  been  appointed  distributer  of  stamps,  but  on  his 
arrival  at  Williamsburg  publicly  declined  officiating.  It  was  a 
fresh  triumph  to  the  popular  cause.  The  bells  were  rung  for 
joy  ;  the  town  was  illuminated,  and  Mercer  was  hailed  with 
acclamations  of  the  people.1 

The  1st  of  November,  the  day  when  the  act  was  to  go  into 
operation,  was  ushered  in  with  portentous  solemnities.  There 
was  great  tolling  of  bells  and  burning  of  effigies  in  the  New  Eng- 
land colonies.  At  Boston  the  ships  displayed  their  colors  but 
half-mast  high.  Many  shops  were  shut ;  funeral  knells  re- 
sounded from  the  steeples,  and  there  was  a  grand  auto-da-fe,  in 
which  the  promoters  of  the  act  were  paraded,  and  suffered 
martyrdom  in  effigy. 

At  New  York  the  printed  act  was  carried  about  the  streets 
on  a  pole,  surmounted  by  a  death's  head,  with  a  scroll  bearing 
the  inscription,  "  The  folly  of  England  and  ruin  of  America." 
Golden,  the  lieutenant-governor,  who  acquired  considerable 
odium  by  recommending  to  government  the  taxation  of  the 
colonies,  the  institution  of  hereditary  Assemblies,  and  other 
Tory  measures,  seeing  that  a  popular  storm  was  rising,  retired 
into  the  fort,  taking  with  him  the  stamp  papers,  and  garrisoned 
it  with  marines  from  a  ship-of-war.  The  mob  broke  into  his 
stable  ;  drew  out  his  chariot ;  put  his  effigy  into  it ;  paraded  it 
through  the  streets  to  the  common  (now  the  Park) ,  where  they 
hung  it  on  a  gallows.  In  the  evening  it  was  taken  down,  put 
again  into  the  chariot,  with  the  devil  for  a  companion,  and 
escorted  back  by  torchlight  to  the  Bowling  Green  ;  where  the 
whole  pageant,  chariot  and  all,  was  burned  under  the  very  guns 
of  the  fort. 

These  are  specimens  of  the  marks  of  popular  reprobation 
with  which  the  stamp  act  was  universally  nullified.  No  one 
would  venture  to  carry  it  into  execution.  In  fact  no  stamped 
paper  was  to  be  seen  ;  all  had  been  either  destroyed  or  con- 
cealed. All  transactions  which  required  stamps  to  give  them 
validity  were  suspended,  or  were  executed  by  private  compact. 
The  courts  of  justice  were  closed,  until  at  length  some  con- 
ducted their  business  without  stamps.  Union  was  becoming 
the  watch-word.  The  merchants  of  New  York,  Philadelphia, 
Boston,  and  such  other  colonies  as  had  ventured  publicly  to 
oppose  the  stamp  act,  agreed  to  import  no  more  British  manu- 

1  Holmes's  Annals,  vol.  ii.,  p.  138. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  223 

factures  after  the  1st  of  January  unless  it  should  be  repealed. 
So  passed  away  the  year  1765. 

As  yet  Washington  took  no  prominent  part  in  the  public 
agitation.  Indeed  he  was  never  disposed  to  put  himself  for- 
ward on  popular  occasions,  his  innate  modesty  forbade  it;  it 
was  others  who  knew  his  worth  that  called  him  forth;  but  when 
once  he  engaged  in  any  public  measure,  he  devoted  himself  to 
it  with  conscientiousness  and  persevering  zeal.  At  present  he 
remained  a  quiet  but  vigilant  observer  of  events  from  his  eagle 
nest  at  Mount  Vernon.  lie  had  some  few  intimates  in  his 
neighborhood  who  accorded  with  him  in  sentiment.  One  of  the 
ablest  and  most  eflicient  of  these  was  Mr.  George  Mason,  witli 
whom  he  had  occasional  conversations  on  the  state  of  affairs. 
His  friends  the  Fairfaxes,  though  liberal  in  feelings  and 
opinions,  were  too  strong  in  their  devotion  to  the  crown  not  to 
regard  with  an  uneasy  eye  the  tendency  of  the  popular  bias. 
From  one  motive  or  other,  the  earnest  attention  of  all  the 
inmates  and  visitors  at  Mount  Vernon  was  turned  to  England, 
watching  the  movements  of  the  ministry. 

The  dismissal  of  Mr.  Grenville  from  the  cabinet  gave  a  tem- 
porary change  to  public  affairs.  Perhaps  nothing  had  a  greater 
effect  in  favor  of  the  colonies  than  an  examination  of  Dr.  Frank- 
lin before  the  House  of  Commons,  on  the  subject  of  the  stamp 
act. 

44  What,"  he  was  asked,  "was  the  temper  of  America 
toward  Great  Britain,  before  the  year  17G3?  " 

"The  best  in  the  world.  They  submitted  willingly  to  the 
government  of  the  .-crown,  and  paid,  in  all  their  courts,  obe- 
dience to  the  acts  of  Parliament.  Numerous  as  the  people  are 
in  the  several  old  provinces,  they  cost  you  nothing  in  forts, 
citadels,  garrisons,  or  armies,  to  keep  them  in  subjection. 
They  were  governed  by  this  country  at  the  expense  only  of 
a  little  pen,  ink,  and  paper.  They  were  led  by  a  thread. 
They  had  not  only  a  respect,  but  an  affection  for  Great  Britain, 
for  its  laws,  its  customs,  and  manners,  and  even  a  fondness  for 
its  fashions,  that  greatly  increased  the  commerce.  Natives  of 
Great  Britain  were  always  treated  with  particular  regard  ;  to  be 
an  Old-England  man  was,  of  itself,  a  character  of  some 
respect,  and  gave  a  kind  of  rank  among  us." 

"  And  what  is  their  temper  now?  " 

"  Oh  !  very  much  altered." 

"  If  the  act  is  not  repealed,  what  do  you  think  will  be  the 
consequences?  " 

"A   total  loss   of   the   respect   and  affection  the  people  of 


224  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

America  bear  to  this  country,  and  of  all  the  commerce  that 
depends  on  that  respect  and  affection." 

"  Do  you  think  the  people  of  America  would  submit  to  pay 
the  stamp  duty  if  it  was  moderated  ?" 

"  No,  never,  unless  compelled  by  force  of  arms."  1 

The  act  was  repealed  on  the  18th  of  March,  17G6,  to  the 
great  joy  of  the  sincere  friends  of  both  countries,  and  to  no 
one  more  than  to  Washington.  In  one  of  his  letters  he  ob- 
serves:  "  Had  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain  resolved  upon 
enforcing  it,  the  consequences,  I  conceive,  would  have  been 
more  direful  than  is  generally  apprehended,  both  to  the  mother 
country  and  her  colonies.  All,  therefore,  who  were  instrumen- 
tal in  procuring  the  repeal,  are  entitled  to  the  thanks  of  every 
British  subject,  and  have  mine  cordially."  2 

Still,  there  was  a  fatal  clause  in  the  repeal,  which  declared 
that  the  king,  with  the  consent  of  Parliament,  had  power  and 
authority  to  make  laws  and  statutes  of  suiiicient  force  and 
validity  to  "bind  the  colonies,  and  people  of  America,  in  all 
cases  whatsoever." 

As  the  people  of  America  were  contending  for  principles,  not 
mere  pecuniary  interests,  this  reserved  power  of  the  crown  and 
Parliament  left  the  dispute  still  open,  and  chilled  the  feeling 
of  gratitude  which  the  repeal  might  otherwise  have  inspired. 
Further  ailment  for  public  discontent  was  furnished  by  other 
acts  of  Parliament.  One  imposed  duties  on  glass,  pasteboard, 
white  and  red  lead,  painters'  colors,  and  tea ;  the  duties  to  be 
collected  on  the  arrival  of  the  articles  in  the  colonies  ;  another 
empowered  naval  officers  to  enforce  the  acts -of  trade  and  navi- 
gation. Another  wounded  to  the  quick  the  pride  and  sensibili- 
ties of  New  York.  The  mutiny  act  had  recently  been  extended 
to  America,  with  an  additional  clause,  requiring  the  provincial 
Assemblies  to  provide  the  troops  sent  out  with  quarters,  and  to 
furnish  them  with  fire,  beds,  candles,  and  other  necessaries,  at 
the  expense  of  the  colonies.  The  Governor  and  Assembly  of 
New  York  refused  to  comply  with  this  requisition  as  to  station- 
ary forces,  insisting  that  it  applied  only  to  troops  on  a  march. 
An  act  of  Parliament  now  suspended  the  powers  of  the  gov- 
ernor and  Assembly  until  they  should  comply.  Chatham  at- 
tributed this  opposition  of  the  colonists  to  the  mutiny  act  to 
"  their  jealousy  of  being  somehow  or  other  taxed  internally  by 
the  Parliament ;  the  act,"  said  he,  "  asserting  the  right  of  Par- 
liament, has  certainly  spread  a  most  unfortunate  jealousy  and 


1  Parliamentary  Register,  176G.       2  Sparks.    Writings  of  Washington,  ii.,  345,  note. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  225 

diffidence  of  government  here  throughout  America,  and  makes 
them  jealous  of  the  least  distinction  between  this  country  and 
that,  lest  the  same  principle  may  be  extended  to  taxing  them."  l 

Boston  continued  to  be  the  focus  of  what  the  ministerialists 
termed  sedition.  The  General  Court  of  Massachusetts,  not 
content  with  petitioning  the  king  for  relief  against  the  recent 
measures  of  Parliament,  especially  those  imposing  taxes  as  a 
means  of  revenue,  drew  up  a  circular,  calling  on  the  other  colo- 
nial Legislatures  to  join  with  them  in  suitable  efforts  to  obtain 
redress.  In  the  ensuing  session,  Governor  Sir  Francis  Bernard 
called  upon  them  to  rescind  the  resolution  on  which  the  circular 
was  founded  —  they  refused  to  comply,  and  the  General  Court 
was  consequently  dissolved.  The  governors  of  other  colonies 
required  of  their  Legislatures  an  assurance  that  they  would  not 
reply  to  the  Massachusetts  circular  —  these  Legislatures  like- 
wise refused  compliance,  and  were  dissolved.  All  this  added 
to  the  growing  excitement. 

Memorials  were  addressed  to  the  lords,  spiritual  and  tempo- 
ral, and  remonstrances  to  the  House  of  Commons,  against  taxa- 
tion for  revenue,  as  destructive  to  the  liberties  of  the  colonists  ; 
and  against  the  act  suspending  the  legislative  power  of  the 
province  of  New  York,  as  menacing  the  welfare  of  the  colonies 
in  general. 

Nothing,  however,  produced  a  more  powerful  effect  upon  the 
public  sensibilities  throughout  the  country,  than  certain  military 
demonstrations  at  Boston.  In  consequence  of  repeated  collis- 
ions between  the  people  of  that  place  and  the  commissioners 
of  customs,  two  regiments  were  held  in  readiness  at  Halifax  to 
embark  for  Boston  in  the  ships  of  Commodore  Hood  whenever 
Governor  Bernard  or  the  general  should  give  the  word.  "  Had 
this  force  been  landed  in  Boston  six  months  ago,"  writes  the 
commodore,  "I  am  perfectly  persuaded  no  address  or  remon- 
strances would  have  been  sent  from  the  other  colonies,  and  that 
all  would  have  been  tolerably  quiet  and  orderly  at  this  time 
throughout  America."2 

Tidings  reached  Boston  that  these  troops  were  embarked  and 
that  they  were  coming  to  overawe  the  people.  What  was  to  be 
done?  The  General  Court  had  been  dissolved,  and  the  gov- 
ernor refused  to  convene  it  without  the  royal  command.  A 
convention,  therefore,  from  various  towns  met  at  Boston,  on 
the  22d  of  September,  to  devise  measures  for  the  public  safety ; 
but  disclaiming  all  pretensions  to  legislative  powers. 

1  Chatham's  Correspondence,  vol.  iii.,  p.  189-192.       2  Grenville  Papers,  vol.  iv.,  p.  362. 


22f>  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

While  the  convention  was  yet  in  session  (September  28), 
the  two  regiments  arrived,  with  seven  armed  vessels.  "  I 
am  very  confident,"  writes  Commodore  Hood  from  Halifax, 
' '  the  spirited  measures  now  pursuing  will  soon  effect  order  in 
America. " 

On  the  contrary,  these  "spirited  measures"  added  fuel  to 
the  fire  they  were  intended  to  quench.  It  was  resolved  in  a 
town  meeting  that  the  king  had  no  right  to  send  troops  thither 
without  the  consent  of  the  Assembly ;  that  Great  Britain  had 
broken  the  original  compact,  and  that,  therefore,  the  king's  offi- 
cers had  no  longer  any  business  there.1 

The  "selectmen"  accordingly  refused  to  find  quarters  for 
the  soldiers  in  the  town  ;  the  council  refused  to  find  barracks 
for  them,  lest  it  should  be  construed  into  a  compliance  with  the 
disputed  clause  of  the  mutiny  act.  Some  of  the  troops,  there- 
fore, which  had  tents,  were  encamped  on  the  common  ;  others, 
by  the  governor's  orders,  were  quartered  in  the  state-house,  and 
others  in  Faneuil  Hall,  to  the  great  indignation  of  the  public, 
who  were  grievousry  scandalized  at  seeing  field-pieces  planted 
in  front  of  the  state-house  ;  sentinels  stationed  at  the  doors, 
challenging  every  one  who  passed  ;  and,  above  all,  at  having 
the  sacred  quiet  of  the  Sabbath  disturbed  by  drum  and  fife,  and 
other  military  music. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

CHEERFUL    LIFE    AT   MOUNT   VERNON  —  WASHINGTON    AND     GEORGE 

MASON CORRESPONDENCE    CONCERNING    THE    NON-IMPORTATION 

AGREEMENT FEELING    TOWARD    ENGLAND OPENING     OF     THE 

LEGISLATIVE    SESSION SEMI-REGAL    STATE  OF    LORD  BOTETOURT 

HIGH-TONED    PROCEEDINGS   OF    THE  HOUSE  —  SYMPATHY  WITH 

NEW    ENGLAND DISSOLVED    BY    LORD     BOTETOURT WASHING- 
TON   AND   THE    ARTICLES    OF    ASSOCIATION. 

Throughout  these  public  agitations,  Washington  endeav- 
ored to  preserve  his  equanimity.  Removed  from  the  heated 
throngs  of  cities,  his  diary  denotes  a  cheerful  and  healthful  life 
at  Mount  Vernon,  devoted  to  those  rural  occupations  in  which 
he  delighted,  and  varied  occasionally  by  his  favorite  field  sports. 
Sometimes  he  is  duck-shooting  on  the  Potomac.     Repeatedly 

1  Whately  to  Grenville.    Gren.  Papers,  vol.  iv.,  p.  389. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON:  227 

we  find  note  of  his  being  out  at  sunrise  with  the  hounds,  in 
company  with  old  Lord  Fairfax,  Bryan  Fairfax,  and  others ; 
and  ending  the  day's  sport  by  a  dinner  at  Mount  Vernon  or 
Belvoir. 

Still  he  was  too  true  a  patriot  not  to  sympathize  in  the  strug- 
gle for  colonial  rights  which  now  agitated  the  whole  country, 
and  we  find  him  gradually  carried  more  and  more  into  the 
current  of  political  affairs. 

A  letter  written  on  the  5th  of  April,  17G9,  to  his  friend 
George  Mason,  shows  the  important  stand  he  was  disposed  to 
take.  In  the  previous  year,  the  merchants  and  traders  of 
Boston,  Salem,  Connecticut,  and  New  York,  had  agreed  to 
suspend  for  a  time  the  importation  of  all  articles  subject  to  tax- 
ation. Similar  resolutions  had  recently  been  adopted  by  the 
merchants  of  Philadelphia.  Washington's  letter  is  emphatic  in 
support  of  the  measure.  "  At  a  time,"  writes  he,  "  when  our 
lordly  masters  in  Great  Britain  will  be  satisfied  with  nothing 
less  than  the  deprivation  of  American  freedom,  it  seems  highly 
necessary  that  something  should  be  done  to  avert  the  stroke, 
and  maintain  the  liberty  which  we  have  derived  from  our  ances- 
tors. But  the  manner  of  doing  it,  to  answer  the  purpose  effect- 
ually, is  the  point  in  question.  That  no  man  should  seruple,  or 
hesitate  a  moment  in  defence  of  so  valuable  a  blessing,  is 
clearly  my  opinion  ;  yet  arms  should  be  the  last  resource  —  the 
dernier  ressort.  We  have  already,  it  is  said,  proved  the  ineffi- 
cacy  of  addresses  to  the  throne,  and  remonstrances  to  Parlia- 
ment. How  far  their  attention  to  our  rights  and  interests  is  to 
be  awakened,  or  alarmed,  by  starving  their  trade  and  manufac- 
tures, remains  to  be  tried. 

"The  northern  colonies,  it  appears,  are  endeavoring  to  adopt 
this  scheme.  In  my  opinion,  it  is  a  good  one,  and  must  be  at- 
tended with  salutary  effects,  provided  it  can  be  carried  pretty 
generally  into  execution.  .  .  .  That  there  will  be  a  difficulty 
attending  it  everywhere  from  clashing  interests,  and  selfish,  de- 
signing men,  ever  attentive  to  their  own  gain,  and  watchful  of 
every  turn  that  can  assist  their  lucrative  views,  cannot  be  denied, 
and  in  the  tobacco  colonies,  where  the  trade  is  so  diffused,  and 
in  a  manner  wholl}7  conducted  by  factors  for  their  principals  at 
home,  these  difficulties  are  certainly  enhanced,  but  I  think  not 
insurmountably  increased,  if  the  gentlemen  in  their  several 
counties  will  be  at  some  pains  to  explain  matters  to  the  people, 
and  stimulate  them  to  cordial  agreements  to  purchase  none  but 
certain  enumerated  articles  out  of  any  of  the  stores,  after  a 
definite  period,  and  neither  import  nor  purchase  any  themselves. 


228  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

.  .  I  can  see  but  one  class  of  people,  the  merchants  excepted, 
who  will  not,  or  ought  not,  to  wish  well  to  the  scheme  —  namely, 
they  who  live  genteelly  and  hospitably  on  clear  estates.  Such 
as  these,  were  they  not  to  consider  the  valuable  object  in  view, 
and  the  good  of  others,  might  think  it  hard  to  be  curtailed  in 
their  living  and  enjo\Tments." 

This  was  precisely  the  class  to  which  Washington  belonged ; 
but  he  was  ready  and  willing  to  make  the  sacrifices  required. 
"  I  think  the  scheme  a  good  one,"  added  he,  "  and  that  it  ought 
to  be  tried  here,  with  such  alterations  as  our  circumstances 
render  absolutely  necessary." 

Mason,  in  his  reply,  concurred  with  him  in  opinion.  "Our 
all  is  at  stake,"  said  he,  u  and  the  little  conveniences  and  com- 
forts of  life,  when  set  in  competition  with  our  liberty,  ought  to 
be  rejected,  not  with  reluctance,  but  with  pleasure.  Yet  it  is 
plain,  that  in  the  tobacco  colonies,  we  cannot  at  present  confine 
our  importations  within  such  narrow  bounds  as  the  northern 
colonies.  A  plan  of  this  kind,  to  be  practicable,  must  be 
adapted  to  our  circumstances ;  for,  if  not  steadily  executed,  it 
had  better  have  remained  unattempted.  We  may  retrench  all 
manner  of  superfluities,  finery  of  all  descriptions,  and  confine 
ourselves  to  linens,  woollens,  etc.,  not  exceeding  a  certain  price. 
It  is  amazing  how  much  this  practice,  if  adopted  in  all  the 
colonies,  would  lessen  the  American  imports,  and  distress  the 
various  trades  and  manufactures  of  Great  Britain.  This  would 
awaken  their  attention.  They  would  see,  they  would  feel,  the 
oppressions  we  groan  under,  and  exert  themselves  to  procure 
us  redress.  This,  once  obtained,  we  should  no  longer  discon- 
tinue our  importations,  confining  ourselves  still  not  to  import 
any  article  that  should  hereafter  be  taxed  by  act  of  Parliament 
for  raising  a  revenue  in  America  ;  for,  however  singular  I  may 
be  in  the  opinion,  /  am  thoroughly  convinced,  that,  justice  and 
harmony  happily  restored,  it  is  not  the  interest  of  these  colonies 
to  refuse  British  manufactures.  Our  supplying  our  mother 
country  with  gross  materials,  and  taking  her  manufactures  in 
return,  is  the  true  chain  of  connection  between  us.  These  are 
the  bands  ivhich,  if  not  broken  by  oppression,  must  long  hold  us 
together,  by  maintaining  a  constant  reciprocation  of  interests." 

The  latter  part  of  the  above  quotation  shows  the  spirit  which 
actuated  Washington  and  the  friends  of  his  confidence ;  as  yet 
there  wTas  no  thought  nor  desire  of  alienation  from  the  mother 
country,  but  only  a  fixed  determination  to  be  placed  on  an 
equality  of  rights  and  privileges  with  her  other  children. 

A  single  word  in  the  passage  cited  from  Washington's  letter. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  229 

evinces  the  chord  which  still  vibrated  in  the  American  bosom : 
he  incidentally  speaks  of  England  as  home.  It  was  the  familiar 
term  with  which  she  was  usually  indicated  by  those  of  English 
descent ;  and  the  writer  of  these  pages  remembers  when  the 
endearing  phrase  still  lingered  on  Anglo-American  lips  even 
after  the  Revolution.  How  easy  would  it  have  been  before  that 
era  for  the  mother  country  to  have  rallied  back  the  affections 
of  her  colonial  children,  by  a  proper  attention  to  their  com- 
plaints !  They  asked  for  nothing  but  what  they  were  entitled 
to,  and  what  she  had  taught  them  to  prize  as  their  dearest 
inheritance.  The  spirit  of  liberty  which  they  manifested  had 
been  derived  from  her  own  precept  and  example. 

The  result  of  the  correspondence  between  Washington  and 
Mason  was  the  draft  by  the  latter  of  a  plan  of  association,  the 
members  of  which  were  to  pledge  themselves  not  to  import  or 
use  any  articles  of  British  merchandise  or  manufacture  subject 
to  duty.  This  paper  AVashington  was  to  submit  to  the  consid- 
eration of  the  House  of  Burgesses,  at  the  approaching  session 
in  the  month  of  May. 

The  Legislature  of  Virginia  opened  on  this  occasion  with  a 
brilliant  pageant.  While  military  force  was  arrayed  to  overawe 
the  republican  Puritans  of  the  east,  it  was  thought  to  dazzle  the 
aristocratical  descendants  of  the  cavaliers  by  the  reflex  of  regal 
splendor.  Lord  Botetourt,  one  of  the  king's  lords  of  the  bed- 
chamber, had  recently  come  out  as  governor  of  the  province. 
Junius  described  him  as  "a  cringing,  bowing,  fawning,  sword- 
bearing  courtier."  Horace  Walpole  predicted  that  he  would 
turn  the  heads  of  the  Virginians  in  one  way  or  other.  "  If  his 
graces  do  not  captivate  them  he  will  enrage  them  to  fury  ;  for 
I  take  all  his  douceur  to  be  enamelled  on  iron."  l  The  words  ot 
political  satirists  and  court  wits,  however,  are  always  to  be 
taken  with  great  distrust.  However  his  lordship  may  have 
bowed  in  presence  of  royalty,  he  elsewhere  conducted  himself 
with  dignity,  and  won  general  favor  by  his  endearing  manners. 
He  certainly  showed  promptness  of  spirit  in  his  reply  to  the 
king  on  being  informed  of  his  appointment.  ''When  will  you 
be  ready  to  go?  "  asked  George  IIL     "  To-night,  sir." 

He  had  come  out,  however,  with  a  wrong  idea  of  the 
Americans.  They  had  been  represented  to  him  as  factious, 
immoral,  and  prone  to  sedition  ;  but  vain  and  luxurious,  and 
easily  captivated  by  parade  and  splendor.  The  latter  foibles 
were   aimed  at  in    his    appointment   and    fitting   out.     It  was 

1  Grenviile  Papers,  iv\,  note  to  p.  330. 


230  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

supposed  that  his  titled  rank  would  have  its  effect.  Then,  to 
prepare  him  for  occasions  of  ceremony,  a  coach  of  state  was 
presented  to  him  by  the  king.  He  was  allowed,  moreover,  the 
quantity  of  plate  usually  given  to  ambassadors,  whereupon 
the  joke  was  circulated  that  he  was  going  u  plenipo  to  the 
Cherokees."  2 

His  opening  of  the  session  was  in  the  style  of  the  royal 
opening  of  Parliament.  He  proceeded  in  due  parade  from 
his  dwelling  to  the  Capitol,  in  his  state  coach,  drawn  by  six 
milk-white  horses.  Having  delivered  his  speech  according 
to  royal  form,  he  returned  home  with  the  same  pomp  and 
circumstance. 

The  time  had  gone  by,  however,  for  such  display  to  have 
the  anticipated  effect.  The  Virginian  legislators  penetrated  the 
intention  of  this  pompous  ceremonial,  and  regarded  it  with  a 
depreciating  smile.  Sterner  matters  occupied  their  thoughts ; 
they  had  come  prepared  to  battle  for  their  rights,  and  their 
proceedings  soon  showed  Lord  Botetourt  how  much  he  had 
mistaken  them.  Spirited  resolutions  were  passed,  denouncing 
the  recent  act  of  Parliament  imposing  taxes  ;  the  power  to  do 
which,  on  the  inhabitants  of  this  colony,  "  was  legally  and 
constitutionally  vested  in  the  House  of  Burgesses,  with  consent 
of  the  council  and  of  the  king,  or  of  his  governor  for  the 
time  being."  Copies  of  these  resolutions  were  ordered  to  be 
forwarded  by  the  speaker  to  the  Legislatures  of  the  other 
colonies,  with  a  request  for  their  concurrence. 

Other  proceedings  of  the  Burgesses  showed  their  sympatic 
with  their  fellow-patriots  of  New  England.  A  joint  address 
of  both  Houses  of  Parliament  had  recently  been  made  to  the 
king,  assuring  him  of  their  support  in  any  further  measures 
for  the  due 'execution  of  the  laws  in  Massachusetts,  and  be- 
seeching him  that  all  persons  charged  with  treason,  or  mis- 
prision of  treason,  committed  within  that  colony  since  the  30th 
of  December,  1707,  might  be  sent  to  Great  Britain  for  trial. 

As  Massachusetts  had  no  General  Assembly  at  this  time, 
having  been  dissolved  by  government,  the  Legislature  of  Vir- 
ginia generously  took  up  the  cause.  An  address  to  the  king 
was  resolved  on,  stating,  that  all  trials  for  treason,  or  mis- 
prision of  treason,  or  for  any  crime  whatever  committed  by 
any  person  residing  in  a  colony,  ought  to  be  in  and  before  his 
majesty's  courts  within  said  colony  ;  and  beseeching  the  king 
to  avert  from    his  loyal   subjects   those  dangers  and  miseries 

1  Whately  to  Geo.  Grenville.    Grenville  Papers,, 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  231 

which  would  ensue  from  seizing  and  carrying  beyond  sea  any 
person  residing  in  America  suspected  of  any  crime  whatever, 
thereby  depriving  them  of  the  inestimable  privilege  of  being 
tried  by  a  jury  from  the  vicinage,  as  well  as  the  liberty  of 
producing  witnesses  on  such  trial. 

Disdaining  any  further  application  to  Parliament,  the  House 
ordered  the  speaker  to  transmit  this  address  to  the  colonies' 
agent  in  England,  with  directions  to  cause  it  to  be  presented  to 
the  king,  and  afterward  to  be  printed  and  published  in  the 
English  papers. 

Lord  Botetourt  was  astonished  and  dismayed  when  he  heard 
of  these  high-toned  proceedings.  Repairing  to  the  Capitol 
on  the  following  day  at  noon,  he  summoned  the  speaker  and 
members  to  the  council  chamber,  and  addressed  them  in  the 
following  words:  "Mr.  Speaker,  and  gentlemen  of  the  House 
of  Burgesses,  I  have  heard  of  your  resolves,  and  augur  ill  of 
their  effects.  You  have  made  it  my  duty  to  dissolve  you,  and 
you  are  dissolved  accordingly." 

The  spirit  conjured  up  by  the  late  decrees  of  Parliament 
was  not  so  easily  allayed.  The  Burgesses  adjourned  to  a  pri- 
vate house.  Peyton  Randolph,  their  late  speaker,  was  elected 
moderator.  Washington  now  brought  forward  a  draft  of  the 
articles  of  association,  concerted  between  him  and  George 
Mason.  They  formed  the  groundwork  of  an  instrument  signed 
by  all  present,  pledging  themselves  neither  to  import  nor  use 
any  goods,  merchandise,  or  manufactures  taxed  by  Parliament 
to  raise  a  revenue  in  America.  This  instrument  was  sent 
throughout  the  country  for  signature,  and  the  scheme  of  non- 
importation, hitherto  confined  to  a  few  northern  colonies,  was 
soon  universally  adopted.  For  his  own  part,  Washington 
adhered  to  it  rigorously  throughout  the  year.  The  articles 
proscribed  by  it  were  never  to  be  seen  in  his  house,  and  his 
agent  in  London  was  enjoined  to  ship  nothing  for  him  while 
subject  to  taxation. 

The  popular  ferment  in  Virginia  was  gradually  allayed  by 
the  amiable  and  conciliatory  conduct  of  Lord  Botetourt.  His 
lordship  soon  became  aware  of  the  erroneous  notions  with 
which  he  had  entered  upon  office.  His  semi-royal  equipage  and 
state  were  laid  aside.  He  examined  into  public  grievances ; 
became  a  strenuous  advocate  for  the  repeal  of  taxes  and, 
authorized  by  his  despatches  from  the  ministry,  assured  the 
public  that  such  repeal  would  speedily  take  place.  His  assur- 
ance was  received  with  implicit  faith,  and  for  a  while  Virginia 
was  cpiieted. 


232  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 


CHAFrER  XXX. 

HOOD    AT   BOSTON THE    GENERAL     COURT     REFUSES    TO    DO    BUSI- 
NESS   UNDER    MILITARY    SWAY RESISTS    THE    BILLETING    ACT  — 

EFFECT    OF    THE    NON-IMPORTATION    ASSOCIATION  LORD    NORTH 

PREMIER DUTIES     REVOKED     EXCEPT     ON     TEA THE     BOSTON 

MASSACRE DISUSE    OF   TEA CONCILIATORY  CONDUCT    OF  LORD 

BOTETOURT HIS  DEATH. 

"  The  worst  is  past,  and  the  spirit  of  sedition  broken,"  writes 
Hood  to  Grenville,  early  in  the  spring  of  1769.1  When  the 
commodore  wrote  this,  his  ships  were  in  the  harbor,  and  troops 
occupied  the  town,  and  he  flattered  himself  that  at  length  tur- 
bulent Boston  was  quelled.  But  it  only  awaited  its  time  to  be 
seditious  according  to  rule,  there  was  always  an  irresistible 
"  method  in  its  madness." 

In  the  month  of  May,  the  General  Court,  hitherto  prorogued, 
met  according  to  charter.  A  committee  immediately  waited  on 
the  governor,  stating  it  was  impossible  to  do  business  with 
dignit}7  and  freedom  while  the  town  was  invested  by  sea  and 
land,  and  a  military  guard  was  stationed  at  the  state-house, 
with  cannon  pointed  at  the  door ;  and  they  requested  the  gov- 
ernor, as  his  majesty's  representative,  to  have  such  forces  re- 
moved out  of  the  port  and  gates  of  the  city  during  the  session 
of  the  Assembly. 

The  governor  replied  that  he  had  no  authority  over  either  the 
ships  or  troops.  The  court  persisted  in  refusing  to  transact 
business  while  so  circumstanced,  and  the  governor  was  obliged 
to  transfer  the  session  to  Cambridge.  There  he  addressed  a 
message  to  that  body  in  July,  requiring  funds  for  the  payment 
of  the  troops,  and  quarters  for  their  accommodation.  The 
Assembly,  after  ample  discussion  of  past  grievances,  resolved, 
that  the  establishment  of  a  standing  army  in  the  colony  in  a 
time  of  peace  was  an  invasion  of  natural  rights ;  that  a  stand- 
ing army  was  not  known  as  a  part  of  the  British  constitution, 
and  that  the  sending  an  armed  force  to  aid  the  civil  authority 
was  unprecedented,  and  highly  dangerous  to  the  people. 

After  waiting  some  days  without  receiving  an  answer  to  his 
message,  the  governor  sent  to  know  whether  the  Assembly 
would,  or  would  not,  make  provision  for  the  troops.     In  their 

1  Grenville  Papers,  vol.  iii. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  233 

reply,  they  followed  the  example  of  the  Legislature  of  New 
York,  in  commenting  on  the  mutiny,  or  billeting  net,  and  ended 
by  declining  to  furnish  funds  for  the  purposes  specified,  "  being 
incompatible  with  their  own  honor  and  interest,  and  their  duty 
to  their  constituents."  They  were  in  consequence  again  pro- 
rogued, to  meet  in  Boston  on  the  10th  of  January. 

So  stood  affairs  in  Massachusetts.  In  the  mean  time,  the 
non-importation  associations,  being  generally  observed  through- 
out the  colonies,  produced  the  effect  on  British  commerce  which 
Washington  had  anticipated,  and  Parliament  was  incessantly 
importuned  by  petitions  from  British  merchants,  imploring  its 
intervention  to  save  them  from  ruin. 

Early  in  1770,  an  important  change  took  place  in  the  British 
cabinet.  The  Duke  of  Grafton  suddenly  resigned,  and  the 
reins  of  government  passed  into  the  hands  of  Lord  North.  He 
was  a  man  of  limited  capacity,  but  a  favorite  of  the  king, 
and  subservient  to  his  narrow  colonial  policy.  His  adminis- 
tration, so  eventful  to  America,  commenced  with  an  error. 
In  the  month  of  March,  an  act  was  passed,  revoking  all  the 
duties  laid  in  1767,  excepting  that  on  tea.  This  single  tax  was 
continued,  as  he  observed,  u  to  maintain  the  parliamentary 
right  of  taxation,"  —  the  very  right  which  was  the  grand 
object  of  contest.  In  this,  however,  he  was  in  fact  yielding, 
against  his  better  judgment,  to  the  stubborn  tenacity  of  the 
king. 

He  endeavored  to  reconcile  the  opposition,  and  perhaps 
himself,  to  the  measure,  by  plausible  reasoning.  An  impost  of 
threepence  on  the  pound  could  never,  he  alleged,  be  opposed 
by  the  colonists,  unless  they  were  determined  to  rebel  against 
Great  Britain.  Besides,  a  duty  on  that  article,  payable  in 
England,  and  amounting  to  nearly  one  shilling  on  the  pound, 
was  taken  off  on  its  exportation  to  America,  so  that  the  inhabit- 
ants of  the  colonies  saved  ninepence  on  the  pound. 

Here  was  the  stumbling-block  at  the  threshold  of  Lord 
North's  administration.  In  vain  the  members  of  the  opposi- 
tion urged  that  this  single  exception,  while  it  would  produce  no 
revenue,  would  keep  alive  the  whole  cause  of  contention  ;  that  so 
long  as  a  single  external  duty  was  enforced,  the  colonies  would 
consider  their  rights  invaded,  and  would  remain  unappeased. 
Lord  North  was  not  to  be  convinced  ;  or  rather,  he  knew  the 
royal  will  was  inflexible,  and  he  complied  with  its  behests. 
"The  properest  time  to  exert  our  right  of  taxation,"  said  he, 
"  is  when  the  right  is  refused.  To  temporize  is  to  yield  ;  and 
the  authority  of  the  mother  country,  if  it  is  now  unsupported, 


234  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

will  be  relinquished  forever :  a  total  repeal  cannot  be  thought  of, 
till  America  is  prostrate  at  our  feet.'"  ] 

On  the  very  day  in  which  this  ominous  bill  was  passed  in  Par- 
liament, a  sinister  occurrence  took  place  in  Boston.  Some  of 
the  young  men  of  the  place  insulted  the  military  while  under 
arms ;  the  latter  resented  it ;  the  young  men,  after  a  scuffle, 
were  put  to  flight,  and  pursued.  The  alarm  bells  rang  —  a 
mob  assembled  ;  the  custom-house  was  threatened  ;  the  troops, 
in  protecting  it,  were  assailed  with  clubs  and  stones,  and 
obliged  to  use  their  fire-arms,  before  the  tumult  could  be  quelled. 
Four  of  the  populace  were  killed,  and  several  wounded.  The 
troops  were  now  removed  from  the  town,  which  remained  in 
the  highest  state  of  exasperation  ;  and  this  untoward  occurrence 
received  the  opprobrious,  and  somewhat  extravagant  name  of 
u  the  Boston  massacre." 

The  colonists,  as  a  matter  of  convenience,  resumed  the  con- 
sumption of  those  articles  on  which  the  duties  had  been  repealed  ; 
but  continued,  on  principle,  the  rigorous  disuse  of  tea,  excepting 
such  as  had  been  smuggled  in.  New  England  was  particularly 
earnest  in  the  matter ;  many  of  the  inhabitants,  in  the  spirit  of 
their  Puritan  progenitors,  made  a  covenant  to  drink  no  more  of 
the  forbidden  beverage  until  the  duty  on  tea  should  be  repealed. 

In  Virginia  the  public  discontents,  which  had  been  allayed 
by  the  conciliatory  conduct  of  Lord  Botetourt,  and  by  his 
assurances,  made  on  the  strength  of  letters  received  from  the 
ministry,  that  the  grievances  complained  of  would  be  speedily 
redressed,  now  broke  out  with  more  violence  than  ever.  The 
Virginians  spurned  the  mock-remedy  which  left  the  real  cause  of 
Complaint  untouched.  His  lordship  also  felt  deeply  wounded 
by  the  disingenuousness  of  ministers  v/hich  had  led  him  into 
such  a  predicament,  and  wrote  home  demanding  his  discharge. 
Before  it  arrived,  an  attack  of  bilious  fever,  acting  upon  a 
delicate  and  sensitive  frame,  enfeebled  by  anxiety  and  chagrin, 
laid  him  in  his  grave.  He  left  behind  him  a  name  endeared 
to  the  Virginians  by  his  amiable  manners,  his  liberal  patron- 
age of  the  arts,  and,  above  all,  by  his  zealous  intercession 
for  their  rights.  Washington  himself  testifies  that  he  was 
inclined  "to  render  ever}T  just  and  reasonable  service  to  the 
people  whom  he  governed."  A  statue  to  his  memory  was 
decreed  by  the  House  of  Burgesses,  to  be  erected  in  the  area 
of  the  Capitol.  It  is  still  to  be  seen,  though  in  a  mutilated 
condition,  in  Williamsburg,  the  old  seat  of  government,  and  a 
county  in  Virginia  continues  to  bear  his  honored  name. 

1  Holmes's  Amer.  Aimals,  vol.  ii.,  p.  173. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  235 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

EXPEDITION    OF    WASHINGTON   TO   THE    OHIO,    IN    BEHALF    OF     SOL- 
DIERS*   CLAIMS — UNEASY    STATE    OF   THE     FRONTIER VISIT    TO 

FORT     PITT GEORGE     CROGHAN HIS     MISHAPS     DURING     PON- 

TIAC'S    WAR WASHINGTON    DESCENDS    THE    OHIO SCENES   AND 

ADVENTURES     ALONG    THE     RIVER INDIAN     HUNTING     CAMP 

INTERVIEW     WITH     AN     OLD     SACHEM     AT     THE     MOUTH     OF     THE 

KANAWHA RETURN CLAIMS    OF    STOBO     AND    VAN     BRAAM 

LETTER   TO    COLONEL    GEORGE   MUSE. 

In  the  midst  of  these  popular  turmoils,  Washington  was  in- 
duced, by  public  as  well  as  private  considerations,  to  make 
another  expedition  to  the  Ohio.  He  was  one  of  the  Virginia 
Board  of  Commissioners,  appointed,  at  the  close  of  the  late 
war,  to  settle  the  military  accounts  of  the  colony.  Among  the 
claims  which  came  before  the  board,  were  those  of  the  oflicers 
and  soldiers  who  had  engaged  to  serve  until  peace,  under  the 
proclamation  of  Governor  Dinwiddie,  holding  forth  a  bounty 
of  two  hundred  thousand  acres  of  land,  to  be  apportioned 
among  them  according  to  rank.  Those  claims  were  yet  un- 
satisfied, for  governments,  like  individuals,  are  slow  to  pay  off 
in  peaceful  times  the  debts  incurred  while  in  the  fighting  mood. 
Washington  became  the  champion  of  those  claims,  and  an  op- 
portunity now  presented  itself  for  their  liquidation.  The  Six 
Nations,  by  a  treaty  in  1768,  had  ceded  to  the  British  crown, 
in  consideration  of  a  sum  of  money,  all  the  lands  possessed  by 
them  south  of  the  Ohio.  Land  offices  would  soon  be  opened 
for  the  sale  of  them.  Squatters  and  speculators  were  already 
preparing  to  swarm  in,  set  up  their  marks  on  the  choicest  spots, 
and  establish  what  were  called  pre-emption  rights.  Washing- 
ton determined  at  once  to  visit  the  lands  thus  ceded,  affix  his 
mark  on  such  tracts  as  he  should  select,  and  apply  for  a  grant 
from  government  in  behalf  of  the  wt  soldier's  claim." 

The  expedition  would  be  attended  with  some  degree  of  dan- 
ger. The  frontier  was  yet  in  an  uneasy  state.  It  is  true  some 
time  had  elapsed  since  the  war  of  Pontiac,  but  some  of  the 
Indian  tribes  were  almost  ready  to  resume  the  hatchet.  The 
Delawares,  Shawnees,  and  Mingoes,  complained  that  the  Six 
Nations  had  not  given  them  their  full  share  of  the  considera- 
tion money  of  the  late  sale,  and  they  talked  of  exacting  the 
deficiency  from  the  white  men  who  came  to  settle  in  what  had 


*> 


236  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

been  their  hunting-grounds.  Traders,  squatters,  and  other  ad- 
venturers into  the  wilderness,  were  occasionally  murdered,  and 
further  troubles  were  apprehended. 

Washington  had  for  a  companion  in  this  expedition  his  friend 
and  neighbor,  Dr.  Craik,  and  it  was  with  strong  community  of 
feeling  they  looked  forward  peaceably  to  revisit  the  scenes  of 
their  military  experience.  They  set  out  on  the  5th  of  October 
with  three  negro  attendants,  two  belonging  to  Washington,  and 
one  to  the  doctor.  The  whole  party  was  mounted,  and  there 
was  a  led  horse  for  the  baggage. 

After  twelve  days'  travelling  they  arrived  at  Fort  Pitt  (late 
Fort  Duquesne).  It  was  garrisoned  by  two  companies  of  royal 
Irish,  commanded  by  a  Captain  Edmonson.  A  hamlet  of  about 
twenty  log  houses,-  inhabited  by  Indian  traders,  had  sprung  up 
within  three  hundred  yards  of  the  fort,  and  was  called  "the 
town."  It  was  the  embiyo  city  of  Pittsburg,  now  so  populous. 
At  one  of  the  houses,  a  tolerable  frontier  inn,  they  took  up  their 
quarters ;  but  during  their  brief  sojourn,  they  were  entertained 
with  great  hospitality  at  the  fort. 

Here  at  dinner  Washington  met  his  old  acquaintance,  George 
Croghan,  who  had  figured  in  so  many  capacities  and  experi- 
enced so  many  vicissitudes  on  the  frontier.  He  was  now  Col- 
onel Croghan,  depi^-agent  to  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  had 
his  residence  —  or  seat,  as  Washington  terms  it  —  on  the  banks 
of  the  Allegany  River,  about  four  miles  from  the  fort. 

Croghan  had  experienced  troubles  and  dangers  during  the 
Pontiac  war,  both  from  white  man  and  savage.  At  one  time, 
while  he  was  convoying  presents  from  Sir  William  to  the  Dela- 
wares  and  Shawnees,  his  caravan  was  set  upon  and  plundered 
by  a  band  of  backwoodsmen  of  Pennsylvania  —  men  resem- 
bling Indians  in  garb  and  habits,  and  fully  as  lawless.  At 
another  time,  when  encamped  at  the  mouth  of  the  Wabash  with 
some  of  his  Indian  allies,  a  band  of  Kickapoos,  supposing  the 
latter  to  be  Cherokees,  their  deadly  enemies,  rushed  forth  from 
the  woods  with  horrid  }'ells,  shot  down  several  of  his  compan- 
ions, and  wounded  himself.  It  must  be  added,  that  no  white 
men  could  have  made  more  ample  apologies  than  did  the 
Kickapoos,  when  they  discovered  that  they  had  fired  upon 
friends. 

Another  of  Croghan's  perils  was  from  the  redoubtable  Pontiac 
himself.  That  chieftain  had  heard  of  his  being  on  a  mission  to 
win  off,  by  dint  of  presents,  the  other  sachems  of  the  conspir- 
acy, and  declared,  significantly,  that  he  had  a  large  kettle  boil- 
ing in  which  he  intended  to  seethe  the  ambassador.     It   was 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  237 

fortunate  for  Croghan  that  be  did  not  meet  with  the  formidable 
chieftain  while  in  this  exasperated  mood. 

He  subsequently  encountered  him  when  Pontiac's  spirits 
were  broken  by  reverses.  They  smoked  the  pipe  of  peace  to- 
gether, and  the  Colonel  claimed  the  credit  of  having,  by  his 
diplomacy,  persuaded  the  sachem  to  bury  the  hatchet. 

On  the  day  following  the  repast  at  the  fort,  Washington 
visited  Croghan  at  his  abode  on  the  Allegany  River,  where  he 
found  several  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  assembled. 

One  of  them,  the  White  Mingo  by  name,  made  him  a  speech, 
accompanied,  as  usual,  by  a  belt  of  wampum.  Some  of  his 
companions,  he  said,  remembered  to  have  seen  him  in  1753, 
when  he  came  on  his  embassy  to  the  French  commander  ;  most 
of  them  had  heard  of  him.  They  had  now  come  to  welcome 
him  to  their  country.  They  wished  the  people  of  Virginia  to 
consider  them  as  friends  and  brothers,  linked  together  in  one 
chain,  and  requested  him  to  inform  the  governor  of  their  desire 
to  live  in  peace  and  harmony  with  the  white  men.  As  to  cer- 
tain unhappy  differences  which  had  taken  place  between  them 
on  the  frontiers,  they  were  all  made  up,  and,  they  hoped,  for- 
gotten. 

Washington  accepted  the  "  speech-belt, "  and  made  a  suit- 
able reply,  assuring  the  chiefs  that  nothing  was  more  desired 
by  the  people  of  Virginia  than  to  live  with  them  on  terms  of  the 
strictest  friendship. 

At  Pittsburg  the  travellers  left  their  horses,  and  embarked 
in  a  large  canoe,  to  make  a  voyage  down  the  Ohio  as  far  as  the 
Great  Kanawha.  Colonel  Croghan  engaged  two  Indians  for 
their  service,  and  an  interpreter  named  John  Nicholson.  The 
colonel  and  some  of  the  officers  of  the  garrison  accompanied 
them  as  far  as  Logstown,  the  scene  of  Washington's  early 
diplomac}T,  and  his  first  interview  with  the  half-king.  Here  they 
breakfasted  together ;  after  which  the}'  separated,  the  colonel 
and  his  companions  cheering  the  voyagers  from  the  shore,  as 
the  canoe  was  borne  off  by  the  current  of  the  beautiful  Ohio. 

It  was  now  the  hunting  season,  when  the  Indians  leave  their 
towns,  set  off  with  their  families,  and  lead  a  roving  life  in 
cabins  and  hunting-camps  along  the  river ;  shifting  from  place 
to  place,  as  game  abounds  or  decreases,  and  often  extending 
their  migrations  two  or  three  hundred  miles  down  the  stream. 
The  women  were  as  dexterous  as  the  men  in  the  management 
of  the  canoe,  but  were  generally  engaged  in  the  domestic  labors 
of  the  lodge  while  their  husbands  were  abroad  hunting. 

Washington's  propensities  as  a  sportsman  had  here  full  play 


238  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Deer  were  continually  to  be  seen  coming  down  to  the  water's 
edge  to  drink,  or  browsing  along  the  shore;  there  were  innu- 
merable flocks  of  wild  turkeys,  and  streaming  flights  of  ducks 
and  geese  ;  so  that  as  the  voyagers  floated  along,  they  were 
enabled  to  load  their  canoe  with  game.  At  night  they  encamped 
on  the  river  bank,  lit  their  fire  and  made  a  sumptuous  hunter's 
repast.  Washington  always  relished  this  wild-wood  life ;  and 
the  present  had  that  spice  of  danger  in  it,  which  has  a  peculiar 
charm  for  adventurous  minds.  The  great  object  of  his  expedi- 
tion, however,  is  evinced  in  his  constant  notes  on  the  features 
and  character  of  the  country  ;  the  quality  of  the  soil  as  indi- 
cated by  the  nature  of  the  trees,  and  the  level  tracts  fitted  for 
settlements. 

About  seventy-five  miles  below  Pittsburg  the  voyagers  landed 
at  a  Mingo  town,  which  they  found  in  a  stir  of  warlike  prepa- 
ration —  sixty  of  the  warriors  being  about  to  set  off  on  a  foray 
into  the  Cherokee  country  against  the  Catawbas. 

Here  the  voyagers  were  brought  to  a  pause  by  a  report  that 
two  white  men,  traders,  had  been  murdered  about  thirty-eight 
miles  farther  down  the  river.  Reports  of  the  kind  were  not  to 
be  treated  lightly.  Indian  faith  was  uncertain  along  the  fron- 
tier, and  white  men  were  often  shot  down  in  the  wilderness  for 
plunder  or  revenge.  On  the  following  day  the  report  moder- 
ated. Only  one  man  was  said  to  have  been  killed,  and  that 
not  by  Indians ;  so  Washington  determined  to  continue  for- 
ward until  he  could  obtain  correct  information  in  the  matter. 

On  the  24th,  about  3  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  the  voyagers 
arrived  at  Captema  Creek,  at  the  mouth  of  which  the  trader 
was  said  to  have  been  killed.  As  all  was  quiet  and  no  one  to  be 
seen,  they  agreed  to  encamp,  while  Nicholson  the  interpreter, 
and  one  of  the  Indians,  repaired  to  a  village  a  few  miles  up  the 
creek  to  inquire  about  the  murder.  They  found  but  two  old 
women  at  the  village.  The  men  were  all  absent,  hunting.  The 
interpreter  returned  to  camp  in  the  evening,  bringing  the  truth 
of  the  murderous  tale.  A  trader  had  fallen  a  victim  to  his 
temerity,  having  been  drowned  in  attempting,  in  company  with 
another,  to  swim  his  horse  across  the  Ohio. 

Two  days  more  of  voyaging  brought  them  to  an  Indian 
hunting  camp,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Muskingum.  Here  it 
was  necessary  to  land  and  make  a  ceremonious  visit,  for  the 
chief  of  the  hunting  party  was  Kiashuta,  a  Seneca  sachem,  the 
head  of  the  river  tribes.  He  was  noted  to  have  been  among 
the  first  to  raise  the  hatchet  in  Pontiac's  conspiracy,  and  almost 
equally  vindictive  with  that   potent  warrior.     As  Washington 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  239 

approached  the  chieftain,  he  recognized  him  for  one  of  the 
Indians  who  had  accompanied  him  on  his  mission  to  the  French 
in  1753. 

Kiashnta  retained  a  perfect  recollection  of  the  youthful 
ambassador,  though  seventeen  years  had  matured  him  into 
thoughtful  manhood.  With  hunter's  hospitality  he  gave  him 
a  quarter  of  a  fine  buffalo  just  slain,  but  insisted  that  they 
should  encamp  together  for  the  night ;  and  in  order  not  to 
retard  him,  moved  with  his  own  party  to  a  good  camping  place 
some  distance  down  the  river.  Here  they  had  lojig  talks  and 
council-fires  over  night  and  in  the  morning  with  all  the  u  tedious 
ceremony,"  says  Washington,  u  which  the  Indians  observe  in 
their  counsellings  and  speeches."  Kiashnta  had  heard  of  what 
had  passed  between  Washington  and  the  "  White  Mingo,"  and 
other  sachems,  at  Colonel  Croghan's,  and  was  eager  to  express 
his  own  desire  for  peace  and  friendship  with  Virginia,  and  fair 
dealings  with  her  traders  ;  all  which  Washington  promised  to 
report  faithfully  to  the  governor.  It  was  not  until  a  late  hour 
in  the  morning  that  he  was  enabled  to  bring  these  conferences 
to  a  close,  and  pursue  his  voyage. 

At  the  mouth  of  the  Great  Kanawha  the  voyagers  encamped 
for  a  day  or  two  to  examine  the  lands  in  the  neighborhood,  and 
Washington  set  up  his  mark  upon  such  as  he  intended  to  claim 
on  behalf  of  the  soldiers'  grant.  It  was  a  fine  sporting  country, 
having  small  lakes  or  grassy  ponds  abounding  with  water-fowl, 
such  as  ducks,  geese,  and  swans.  Flocks  of  turkeys,  as  usual ; 
and,  for  larger  game,  deer  and  buffalo ;  so  that  their  camp 
abounded  with  provisions. 

Here  Washington  was  visited  by  an  old  sachem,  who  ap- 
proached him  with  great  reverence,  at  the  head  of  several  of 
his  tribe,  and  addressed  him  through  Nicholson,  the  interpreter. 
He  had  heard,  he  said,  of  his  being  in  that  part  of  the  country, 
and  had  come  from  a  great  distance  to  see  him.  On  further 
discourse,  the  sachem  made  known  that  he  was  one  of  the  war- 
riors in  the  service  of  the  French,  who  lay  in  ambush  on  the 
banks  of  the  Monongahela  and  wrought  such  havoc  in  Brad- 
dock's  army.  He  declared  that  he  and  his  young  *men  had 
singled  out  Washington,  as  he  made  himself  conspicuous  riding 
about  the  field  of  battle,  with  the  general's  orders,  and  had 
fired  at  him  repeatedly,  but  without  success  ;  whence  they  had 
concluded  that  he  was  under  the  protection  of  the  Great  Spirit, 
had  a  charmed  life,  and  could  not  be  slain  in  battle. 

At  the  Great  Kanawha  Washington's  expedition  down  the 
Ohio  terminated  ;  having  visited  ail  the  points  he  wished  to 


240  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

examine.  His  return  to  Fort  Pitt,  and  thence  homeward, 
affords  no  incident  worthy  of  note.  The  whole  expedition, 
however,  was  one  of  that  hardy  and  adventurous  kind,  mingled 
with  practical  purposes,  in  which  he  delighted.  This  winter 
voyage  down  the  Ohio  in  a  canoe,  with  the  doctor  for  a  com- 
panion and  two  Indians  for  crew,  through  regions  yet  insecure 
from  the  capricious  hostility  of  prowling  savages,  is  not  one  of 
the  least  striking  of  his  frontier  "  experiences."  The  hazard- 
ous nature  of  it  was  made  apparent  shortly  afterward  by  another 
outbreak  of  the  Ohio  tribes ;  one  of  its  bloodiest  actions  took 
place  on  the  very  banks  of  the  Great  Kanawha,  in  which 
Colonel  Lewis  and  a  number  of  brave  Virginians  lost  their  lives. 

Note.  —  In  the  final  adjustment  of  claims  under  Governor  Dinwiddie's  proclamation, 
Washington,  acting  on  behalf  of  the  officers  and  soldiers,  obtained  grants  for  the  lands 
he  had  marked  out  in  the  course  of  his  visit  to  the  Ohio.  Fifteen  thousand  acres  were 
awarded  to  a  field-officer,  nine  thousand  to  a  captain,  six  thousand  to  a  subaltern,  and  so 
on.  Among  the  claims  which  he  entered  were  those  of  Stobo  and  Van  Braam,  the 
hostages  in  the  capitulation  at  the  Great  Meadows.  After  many  vicissitudes  they  were 
now  in  Londou,  and  nine  thousand  acres  were  awarded  to  each  of  them.  Their  domains 
were  ultimately  purchased  by  Washington  through  his  London  agent. 

Another  claimant  was  Colonel  George  Muse,  Washington's  early  instructor  in  military 
science.  His  claim  was  admitted  with  difficulty,  for  he  stood  accused  of  having  acted 
the  part  of  a  poltroon  in  the  campaign,  and  Washington  seems  to  have  considered  the 
charge  well  founded.  Still  he  appears  to  have  been  dissatisfied  with  the  share  of  land 
assigned  him,  and  to  have  written  to  Washington  somewhat  rudely  on  the  subject.  His 
letter  is  not  extant,  but  we  subjoin  Washington's  reply  almost  entire,  as  a  specimen  of 
the  caustic  pen  he  could  wield  under  a  mingled  emotion  of  scorn  and  indignation. 

"Sir, —  Your  impertinent  letter  was  delivered  to  me  yesterday.  As  I  am  not  ac- 
customed to  receive  such  from  any  man,  nor  would  have  taken  the  same  language  from 
you  personally,  without  letting  you  feel  some  marks  of  ray  resentment,  I  advise  you  to 
be  cautious  in  writing  me  a  second  of  the  same  tenor;  for  though  I  understand  you  were 
drunk  when  you  did  it,  yet  give  me  leave  to  tell  you  that  drunkenness  is  no  excuse  for 
rudeness.  But  for  your  stupidity  and  sottishness  you  might  have  known,  by  attending 
to  the  public  gazette,  that  you  had  your  full  quantity  of  ten  thousand  acres  of  laud 
allowed  you;  that  is  nine  thousand  and  seventy-three  acres  in  the  great  tract,  and  the 
remainder  in  the  small  tract. 

"  But  suppose  you  had  really  fallen  short,  do  you  think  your  superlative  merit  en- 
titles you  to  greater  indulgence  than  others?  Or,  if  it  did,  that  I  was  to  make  it  good  to 
you,  when  it  was  at  the  option  of  the  governor  and  council  to  allow  but  five  hundred 
acres  in  the  whole,  if  they  had  been  so  inclined?  If  either  of  these  should  happen  to  be 
your  opinion,  lam  very  well  convinced  that  you  will  be  siugular  in  it;  and  all  my  con 
cern  is  that  I  ever  engaged  myself  in  behalf  of  so  ungrateful  and  dirty  a  fellow  as  you 
are." 

N.  B.  —  The  above  is  from  the  letter  as  it  exists  in  the  archives  of  the  Department  of 
State  at  Washington.  It  differs  in  two  or  three  particulars  from  that  published  among 
Washington's  writings- 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  241 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

LORD    DUNMORE    GOVERNOR    OF    VIRGINIA PIQUES    THE    PRIDE    Of 

THE  VIRGINIANS  OPPOSITION  OF  THE  ASSEMBLY  —  CORRE- 
SPONDING COMMITTEES  —  DEATH  OF  MISS  CUSTIS  —  WASHING- 
TON'S   GUARDIANSHIP    OF    JOHN     PARKE     CUSTIS HIS     OPINIONS 

AS    TO    PREMATURE    TRAVEL    AND    PREMATURE    MARRIAGE. 

The  discontents  of  Virginia,  which  had  been  partially  soothed 
by  the  amiable  administration  of  Lord  Botetourt,  were  irritated 
anew  under  his  successor,  the  Earl  of  Dunmore.  This  noble- 
man had  for  a  short  time  held  the  government  of  New  York. 
When  appointed  to  that  of  Virginia,  he  lingered  for  several 
months  at  his  former  post.  In  the  mean  time,  he  sent  his  mili- 
tary secretary,  Captain  Foy,  to  attend  to  the  despatch  of  busi- 
ness until  his  arrival ;  awarding  to  him  a  salary  and  fees  to  be 
paid  by  the  colony. 

The  pride  of  the  Virginians  was  piqued  at  his  lingering  at 
New  York,  as  if  he  preferred  its  gayety  and  luxury  to  the  com- 
parative quiet  and  simplicity  of  Williamsburg.  Their  pride  was 
still  more  piqued  on  his  arrival,  by  what  they  considered 
haughtiness  on  his  part.  The  spirit  of  the  u  Ancient  Do- 
minion" was  roused,  and  his  lordship  experienced  opposition 
at  his  very  outset. 

The  first  measure  of  the  Assembly,  at  its  opening,  was  to 
demand  by  what  right  he  had  awarded  a  salary  and  fees  to  his 
secretary  without  consulting  it;  and  to  question  whether  it  was 
authorized  by  the  crown. 

His  lordship  had  the  good  policy  to  rescind  the  unauthorized 
act,  and  in  so  doing  mitigated  the  ire  of  the  Assembly  ;  but  he 
lost  no  time  in  proroguing  a  body,  which,  from  various  symp- 
toms, appeared  to  be  too  independent,  and  disposed  to  be 
untractable. 

He  continued  to  prorogue  it  from  time  to  time,  seeking  in  the 
interim  to  conciliate  the  Virginians,  and  soothe  their  irritated 
pride.  At  length,  after  repeated  prorogations,  he  was  com- 
pelled by  circumstances  to  convene  it  on  the  1st  of  March,  1773. 

Washington  was  prompt  in  his  attendance  on  the  occasion  ; 
and  foremost  among  the  patriotic  members,  who  eagerly  availed 
themselves  of  this  long  wished  for  opportunity  to  legislate  upon 
the  general  affairs  of  the  colonies.  One  of  their  most  important 
measures  was  the  appointment  of  a  committee  of  eleven  persons, 


242  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

"  whose  business  it  should  be  to  obtain  the  most  clear  and 
authentic  intelligence  of  all  such  acts  and  resolutions  of  the 
British  Parliament,  or  proceedings  of  administration,  as  may 
relate  to  or  affect  the  British  colonies,  and  to  maintain  with 
their  sister  colonies  a  correspondence  and  communication." 

The  plan  thus  proposed  by  their  "  noble,  patriotic  sister 
colony  of  Virginia,"1  was  promptly  adopted  by  the  people  of 
Massachusetts,  and  soon  met  with  general  concurrence.  These 
corresponding  committees,  in  effect,  became  the  executive  power 
of  the  patriot  party,  producing  the  happiest  concert  of  design 
and  action  throughout  the  colonies. 

Notwithstanding  the  decided  part  taken  by  Washington  in 
the  popular  movement,  very  friendly  relations  existed  between 
him  and  Lord  Dunmore.  The  latter  appreciated  his  character, 
and  sought  to  avail  himself  of  his  experience  in  the  affairs  of 
the  province.  It  was  even  concerted  that  Washington  should 
accompany  his  lordship  on  an  extensive  tour,  which  the  latter 
intended  to  make  in  the  course  of  the  summer  along  the  western 
frontier.  A  melancholy  circumstance  occurred  to  defeat  this 
arrangement. 

We  have  spoken  of  Washington's  paternal  conduct  toward 
the  two  children  of  Mrs.  Washington.  The  daughter,  Miss 
Custis,  had  long  been  an  object  of  extreme  solicitude.  She 
was  of  a  fragile  constitution,  and  for  some  time  past  had  been 
in  very  declining  health.  Early  in  the  present  summer,  symp- 
toms indicated  a  rapid  change  for  the  worse.  Washington  was 
absent  from  home  at  the  time.  On  his  return  to  Mount 
.Vernon,  he  found  her  in  the  last  stage  of  consumption. 

Though  not  a  man  given  to  bursts  of  sensibility,  he  is  said 
on  the  present  occasion  to  have  evinced  the  deepest  affliction  ; 
kneeling  by  her  bedside,  and  pouring  out  earnest  prayers  for 
her  recovery.  She  expired  on  the  19th  of  June,  in  the  seven- 
teenth year  of  her  age.  This,  of  course,  put  an  end  to  Wash- 
ington's intention  of  accompanying  Lord  Dunmore  to  the 
frontier ;  he  remained  at  home  to  console  Mrs.  Washington  in 
her  affliction  —  furnishing  his  lordship,  however,  with  travelling 
hints  and  directions,  and  recommending  proper  guides.  And 
here  we  will  take .  occasion  to  give  a  few  brief  particulars  of 
domestic  affairs  at  Mount  Vernon. 

For  a  long  time  previous  to  the  death  of  Miss  Custis,  her 
mother,  despairing  of  her  recovery,  had  centred  her  hopes  in 
her  son,  John  Parke  Custis.  This  rendered  Washington's  guard- 
ianship of  him  a  delicate  and  difficult  task.     He  was  lively, 

1  Boston  Town  Records. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  243 

susceptible,  and  impulsive  ;  had  an  independent  fortune  in  his 
own  right,  and  an  indulgent  mother,  ever  ready  to  plead  in  his 
behalf  against  wholesome  discipline.  He  had  been  placed  under 
the  care  and  instruction  of  an  Episcopal  clergyman  at  Annap- 
olis, but  was  occasionally  at  home,  mounting  his  horse,  and 
taking  a  part,  while  }Tet  a  boy,  in  the  fox-hunts  at  Mount 
Vernon.  His  education  had  consequently  been  irregular  and 
imperfect,  and  not  such  as  Washington  would  have  enforced 
had  he  possessed  over  him  the  absolute  authority  of  a  father. 
Shortly  after  the  return  of  the  latter  from  his  tour  to  the  Ohio, 
he  was  concerned  to  find  that  there  was  an  idea  entertained  of 
sending  the  lad  abroad,  though  but  little  more  than  sixteen 
years  of  age,  to  travel  under  the  care  of  his  clerical  tutor. 
Through  his  judicious  interference,  the  travelling  scheme  was 
postponed,  and  it  was  resolved  to  give  the  young  gentleman's 
mind  the  benefit  of  a  little  preparatory  home  culture. 

Little  more  than  a  year  elapsed  before  the  sallying  impulses 
of  the  youth  had  taken  a  new  direction.  He  was  in  love  ;  what 
was  more,  he  was  engaged  to  the  object  of  his  passion,  and  on 
the  high  road  to  matrimony. 

Washington  now  opposed  himself  to  premature  marriage  as 
he  had  done  to  premature  travel.  A  correspondence  ensued 
between  him  and  the  young  lady's  father,  Benedict  Calvert, 
Esquire.  The  match  was  a  satisfactory  one  to  all  parties,  but 
it  was  agreed,  that  it  was  expedient  for  the  youth  to  pass  a  year 
or  two  previously  at  college.  Washington  accordingly  accom- 
panied him  to  New  York,  and  placed  him  under  the  care  of  the 
Rev.  Dr.  Cooper,  president  of  King's  (now  Columbia)  College, 
to  pursue  his  studies  in  that  institution.  All  this  occurred 
before  the  death  of  his  sister.  Within  a  year  after  that  melan- 
choly event,  he  became  impatient  for  a  union  with  the  object  of 
his  choice.  His  mother,  now  more  indulgent  than  ever  to  this, 
her  only  child,  yielded  her  consent,  and  Washington  no  longer 
made  opposition. 

"  It  hsf§  been  against  my  wishes,"  writes  the  latter  to  Pres- 
ident Cooper,  "that  he  should  quit  college  in  order  that  he 
may  soon  enter  into  a  new  scene  of  life,  which  I  think  he  would 
be  much  fitter  for  some  years  hence  than  now.  But  having  his 
own  inclination,  the  desires  of  his  mother,  and  the  acquiescence 
of  almost  all  his  relatives  to  encounter,  I  did  not  care,  as  he  is 
the  last  of  the  family,  to  push  my  opposition  too  far ;  I  have, 
therefore,  submitted  to  a  kind  of  necessity." 

The  marriage  was  celebrated  on  the  3d  of  February,  1774v 
before  the  bridegroom  was  twenty-one  years  of  age. 


244  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

Note.  —  We  are  induced  to  subjoin  extracts  of  two  letters  from  Washington  relative 
to  young  Custis.  The  first  gives  his  objections  to  premature  travel;  the  second  to  pre- 
mature matrimony.  Both  are  worthy  of  consideration  in  this  country,  where  our  young 
people  have  such  a  general  disposition  to  "  go  ahead." 

To  the  Reverend  Jonathan  Boucher  (the  tutor  of  young  Custis). 

.  .  .  "  I  cannot  help  giving  it  as  my  opinion,  that  his  education,  however  advanced  it 
may  be  for  a  youth  of  his  age,  is  by  no  means  ripe  enough  for  a  travelling  tour;  not 
that  I  think  his  becoming  a  mere  scholar  is  a  desirable  education  for  a  gentleman,  but  I 
conceive  a  knowledge  of  books  is  the  basis  upon  which  all  other  knowledge  is  to  be 
built,  and  in  travelling  he  is  to  become  acquainted  with  men  and  things,  rather  than 
books.  At  present,  however  well  versed  he  may  be  in  the  principles  of  the  Latin  lan- 
guage (which  is  not  to  be  wondered  at,  as  he  began  the  study  of  it  as  soon  as  he  could 
speak),  he  is  unacquainted  with  several  of  the  classic  authors  that  might  be  useful  to 
him.  He  is  ignorant  of  Greek,  the  advantages  of  learning  which  I  do  not  pretend  to 
judge  of;  and  he  knows  nothing  of  French,  which  is  absolutely  necessary  to  him  as  a 
traveller.  He  has  little  or  no  acquaintance  with  arithmetic,  and  is  totally  ignorant  of  the 
mathematics,  —  than  which,  at  least,  so  much  of  them  as  relates  to  surveying,  nothing 
can  be  more  essentially  necessary  to  any  man  possessed  of  a  large  landed  estate,  the 
bounds  of  some  part  or  other  of  which  are  always  in  controversy.  Now  whether  he  has 
time  between  this  and  next  spring  to  acquire  a  sufficient  knowledge  of  these  studies,  I 
leave  you  to  judge;  as,  also,  whether  a  boy  of  seventeen  years  old  (which  will  be  his 
age  next  November) ,  can  have  any  just  notions  of  the  end  and  design  of  travelling.  I 
have  already  given  it  as  my  opinion  that  it  would  be  precipitating  this  event,  unless  he 
were  to  go  immediately  to  the  university  for  a  couple  of  years;  in  which  case  he  could 
see  nothing  of  America;  which  might  be  a  disadvantage  to  him,  as  it  is  to  be  expected 
that  every  man,  who  travels  with  a  view  of  observing  the  laws  and  customs  of  other 
countries,  should  be  able  to  give  some  description  of  the  situation  and  government  of 
his  own." 

The  following  are  extracts  from  the  letter  to  Benedict  Calvert,  Esquire,  the  young 
lady's  father : 

*'  I  write  to  you  on  a  subject  of  importance,  and  of  no  small  embarrassment  to  me.  My 
son-in-law  and  ward,  Mr.  Custis,  has,  as  I  have  been  informed,»paid  his  addresses  to  your 
second  daughter;  and  having  made  some  progress  in  her  affections,  has  solicited  her  in 
marriage.  How  far  a  union  of  this  sort  may  be  agreeable  to  you  you  best  can  tell ;  but  I 
should  think  myself  wanting  in  candor,  were  I  not  to  confess  that  Miss  Nelly's  amiable 
qualities  are  acknowledged  on  all  hands,  and  that  an  alliance  with  your  family  will  be 
pleasing  to  his. 

"  This  acknowledgment  being  made,  you  must  permit  me  to  add,  sir,  that  at  thi6,  or 
in  any  short  time,  his  youth,  inexperience,  and  unripened  education  are,  and  will  be, 
insuperable  obstacles,  in  my  opinion,  to  the  completion  of  the  marriage.  As  his  guard- 
ian, I  conceive  it  my  indispensable  duty  to  endeavor  to  carry  him  through  a  regular 
course  of  education  (many  branches  of  which,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  he  is  totally  deficient 
in),  and  to  guide  his  youth  to  a  more  advanced  age,  before  an  event,  on  which  his  own 
peace  and  the  happiness  of  another  are  to  depend,  takes  place.  ...  If  the  affection 
which  they  have  avowed  for  each  other  is  fixed  upon  a  solid  basis,  it  will  receive  no 
diminution  in  the  course  of  two  or  three  years;  in  which  time  he  may  prosecute  his 
studies,  aud  thereby  render  himself  more  deserving  of  the  lady,  and  useful  to  society. 
If,  unfortunately,  as  they  are  both  young,  there  should  be  an  abatement  of  affection  on 
either  side,  or  both,  it  had  better  precede  than  follaw  marriage. 

"Delivering  my  sentiments  thus  freely,  will  not,  I  hope,  lead  you  into  a  belief  that  I 
am  desirous  of  breaking  off  the  match.  To  postpone  it  is  all  I  have  in  view ;  for  I  shall 
recommend  to  the  young  gentleman,  with  the  warmth  that  becomes  a  man  of  honor,  to 
consider  himself  as  much  engaged  to  your  daughter,  as  if  the  indissoluble  knot  wera 
tied;  and  as  the  surest  means  of  effecting  this,  to  apply  himself  closely  to  his  studies,  by 
which  he  will,  in  a  great  measure,  avoid  those  little  flirtations  with  other  young  ladies, 
that  may,  by  dividing  the  attention,  contribute  uot  a  little  to  divide  the  affection." 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  245 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

lord   north's   bill   favoring    the    exportation    of  teas  — 

ships   freighted  with   tea  to  the   colonies sent   back 

from   some   of  the   ports tea   destroyed   at   boston 

passage  of  the  boston  port  bill session  of  the  house 

of  burgesses splendid   opening burst  of  indignation 

at  the  port  bill house  dissolved resolutions  at  the 

raleigh  tavern project  of  a  general  congress wash- 
ington  and   lord    dunmore the    port    bill    goes    into 

effect general    gage   at    boston league    and    cove- 
NANT. 

The  general  covenant  throughout  the  colonies  against  the 
use  of  taxed  tea,  had  operated  disastrously  against  the  interests 
of  the  East  India  Company,  and  produced  an  immense  accu- 
mulation of  the  proscribed  article  in  their  warehouses.  To 
remedy  this,  Lord  North  brought  in  a  bill  (1773),  by  which 
the  company  were  allowed  to  export  their  teas  from  England 
to  any  part  whatever,  without  paying  export  duty.  This,  by 
enabling  them  to  offer  their  teas  at  a  low  price  in  the  colonies 
would,  he  supposed,  tempt  the  Americans  to  purchase  large 
quantities,  thus  relieving  the  company,  and  at  the  same  time 
benefiting  the  revenue  by  the  impost  duty..  Confiding  in  the 
wisdom  of  this  policy,  the  company  disgorged  their  ware- 
houses, freighted  several  ships  with  tea,  and  sent  them  to 
various  parts  of  the  colonies.  This  brought  matters  to  a 
crisis.  One  sentiment,  one  determination,  pervaded  the  whole 
continent.  Taxation  was  to  receive  its  definitive  blow.  Who- 
ever submitted  to  it  was  an  enemy  to  his  country.  From  New 
York  and  Philadelphia  the  ships  were  sent  back,  unladen,  to 
London.  In  Charleston  the  tea  was  unloaded,  and  stored  away 
in  cellars  and  other  places,  where  it  perished.  At  Boston 
the  action  was  still  more  decisive.  The  ships  anchored  in  the 
harbor.  Some  small  parcels  of  tea  were  brought  on  shore,  but 
the  sale  of  them  was  prohibited.  The  captains  of  the  ships, 
seeing  the  desperate  state  of  the  case,  would  have  made  sail 
back  for  England,  but  they  could  not  obtain  the  consent  of  the 
consignees,  a  clearance  at  the  custom-house,  or  a  passport  from 
the  governor  to  clear  the  fort.  It  was  evident,  the  tea  was  to 
be  forced  upon  the  people  of  Boston,  and  the  principle  of  tax- 
ation established. 


246  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

To  settle  the  matter  completely,  and  prove  that,  on  a  point 
of  principle,  they  were  not  to  be  trifled  with,  a  number  of  the 
inhabitants,  disguised  as  Indians,  boarded  the  ships  in  the  night 
(18th  December),  broke  open  all  the  chests  of  tea,  and  emptied 
the  contents  into  the  sea.  This  was  no  rash  and  intemperate 
proceeding  of  a  mob,  but  the  well-considered,  though  resolute 
act  of  sober,  respectable  citizens,  men  of  reflection,  but  determi- 
nation. The  whole  was  done  calmly,  and  in  perfect  order; 
after  which  the  actors  in  the  scene  dispersed  without  tumult, 
and  returned  quietly  to  their  homes. 

The  general  opposition  of  the  colonies  to  the  principle  of  tax- 
ation had  given  great  annoyance  to  government,  but  this  indi- 
vidual act  concentrated  all  its  wrath  upon  Boston.  A  bill  was 
forthwith  passed  in  Parliament  (commonly  called  the  Boston  port 
bill),  by  which  all  lading  and  unlading  of  goods,  wares,  and 
merchandise,  were  to  cease  in  that  town  and  harbor,  on  and 
after  the  4th  of  June,  and  the  officers  of  the  customs  to  be  trans- 
ferred to  Salem. 

Another  law,  passed  soon  after,  altered  the  charter  of  the 
province,  decreeing  that  all  counsellors,  judges,  and  magistrates, 
should  be  appointed  by  the  crown,  and  hold  office  during  the 
royal  pleasure. 

This  was  followed  by  a  third,  intended  for  the  suppression  of 
riots ;  and  providing  that  any  person  indicted  for  murder,  or 
other  capital  offence,  committed  in  aiding  the  magistracy,  might 
be  sent  by  the  governor  to  some  other  colony,  or  to  Great 
Britain,  for  trial. 

Such  was  the  bolt  of  Parliamentary  wrath  fulminated  against 
the  devoted  town  of  Boston.  Before  it  fell  there  was  a  session 
in  May,  of  the  Virginia  House  of  Burgesses.  The  social  posi- 
tion of  Lord  Dunmore  had  been  strengthened  in  the  province  by 
the  arrival  of  his  lady,  and  a  numerous  family  of  sons  and 
daughters.  The  old  Virginia  aristocracy  had  vied  with  each 
other  in  hospitable  attentions  to  the  family.  A  court  circle  had 
sprung  up.  Regulations  had  been  drawn  up  by  a  herald,  and 
published  officially,  determining  the  rank  and  precedence  of  civil 
and  military  officers,  and  their  wives.  The  aristocracy  of  the 
Ancient  Dominion  was  furbishing  up  its  former  splendor.  Car- 
riages and  four  rolled  into  the  streets  of  Williamsburg,  with 
horses  handsomely  caparisoned,  bringing  the  wealthy  planters 
and  their  families  to  the  seat  of  government. 

Washington  arrived  in  Williamsburg  on  the  16th,  and  dined 
with  the  governor  on  the  day  of  his  arrival,  having  a  distin- 
guished position  in  the  court  circle,  and  being  still  on  terms 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON:  247 

of  intimacy  with  his  lordship.  The  House  of  Burgesses 
was  opened  in  form,  and  one  of  its  first  measures  was  an 
address  of  congratulation  to  the  governor,  on  the  arrival  of 
his  lady.  It  was  followed  up  by  an  agreement  among  the 
members  to  give  her  ladyship  a  splendid  ball,  on  the  27th  of 
the  month. 

All  things  were  going  on  smoothly  and  smilingly,  when  a 
letter,  received  through  the  corresponding  committee,  brought 
intelligence  of  the  vindictive  measure  of  Parliament,  by  which 
the  port  of  Boston  was  to  be  closed  on  the  approaching  1st  of 
June. 

The  letter  was  read  in  the  House  of  Burgesses,  and  produced 
a  general  burst  of  indignation.  All  other  business  was  thrown 
aside,  and  this  became  the  sole  subject  of  discussion.  A  protest 
against  this  and  other  recent  acts  of  Parliament  was  entered 
upon  the  journal  of  the  House,  and  a  resolution  was  adopted,  on 
the  24th  of  May,  setting  apart  the  1st  of  June  as  a  day  of  fast- 
ing, prayer,  and  humiliation  ;  in  which  the  divine  interposition 
was  to  be  implored,  to  avert  the  heavy  calamity  threatening  de- 
struction to  their  rights,  and  all  the  evils  of  civil  war ;  and  to 
give  the  people  one  heart  and  one  mind  in  firmly  opposing  every 
injury  to  American  liberties. 

On  the  following  morning,  while  the  Burgesses  were  engaged  in 
animated  debate,  they  were  summoned  to  attend  Lord  Dunmore 
in  the  council  chamber,  where  he  made  them  the  following  laconic 
speech:  "Mr.  Speaker,  and  Gentlemen  of  the  House  of  Bur- 
gesses :  I  have  in  my  hand  a  paper,  published  by  order  of  your 
House,  conceived  in  such  terms,  as  reflect  highly  upon  his 
majesty,  and  the  Parliament  of  Great  Britain,  which  makes  it 
necessary  for  me  to  dissolve  you,  and  you  are  dissolved  accord- 
ingly." 

As  on  a  former  occasion,  the  Assembly,  though  dissolved,  was 
not  dispersed.  The  members  adjourned  to  the  long  room  of 
the  old  Raleigh  tavern,  and  passed  resolutions,  denouncing  the 
Boston  rtort  bill  as  a  most  dangerous  attempt  to  destroy  the 
constitutional  liberty  and  rights  of  all  North  America ;  recom- 
mending their  countrymen  to  desist  from  the  use,  not  merely  of 
tea,  but  of  all  kinds  of  East  Indian  commodities  ;  pronouncing 
an  attack  on  one  of  the  colonies,  to  enforce  arbitrary  taxes,  an 
attack  on  all ;  and  ordering  the  committee  of  correspondence  to 
communicate  with  the  other  corresponding  committees,  on  the 
expediency  of  appointing  deputies  from  the  several  colonies 
of  British  America,  to  meet  annually  in  General  Congress, 
at  such  place  as  might  be  deemed  expedient,  to  deliberate  on 


248  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

such  measures  as  the  united  interest  of  the  colonies  might 
require. 

This  was  the  first  recommendation  of  a  General  Congress  by 
any  public  assembly,  though  it  had  been  previously  proposed 
in  town  meetings  at  New  York  and  Boston.  A  resolution  to 
the  same  effect  was  passed  in  the  Assembly  of  Massachusetts 
before  it  was  aware  of  the  proceedings  of  the  Virginia  Legisla- 
ture. The  measure  recommended  met  with  prompt  and  general 
concurrence  throughout  the  colonies,  and  the  fifth  day  of  Sep- 
tember next  ensuing  was  fixed  upon  for  the  meeting  of  the  first 
Congress,  which  was  to  be  held  at  Philadelphia. 

Notwithstanding  Lord  Dunmore's  abrupt  dissolution  of  the 
House  of  Burgesses,  the  members  still  continued  on  courteous 
terms  with  him,  and  the  ball  which  they  had  decreed  early  in 
the  session  in  honor  of  Lady  Dun  more,  was  celebrated  on  the 
27th  with  unwavering  gallantly. 

As  to  Washington,  widely  as  he  differed  from  Lord  Dunmore 
on  important  points  of  policy,  his  intimacy  with  him  remained 
uninterrupted.  By  memorandums  in  his  diary  it  appears  that 
he  dined  and  passed  the  evening  at  his  lordship's  on  the  25th, 
the  very  day  of  the  meeting  at  the  Raleigh  tavern.  That  he 
rode  out  with  him  to  his  farm,  and  breakfasted  there  with  him 
on  the  26th,  and  on  the  evening  of  the  27th  attended  the  ball 
given  to  her  ladyship.  Such  was  the  well-bred  decorum  that 
seemed  to  quiet  the  turbulence  of  popular  excitement,  without 
checking  the  full  and  firm  expression  of  popular  opinion. 

On  the  29th,  two  days  after  the  ball,  letters  arrived  from 
Boston  giving  the  proceedings  of  a  town  meeting,  recommend- 
ing that  a  general  league  should  be  formed  throughout  the  colo- 
nies suspending  all  trade  with  Great  Britain.  But  twenty-five 
members  of  the  late  House  of  Burgesses,  including  Washing- 
ton, were  at  that  time  remaining  in  Williamsburg.  They  held 
a  meeting  on  the  following  day,  at  which  Peyton  Randolph 
presided  as  moderator.  After  some  discussion  it  was  deter- 
mined to  issue  a  printed  circular,  bearing  their  signatures,  and 
calling  a  meeting  of  all  the  members  of  the  late  House  of  Bur- 
gesses, on  the  1st  of  August,  to  take  into  consideration  this 
measure  of  a  general  league.  The  circular  recommended  them, 
also,  to  collect  in  the  mean  time,  the  sense  of  their  respective 
counties. 

Washington  was  still  at  Williamsburg  on  the  1st  of  June,  the 
day  when  the  port  bill  was  to  be  enforced  at  Boston.  It  was 
ushered  in  by  the  tolling  of  bells,  and  observed  by  all  true  pa- 
triots as  a  day  of   fasting  and  humiliation.     Washington  notes 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  249 

in  his  diary  that  he  fasted  rigidly,  and  attended  the  services 
appointed  in  the  church.  Still  his  friendly  intercourse  with  the 
Duninore  family  was  continued  during  the  remainder  of  his 
sojourn  in  Williamsburg,  where  he  was  detained  by  business 
until  the  20th,  when  he  set  out  on  his  return  to  Mount 
Vernon. 

In  the  mean  time  the  Boston  port  bill  had  been  carried  into 
effect.  On  the  1st  of  June  the  harbor  of  Boston  was  closed  at 
noon,  and  all  business  ceased.  The  two  other  parliamentary 
acts  altering  the  charter  of  Massachusetts  were  to  be  enforced. 
No  public  meetings,  excepting  tlie  annual  town  meetings  in 
March  and  May,  were  to  be  held  without  permission  of  the 
governor. 

General  Thomas  Gage  had  recently  been  appointed  to  the 
military  command  of  Massachusetts,  and  the  carrying  out  of 
these  offensive  acts.  He  was  the  same  officer  who,  as  lieuten- 
ant-colonel, had  led  the  advance  guard  on  the  field  of  Brad- 
dock's  defeat.  Fortune  had  since  gone  well  with  him.  Rising 
in  the  service,  he  had  been  governor  of  Montreal,  and  had 
succeeded  Amherst  in  the  command  of  the  British  forces  on 
this  continent.  He  was  linked  to  the  country  also  by  domes- 
tic ties,  having  married  into  one  of  the  most  respectable  families 
of  New  Jersey.  In  the  various  situations  in  which  he  had 
hitherto  been  placed  he  had  won  esteem,  and  rendered  himself 
popular.  Not  much  was  expected  from  him  in  his  present  post 
by  those  who  knew  him  well.  William  Smith,  the  historian, 
speaking  of  him  to  Adams,  "Gage,"  said  he,  "  was  a  good- 
natured,  peaceable,  sociable  man  while  here  (in  New  York), 
but  altogether  unfit  for  a  governor  of  Massachusetts.  He  will 
lose  all  the  character  he  has  acquired  as  a  man,  a  gentleman, 
and  a  general,  and  dwindle  down  into-  a  mere  scribbling  gov- 
ernor—  a  mere  Bernard  or  Hutchinson." 

With  all  Gage's  experience  in  America,  he  had  formed  a 
most  erroneous  opinion  of  the  character  of  the  people.  "The 
Americans,"  said  he  to  the  king,  "  will  be  lions  only  as  long  as 
the  English  are  lambs;  "  and  he  engaged,  with  five  regiments, 
to  keep  Boston  quiet ! 

The  manner  in  which  his  attempts  to  enforce  the  recent  acts 
of  Parliament  were  resented,  showed  how  egregiously  he  was  in 
error.  At  the  suggestion  of  the  Assembly,  a  paper  was  cir- 
culated through  the  province  by  the  committee  of  correspond- 
ence, entitled  "  a  solemn  league  and  covenant,"  the  subscribers 
to  which  bound  themselves  to  break  off  all  intercourse  with 
Great  Britain  from  the  1st  of  August,  until  the  colony  should  be 


250  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

restored  to  the  enjoyment  of  its  chartered  rights  ;  and  to  re- 
nounce all  dealings  with  those  who  should  refuse  to  enter  into 
this  compact. 

The  very  title  of  league  and  covenant  had  an  ominous  sound, 
and  startled  General  Gage.  He  issued  a  proclamation,  de- 
nouncing it  as  illegal  and  traitorous.  Furthermore,  he  encamped 
a  force  of  infantry  and  artillery  on  Boston  Common,  as  if  pre- 
pared to  enact  the  lion.  An  alarm  spread  through  the  adjacent 
country.  "Boston  is  to  be  blockaded!  Boston  is  to  be  re- 
duced to  obedience  by  force  or  famine!"  The  spirit  of  the 
yeomanry  was  aroused.  They  sent  in  word  to  the  inhabitants 
promising  to  come  to  their  aid  if  necessary ;  and  urging  theni 
to  stand  fast  to  the  faith.  Affairs  were  corning  to  a  crisis.  It 
was  predicted  that  the  new  acts  of  Parliament  would  bring  on 
"  a  most  important  and  decisive  trial." 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

washington  chairman  of  a  political  meeting correspond- 
ence    with      bryan    fairfax patriotic     resolutions  — 

Washington's  opinions  on    public    affairs — non-importa- 
tion    SCHEME CONVENTION    AT    WILLIAMSBURG WASHINGTON 

APPOINTED  A  DELEGATE  TO  THE  GENERAL  CONGRESS LETTER 

FROM  BRYAN  FAIRFAX PERPLEXITIES  OF  GENERAL  GAGE  AT 

BOSTON. 

Shortly  after  Washington's  return  to  Mount  Vernon,  in  the 
latter  part  of  June,  he  presided  as  moderator  at  a  meeting  of 
the  inhabitants  of  Fairfax  County,  wherein,  after  the  recent 
acts  of  Parliament  had  been  discussed,  a  committee  was  ap- 
pointed, with  himself  as  chairman,  to  draw  up  resolutions  ex- 
pressive of  the  sentiments  of  the  present  meeting,  and  to  report 
the  same  at  a  general  meeting  of  the  count}7,  to  be  held  in  the 
court-house  on  the  18th  of  July. 

The  course  that  public  measures  were  taking  shocked  the 
loyal  feelings  of  Washington's  valued  friend,  Bryan  Fairfax, 
of  Tarlston  Hall,  a  younger  brother  of  George  William,  who 
was  absent  in  England.  He  was  a  man  of  liberal  sentiments, 
but  attached  to  the  ancient  rule  ;  and,  in  a  letter  to  Washing- 
ton, advised  a  petition  to  the  throne,  which  would  give  Parlia- 
ment an  opportunity  to  repeal  the  offensive  acts. 

44 1  would   heartily  join  you   in  your  political  sentiments,' 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  251 

writes  Washington  in  reply,  "  as  far  as  relates  to  a  humble  and 
dutiful  petition  to  the  throne,  provided  there  was  the  most  dis- 
tant hope  of  sueeess.  But  have  we  not  tried  this  already? 
Have  we  not  addressed  the  lords,  and  remonstrated  to  the 
commons?  And  to  what  end?  Does  it  not  appear  as  clear  as 
the  sun  in  its  meridian  brightness  that  there  is  a  regular,  syste- 
matic plan  to  fix  the  right  and  practice  of  taxation  upon  us? 
...  Is  not  the  attack  upon  the  liberty  and  property  of  the 
people  of  Boston,  before  restitution  of  the  loss  to  the  India 
Company  was  demanded,  a  plain  and  self-evident  proof  of  what 
they  are  aiming  at?  Do  not  the  subsequent  bills  for  depriving 
the  Massachusetts  Bay  of  its  charter,  and  for  transporting  of- 
fenders to  other  colonies  or  to  Great  Britain  for  trial,  where  it 
is  impossible,  from  the  nature  of  things,  that  justice  can  be 
obtained,  convince  us  that  the  administration  is  determined  to 
stick  at  nothing  to  carry  its  point?  Ought  we  not,  then,  to  put 
our  virtue  and  fortitude  to  the  severest  tests?  " 

The  committee  met  according  to  appointment,  with  Wash- 
ington as  chairman.  The  resolutions  framed  at  the  meeting 
insisted,  as  usual,  on  the  right  of  self-government,  and  the 
principle  that  taxation  and  representation  were  in  their  nature 
inseparable.  That  the  various  acts  of  Parliament  for  raising 
revenue  ;  taking  away  trials  by  jury  ;  ordering  that  persons 
might  be  tried  in  a  different  country  from  that  in  which  the 
cause  of  accusation  originated ;  closing  the  port  of  Boston  ; 
abrogating  the  charter  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  etc.,  etc.,  —  were 
all  part  of  a  premeditated  design  and  system  to  introduce  arbi- 
trary government  into  the  colonies.  That  the  sudden  and  re- 
peated dissolutions  of  Assemblies  whenever  they  presumed  to 
examine  the  illegality  of  ministerial  mandates,  or  deliberated 
on  the  violated  rights  of  their  constituents,  were  part  of  the 
same  system,  and  calculated  and  intended  to  drive  the  people 
of  the  colonies  to  a  state  of  desperation,  and  to  dissolve  the 
compact  by  which  their  ancestors  bound  themselves  and  their 
posterity  to  remain  dependent  on  the  British  crown.  The  reso- 
lutions, furthermore,  recommended  the  most  perfect  union  and 
co-operation  among  the  colonies  ;  solemn  covenants  with  respect 
to  non-importation  and  non-intercourse,  and  a  renunciation  of 
all  dealings  with  any  colony,  town,  or  province,  that  should 
refuse  to  agree  to  the  plan  adopted  by  the  General  Congress. 

They  also  recommended  a  dutiful  petition  and  remonstrance 
from  the  Congress  to  the  king,  asserting  their  constitutional 
rights  and  privileges  ;  lamenting  the  necessity  of  entering  into 
measures  that  might  be  displeasing ;    declaring    their    attach- 


252  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

meut  to  his  person,  family,  and  government,  and  their  desire  to 
continue  in  dependence  upon  Great  Britain  ;  beseeching  him 
not  to  reduce  his  faithful  subjects  of  America  to  desperation, 
and  to  reflect,  that  from  our  sovereign  there  can  be  but  one 
appeal. 

These  resolutions  are  the  more  worthy  of  note,  as  expressive 
of  the  opinions  and  feelings  of  Washington  at  this  eventful  time, 
if  not  being  entirely  dictated  by  him.  The  last  sentence  is  of 
awful  import,  suggesting  the  possibility  of  being  driven  to  an 
appeal  to  arms. 

Bryan  Fairfax,  who  was  aware  of  their  purport,  addressed  a 
long  letter  to  Washington,  on  the  17th  of  July,  the  day  pre- 
ceding that  in  which  they  were  to  be  reported  by  the  committee, 
stating  his  objections  to  several  of  them,  and  requesting  that 
his  letter  might  be  publicly  read.  The  letter  was  not  received 
until  after  the  committee  had  gone  to  the  court-house  on  the 
18th,  with  the  resolutions  revised,  corrected,  and  ready  to  be 
reported.  Washington  glanced  over  the  letter  hastily,  and 
handed  it  round  to  several  of  the  gentlemen  present.  They, 
with  one  exception,  advised  that  it  should  not  be  publicly  read, 
as  it  was  not  likely  to  make  any  converts,  and  was  repugnant, 
as  some  thought,  to  every  principle  they  were  contending  for. 
Washington  forbore,  therefore,  to  give  it  any  further  publicity. 

The  resolutions  reported  by  the  committee  were  adopted,  and 
Washington  was  chosen  a  delegate  to  represent  the  county  at  the 
General  Convention  of  the  province,  to  be  held  at  Williams- 
burg on  the  1st  of  August.  After  the  meeting  had  adjourned, 
he  felt  doubtful  whether  Fairfax  might  not  be  dissatisfied 
that  his  letter  had  not  been  read,  as  he  requested,  to  the  county 
at  large  ;  he  wrote  to  him,  therefore,  explaining  the  circum- 
stances which  prevented  it ;  at  the  same  time  replying  to  some 
of  the  objections  which  Fairfax  had  made  to  certain  of  the 
resolutions.  He  reiterated  his  belief  that  an  appeal  would  be 
ineffectual.  "What  is  it  we  are  contending  against?"  asked 
he  ;  "  Is  it  against  paying  the  duty  of  threepence  per  pound  on 
tea  because  burdensome  ?  No,  it  is  the  right  only,  that  we  have  all 
along  disputed ;  and  to  this  end,  we  have  already  petitioned 
his  majesty  in  as  humble  and  dutiful  a  manner  as  subjects  could 
do.  Nay,  more,  we  applied  to  the  House  of  Lords  and  House 
of  Commons  in  their  different  legislative  capacities,  setting 
forth  that,  as  Englishmen,  we  could  not  be  deprived  of  this 
essential  and  valuable  part  of  our  constitution.   .   .   . 

"  The  conduct  of  the  Boston  people  could  not  justify  the 
rigor  of  their  measures,  unless  there  had  been  a  requisition  of 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  253 

payment,  and  refusal  of  it ;  nor  did  that  conduct  require  an  act 
to  deprive  the  government  of  Massachusetts  Bay  of  their 
charter,  or  to  exempt  offenders  from  trial  in  the  places  where 
offences  were  committed,  as  there  was  not,  nor  could  there  be, 
a  single  instance  produced  to  manifest  the  necessity  of  it.  Are 
not  all  these  things  evident  proofs  of  a  fixed  and  uniform  plan 
to  tax  us?  If  we  want  further  proofs,  do  not  all  the  debates  in 
the  House  of  Commons  serve  to  confirm  this?  And  has  not 
General  Gage's  conduct  since  his  arrival,  in  stopping  the 
address  of  his  council,  and  publishing  a  proclamation,  more 
becoming  a  Turkish  bashaw  than  an  English  governor,  de- 
claring it  treason  to  associate  in  any  manner  by  which  the 
commerce  of  Great  Britain  is  to  be  affected,  —  has  not  this 
exhibited  an  unexampled  testimony  of  the  most  despotic  sys- 
tem of  tyranny  that  ever  was  practised  in  a  free  government?  " 

The  popular  measure  on  which  Washington  laid  the  greatest 
stress  as  a  means  of  obtaining  redress  from  government,  was 
the  non-importation  scheme  ;  u  for  I  am  convinced,"  said  he, 
"  as  much  as  of  my  existence,  that  there  is  no  relief  for  us  but 
in  their  distress  ;  and  I  think  —  at  least  I  hope  —  that  there  is 
public  virtue  enough  left  among  us  to  deny  ourselves  every  thing 
but  the  bare  necessaries  of  life  to  accomplish  this  end."  At 
the  same  time,  he  forcibly  condemned  a  suggestion  that  remit- 
tances to  England  should  be  withheld.  "  While  we  are  accusing 
others  of  injustice,"  said  he,  "we  should  be  just  ourselves; 
and  how  this  can  be  while  we  owe  a  considerable  debt,  and 
refuse  payment  of  it  to  Great  Britain  is  to  me  inconceivable : 
nothing  but  the  last  extremity  can  justify  it." 

On  the  1  st  of  August,  the  convention  of  representatives  from 
all  parts  of  Virginia  assembled  at  Williamsburg.  Washington 
appeared  on  behalf  of  Fairfax  County,  and  presented  the 
resolutions,  already  cited,  as  the  sense  of  his  constituents.  He 
is  said,  by  one  who  was  present,  to  have  spoken  in  support  of 
them  in  a  strain  of  uncommon  eloquence,  which  shows  how  his 
latent  ardor  had  been  excited  on  the  occasion,  as  eloquence  was 
not  in  general  among  his  attributes.  It  is  evident,  however, 
that  he  was  roused  to  an  unusual  pitch  of  enthusiasm,  for  he 
is  said  to  have  declared  that  he  was  ready  to  raise  one  thousand 
men,  subsist  them  at  his  own  expense,  and  march  at  their  head 
to  the  relief  of  Boston.1 

The  Convention  was  six  days  in  session.  Resolutions,  in  the 
same  spirit  with  those  passed  in  Fairfax  County,  were  adopted, 

1  See  information  given  to  the  elder  Adams,  by  Mr.  Lynch  of  South  Carolina.  — 
Adams' h  Diary. 


254  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

and  Peyton  Randolph,  Richard  Henry  Lee,  George  Washington, 
Patrick  Henry,  Richard  Bland,  Benjamin  Harrison,  and  Edmund 
Pendleton,  were  appointed  delegates,  to  represent  the  people 
of  Virginia  in  the  General  Congress. 

Shortly  after  Washington's  return  from  Williamsburg,  he 
received  a  reply  from  Bryan  Fairfax,  to  his  last  letter.  Fair- 
fax, who  was  really  a  man  of  liberal  views,  seemed  anxious  to 
vindicate  himself  from  any  suspicions  of  the  contrary.  In 
adverting  to  the  partial  suppression  of  his  letter  by  some  of 
the  gentlemen  of  the  committee  :  "  I  am  uneasy  to  find,"  writes 
he,  "that  anyone  should  look  upon  the  letter  sent  down  as 
repugnant  to  the  principles  we  are  contending  for ;  and,  there- 
fore, when  you  have  leisure,  I  shall  take  it  as  a  favor  if  you 
will  let  me  know  wherein  it  was  thought  so.  I  beg  leave  to 
look  upon  you  as  a  friend,  and  it  is  a  great  relief  to  unbosom 
one's  thoughts  to  a  friend.  Besides,  the  information  and  the 
correction  of  my  errors,  which  I  may  obtain  from  a  correspond- 
ence, are  great  inducements  to  it.  For  I  am  convinced  that  no 
man  in  the  colony  wishes  its  prosperity  more,  would  go  greater 
lengths  to  serve  it,  or  is,  at  the  same  time,  a  better  subject  to 
the  crown.  Pray  excuse  these  compliments,  they  may  be  toler- 
able from  a  friend."  1 

The  hurry  of  various  occupations  prevented  Washington, 
in  his  reply,  from  entering  into  any  further  discussion  of  the 
popular  theme.  "  I  can  only  in  general  add,"  said  he,  "  that 
an  innate  spirit  of  freedom  first  told  me  that  the  measures 
which  the  administration  have  for  some  time  been,  and  now  are 
violently  pursuing,  are  opposed  to  every  principle  of  natural 
justice  ;  while  much  abler  heads  than  my  own  have  fully  con- 
vinced me,  that  they  are  not  only  repugnant  to  natural  right, 
but  subversive  of  the  laws  and  constitution  of  Great  Britain 
itself.  ...  I  shall  conclude  with  remarking  that,  if  you  disa- 
vow the  right  of  Parliament  to  tax  us,  unrepresented  as  we 
are,  we  only  differ  in  the  mode  of  opposition,  and  this  difference 
principally  arises  from  your  belief  that  they  (the  Parliament 
I  mean),  want  a  decent  opportunity  to  repeal  the  acts ;  whilst  I 
am  fully  convinced  that  there  has  been  a  regular  systematic  plan 
to  enforce  them,  and  that  nothing  but  unanimity  and  firmness 
in  the  colonies,  which  they  did  not  expect,  can  prevent  it.  By 
the  best  advices  from  Boston,  it  seems  that  General  Gage  is 
exceedingly  disconcerted  at  the  quiet  and  steady  conduct  of  the 
people  of  the  Massachusetts  Bay,  and  at  the  measures  pursuing 

1  Sparks.    Washington's  Writings,  vol.  ii.,  p.  329. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  255 

by  the  other  governments.  I  dare  say  lie  expected  to  force 
those  oppressed  people  into  compliance,  or  irritate  them  to  acts 
of  violence  before  this,  for  a  more  colorable  pretence  of  ruling 
that,  and  th<?  other  colonies,  with  a  high  hand." 

Washington  had  formed  a  correct  opinion  of  the  position  of 
General  Gage.  From  the  time  of  taking  command  at  Boston, 
he  had  been  perplexed  how  to  manage  its  inhabitants.  Had 
they  been  hot-headed,  impulsive,  and  prone  to  paroxysm,  his 
task  would  have  been  comparatively  easy ;  but  it  was  the  cool, 
shrewd  common  sense,  by  which  all  their  movements  were  regu- 
lated, that  confounded  him. 

High-handed  measures  had  failed  of  the  anticipated  effect. 
Their  harbor  had  been  thronged  with  ships ;  their  town  with 
troops.  The  port  bill  had  put  an  end  to  commerce  ;  wharves 
were  deserted,  warehouses  closed;  streets  grass-grown  and 
silent.  The  rich  were  growing  poor,  and  the  poor  were  without 
employ;  yet  the  spirit  of  the  people  was  unbroken.  There 
was  no  uproar,  however ;  no  riots  ;  every  thing  was  awfully 
systematic  and  according  to  rule.  Town  meetings  were  held, 
in  which  public  rights  and  public  measures  were  eloquently  dis- 
cussed by  John  Adams,  Josiah  Quincy,  and  other  eminent  men. 
Over  these  meetings  Samuel  Adams  presided  as  moderator ;  a 
man  clear  in  judgment,  calm  in  conduct,  inflexible  in  resolution  ; 
deeply  grounded  in  civil  and  political  history,  and  infallible  on 
all  points  of  constitutional  law. 

Alarmed  at  the  powerful  influence  of  these  assemblages, 
government  issued  an  act  prohibiting  them  after  the  1st  of 
August.  The  act  was  evaded  by  convoking  the  meetings  be- 
fore that  day,  and  keeping  them  alive  indefinitely.  Gage  was 
at  a  loss  how  to  act.  It  would  not  do  to  disperse  these  assem- 
blages by  force  of  arms  ;  for  the  people  who  composed  them 
mingled  the  soldier  with  the  polemic  ;  and,  like  their  prototypes- 
the  Covenanters  of  yore,  if  prone  to  argue,  were  as  ready  tc> 
fight.  So  the  meetings  continued  to  be  held  pertinaciously. 
Faneuil  Hall  was  at  times  unable  to  hold  them,  and  they 
swarmed  from  that  revolutionary  hive  into  old  South  Church. 
The  liberty-tree  became  a  rallying  place  for  any  popular  move- 
ment, and  a  flag  hoisted  on  it  was  saluted  by  all  processions  as 
the  emblem  of  the  popular  cause. 

Opposition  to  the  new  plan  of  government  assumed  a  more 
violent  aspect  at  the  extremity  of  the  province,  and  was  abetted 
by  Connecticut.  "It  is  very  high,"  writes  Gage  (August 
26th),  "in  Berkshire  County,  and  makes  way  rapidly  to  the 
rest.     At  Worcester  they  threaten  resistance,  purchase  arms, 


256  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

provide  powder,  cast  balls,  and  threaten  to  attack  any  troops 
who  may  oppose  them.  I  apprehend  I  shall  soon  have  to  march 
a  body  of  troops  into  that  township." 

The  time  appointed  for  the  meeting  of  the  General  Congress 
at  Philadelphia  was  now  at  hand.  Delegates  had  already  gone 
on  from  Massachusetts.  "It  is  not  possible  to  guess,"  writes 
Gage,  "  what  a  body  composed  of  such  heterogeneous  matter 
will  determine  ;  but  the  members  from  hence,  I  am  assured,  will 
promote  the  most  haughty  and  insolent  resolves  ;  for  their  plan 
lias  ever  been,  by  threats  and  high-sounding  sedition,  to  terrify 
and  intimidate." 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

MEETING      OF      THE      FIRST      CONGRESS  OPENING      CEREMONIES 

ELOQUENCE  OF  PATRICK  HENRY  AND  HENRY  LEE DECLARATORY 

RESOLUTION BILL    OF    RIGHTS STATE     PAPERS CHATHAM'S 

OPINIONS  OF  CONGRESS WASHINGTON'S  CORRESPONDENCE  WITH 

CAPTAIN    MACKENZIE VIEWS  WITH   RESPECT    TO    INDEPENDENCE 

DEPARTURE    OF    FAIRFAX    FOR    ENGLAND. 

When  the  time  approached  for  the  meeting  of  the  General 
Congress  at  Philadelphia,  Washington  wTas  joined  at  Mount 
Vernon  by  Patrick  Henry  and  Edmund  Pendleton,  and  they 
performed  the  journey  together  on  horseback.  It  was  a  noble 
companionship.  Henry  was  then  in  the  youthful  vigor  and  elas- 
ticity of  his  bounding  genius  ;  ardent,  acute,  fanciful,  eloquent. 
Pendleton,  schooled  in  public  life,  a  veteran  in  council,  with 
native  force  of  intellect,  and  habits  of  deep  reflection.  Wash- 
ington, in  the  meridian  of  his  days,  mature  in  wisdom,  compre- 
hensive in  mind,  sagacious  in  foresight.  Such  were  the  apostles 
of  liberty,  repairing  on  their  august  pilgrimage  to  Philadelphia 
from  all  parts  of  the  land,  to  lay  the  foundations  of  a  mighty 
empire.  Well  may  we  say  of  that  eventful  period,  "  There 
were  giants  in  those  days." 

Congress  assembled  on  Monday,  the  5th  of  September,  in  a 
large  room  in  Carpenter's  Hall.  There  were  fifty-one  delegates, 
representing  all  the  colonies  excepting  Georgia. 

The  meeting  has  been  described  as  "  awfully  solemn."  The 
most  eminent  men  of  the  various  colonies  were  now  for  the  first 
time  brought  together  ;  they  were  known  to  each  other  by  fame, 
but  were  personally  strangers.  The  object  which  had  called 
them  together  was  of  incalculable  magnitude.     The  liberties  of 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  257 

no  less  than  three  millions  of  people,  with  that  of  all  their  pos- 
terity, were  staked  on  the  wisdom  and  energy  of  their  councils.1 

"It  is  such  an  assembly,"  writes  John  Adams,  who  was 
present,  "  as  never  before  came  together  on  a  sudden,  in  any 
part  of  the  world.  Here  are  fortunes,  abilities,  learning, 
eloquence,  acuteness,  equal  to  any  I  ever  met  with  in  my  life. 
Here  is  a  diversity  of  religion,  educations,  manners,  interests, 
such  as  it  would  seem  impossible  to  unite  in  one  plan  of  con- 
duct." 

There  being  an  inequality  in  the  number  of  delegates  from 
the  different  colonies,  a  question  arose  as  to  the  mode  of  voting  ; 
whether  by  colonies,  by  the  poll,  or  by  interests. 

Patrick  Henry  scouted  the  idea  of  sectional  distinctions  or 
individual  interests.  "  All  America,"  said  he,  "  is  thrown  into 
one  mass.  Where  are  your  landmarks  —  your  boundaries  of 
colonies?  They  are  all  thrown  down.  The  distinctions  be- 
tween Virginians,  Pennsylvanians,  New  Yorkers  and  New 
Englanders,  are  no  more.  I  am  not  a  Virginian,  but  an  Amer- 
ican.'" 2  After  some  debate,  it  was  determined  that  each  colony 
should  have  but  one  vote,  whatever  might  be  the  number  of  its 
delegates.  The  deliberations  of  the  House  were  to  be  with 
closed  doors,  and  nothing  but  the  resolves  promulgated,  unless 
by  order  of  the  majority. 

To  give  proper  dignity  and  solemnity  to  the  proceedings  of 
the  House,  it  was  moved  on  the  following  day,  that  each  morn- 
ing the  session  should  be  opened  by  prayer.  To  this  it  was 
demurred,  that  as  the  delegates  were  of  different  religious  sects 
they  might  not  consent  to  join  in  the  same  form  of  worship. 

Upon  this,  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  arose  and  said:  "  He  would 
willingly  join  in  prayer  with  airy  gentleman  of  piety  and  virtue, 
whatever  might  be  his  cloth,  provided  he  was  a  friend  of  his 
country  ;  "  and  he  moved  that  the  reverend  Mr.  Duch6,  of  Phil- 
adelphia, who  answered  to  that  description,  might  be  invited 
to  ofliciate  as  chaplain.  This  was  one  step  toward  unanimity  of 
feeling,  Mr.  Adams  being  a  strong  Congregationalist,  and  Mr. 
Duche  an  eminent  Episcopalian  clergyman.  The  motion  was 
carried  into  effect ;  the  invitation  was  given  and  accepted. 

In  the  course  of  the  day,  a  rumor  reached  Philadelphia  that 
Boston  had  been  cannonaded  by  the  British.  It  produced 
a  strong  sensation  ;  and  when  Congress  met  on  the  following 
morning  (7th) ,  the  effect  was  visible  in  every  countenance.  The 
delegates  from  the  east  were  greeted  with  a  warmer  grasp  of 
the  hand  by  their  associates  from  the  south. 

1  Wirt's  Life  of  Patrick  Henry,  p.  224.  *  J.  Adams's  Diary. 


258  LIFE.  OF   WASHINGTON. 

The  reverend  Mr.  Duche,  according  to  invitation,  appeared 
in  his  canonicals,  attended  by  his  clerk.  The  morning  service 
of  the  Episcopal  church  was  read  with  great  solemnity,  the 
clerk  making  the  responses.  The  Psalter  for  the  7th  day  of 
the  month  includes  the  35th  Psalm,  wherein  David  prays  for 
protection  against  his  enemies.  "  Plead  my  cause,  O  Lord, 
with  them  that  strive  with  me :  fight  against  them  that  fight 
against  me. 

"  Take  hold  of  shield  and  buckler  and  stand  up  for  my 
help. 

"  Draw  out,  also,  the  spear,  and  stop  the  way  of  them  that 
persecute  me.     Say  unto  my  soul,  I  am  thy  salvation,"  etc.,  etc. 

The  imploring  words  of  this  psalm  spoke  the  feelings  of 
all  hearts  present ;  but  especially  of  those  from  New  England. 

John  Adams  writes  in  a  letter  to  his  wife:  "You  must  re- 
member this  was  the  morning  after  we  heard  the  horrible  rumor 
of  the  cannonade  of  Boston.  I  never  saw  a  greater  effect 
upon  an  audience.  It  seemed  as  if  Heaven  had  ordained  that 
psalm  to  be  read  on  that  morning.  After  this,  Mr.  Duche 
unexpectedly  struck  out  into  an  extemporary  prayer,  which 
filled  the  bosom  of  every  man  present.  Episcopalian  as  he  is, 
Dr.  Cooper  himself  never  prayed  with  such  fervor,  such  ardor, 
such  earnestness  and  pathos,  and  in  language  so  eloquent  and 
sublime,  for  America,  for  the  congress,  for  the  province  of 
Massachusetts  Bay,  and  especially  the  town  of  Boston.  It  has 
had  an  excellent  effect  upon  everybody  here."  * 

It  has  been  remarked  that  Washington  was  especially 
devout  on  this  occasion  —  kneeling,  while  others  stood  up. 
In  this,  however,  each,  no  doubt,  observed  the  attitude  in 
prayer  to  which  he  was  accustomed.  Washington  knelt, 
being  an  Episcopalian. 

The  rumored  attack  upon  Boston  rendered  the  service  of  the 
day  deeply  affecting  to  all  present.  They  were  one  political 
family,  actuated  by  one  feeling,  and  sympathizing  with  the 
weal  and  woe  of  each  individual  member.  The  rumor  proved 
to  be  erroneous  ;  but  it  had  produced  a  most  beneficial  effect 
in  calling  forth  and  quickening  the  spirit  of  union,  so  vitally 
important  in  that  assemblage. 

Owing  to  closed  doors,  and  the  want  of  reporters,  no  record 
exists  of  the  discussions  and  speeches  made  in  the  first  Con- 
gress. Mr.  Wirt,  speaking  from  tradition,  informs  us  that  a 
long  and  deep  silence  followed  the  organization  of  that  august 

1  John  Adams's  Correspondence  and  Diary. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  259 

body ;  the  members  looking  round  upon  each  other,  individ- 
ually reluctant  to  open  a  business  so  fearfully  momentous. 
This  "  deep  and  death-like  silence  "  was  beginning  to  become 
painfully  embarrassing,  when  Patrick  Henry  arose.  He  faltered 
at  first,  as  was  his  habit ;  but  his  exordium  was  impressive ; 
and  as  he  launched  forth  into  a  recital  of  colonial  wrongs  he 
kindled  with  his  subject,  until  he  poured  forth  one  of  those 
eloquent  appeals  which  had  so  often  shaken  the  House  of  Bur- 
gesses and  gained  him  the  fame  of  being  the  greatest  orator  of 
Virginia.  He  sat  down,  according  to  Mr.  Wirt,  amidst  mur- 
murs of  astonishment  and  applause,  and  was  now  admitted,  on 
every  hand,  to  be  the  first  orator  of  America.  He  was  followed 
by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  who,  according  to  the  same  writer, 
charmed  the  house  with  a  different  kind  of  eloquence,  chaste 
and  classical ;  contrasting,  in  its  cultivated  graces,  with  the 
wild  and  grand  effusions  of  Henry.  "  The  superior  powers  of 
these  great  men,  however,"  adds  he,  "were  manifested  only 
in  debate,  and  while  general  grievances  were  the  topic  ;  when 
called  down  from  the  heights  of  declamation  to  that  severer  test 
of  intellectual  excellence,  the  details  of  business,  they  found 
themselves  in  a  body  of  cool-headed,  reflecting,  and  most  able 
jnen,  by  whom  they  were,  in  their  turn,  completely  thrown  into 
the  shade.1 

The  first  public  measure  of  Congress  was  a  resolution  de- 
claratory of  their  feelings  with  regard  to  the  recent  acts  of 
Parliament,  violating  the  rights  of  the  people  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  of  their  determination  to  combine  in  resisting  any 
force  that  might  attempt  to  carry  those  acts  into  execution. 

A  committee  of  two  from  each  province  reported  a  series  of 
resolutions,  which  were  adopted  and  promulgated  by  Congress, 
as  a  "  declaration  of  colonial  rights."  In  this  were  enumer- 
ated their  natural  rights  to  the  enjoyment  of  life,  liberty,  and 
property ;  and  their  rights  as  British  subjects.  Among  the 
latter  was  participation  in  legislative  councils.  This  they  could 
not  exercise  through  representatives  in  Parliament ;  they 
claimed,  therefore,  the  power  of  legislating  in  their  provincial 
assemblies  ;  consenting,  however,  to  such  acts  of  Parliament  as 
might  be  essential  to  the  regulation  of  trade  ;  but  excluding  all 
taxation,  internal  or  external,  for  raising  revenue  in  America. 

The  common  law  of  England  was  claimed  as  a  birthright, 
including  the  right  of  trial  by  a  jury  of  the  vicinage ;  of  hold- 
ing public  meetings  to  consider  grievances  ;  and  of  petitioning 

1  Wirt's  Life  of  Patrick  Henry. 


260  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

the  king.  The  benefits  of  all  such  statutes  as  existed  at  the 
time  of  the  colonization  were  likewise  claimed ;  together  with 
the  immunities  and  privileges  granted  by  royal  charters,  or 
secured  by  provincial  laws. 

The  maintenance  of  a  standing  army  in  any  colony  in  time 
of  peace,  without  the  consent  of  its  legislature,  was  pronounced 
contrary  to  law.  The  exercise  of  the  legislative  power  in  the 
colonies  by  a  council  appointed  during  pleasure  by  the  crown, 
was  declared  to  be  unconstitutional,  and  destructive  to  the 
freedom  of  American  legislation. 

Then  followed  a  specification  of  the  acts  of  Parliament, 
passed  during  the  reign  of  George  III.,  infringing  and  violat- 
ing these  rights.  These  were  the  sugar  act ;  the  stamp  act, 
the  two  acts  for  quartering  troops  ;  the  tea  act ;  the  act  sus- 
pending the  New  York  legislature  ;  the  two  acts  for  the  trial  in 
Great  Britain  of  offences  committed  in  America ;  the  Boston 
port  bill ;  the  act  for  regulating  the  government  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  the  Quebec  act. 

"To  these  grievous  acts  and  measures,"  it  was  added, 
"Americans  cannot  submit;  but  in  hopes  their  fellow  subjects 
in  Great  Britain  will,  on  a  revision  of  them,  restore  us  to  that 
state  in  which  both  countries  found  happiness  and  prosperity* 
we  have,  for  the  present,  only  resolved  to  pursue  the  following 
peaceable  measures : 

"  1st.  To  enter  into  a  non-importation,  non-consumption, 
and  non-exportation  agreement,  or  association. 

"  2d.  To  prepare  an  address  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain, 
and  a  memorial  to  the  inhabitants  of  British  America. 

"  3d.  To  prepare  a  loyal  address  to  his  majesty.' ' 

The  above-mentioned  association  was  accordingly  formed, 
and  committees  were  to  be  appointed  in  every  county,  city,  and 
town,  to  maintain  it  vigilantly  and  strictly. 

Masterly  state  papers  were  issued  by  Congress  in  conformity 
to  the  resolutions:  viz.,  a  petition  to  the  king,  drafted  by  Mr. 
Dickinson,  of  Philadelphia  ;  an  address  to  the  people  of  Canada 
by  the  same  hand,  inviting  them  to  join  the  league  of  the  colo- 
nies ;  another  to  the  people  of  Great  Britain,  drafted  by  John 
Jay,  of  New  York  ;  and  a  memorial  to  the  inhabitants  of  the 
British  colonies  by  Richard  Henry  Lee,  of  Virginia.1 

The  Congress  remained  in  session  fifty-one  da}^s.  Every 
subject,  according  to  Adams,  was  discussed  '*  with  a  modera- 
tion, an   acuteness,  and  a  minuteness  equal  to  that  of  Queen 

'  See  Correspondence  and  Diary  of  J.  Adams,  vols,  ii   and  ix. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  261 

Elizabeth's  privy  council."  1  The  papers  issued  by  it  have 
deservedly  been  pronounced  masterpieces  of  practical  talent  and 
political  wisdom.  Chatham,  when  speaking  on  the  subject  in 
the  House  of  Lords,  could  not  restrain  his  enthusiasm,  "  When 
your  lordships,"  said  he,  "  look  at  the  papers  transmitted  to  us 
from  America ;  when  you  consider  their  decency,  firmness,  and 
wisdom,  you  cannot  but  respect  their  cause,  and  wish  to  make 
it  your  own.  For  myself,  I  must  declare  and  avow  that,  in  the 
master  states  of  the  world,  I  know  not  the  people,  or  senate, 
who,  in  such  a  complication  of  difficult  circumstances,  can 
stand  in  preference  to  the  delegates  of  America  assembled  in 
General  Congress  at  Philadelphia." 

From  the  secrecj'  that  enveloped  its  discussions,  we  are  igno- 
rant of  the  part  taken  by  Washington  in  the  debates ;  the 
similarity  of  the  resolutions,  however,  in  spirit  and  substance 
to  those  of  the  Fairfax  County  meeting,  in  which  he  presided, 
and  the  coincidence  of  the  measures  adopted  with  those  therein 
recommended,  show  that  he  had  a  powerful  agency  in  the  whole 
proceedings  of  this  eventful  assembly.  Patrick  Henry,  being 
asked,  on  his  return  home,  whom  he  considered  the  greatest 
man  in  Congress,  replied:  "If  }T>u  speak  of  eloquence,  Mr. 
Rutledge,  of  South  Carolina,  is  by  far  the  greatest  orator ;  but 
if  you  speak  of  solid  information  and  sound  judgment,  Colonel 
Washington  is  unquestionably  the  greatest  man  on  that  floor." 

How  thoroughly  and  zealously  he  participated  in  the  feelings 
which  actuated  Congress  in  this  memorable  session,  may  be 
gathered  from  his  correspondence  with  a  friend  enlisted  in  the 
royal  cause.  This  was  Captain  Robert  Mackenzie,  who  had 
formerly  served  under  him  in  his  Virginia  regiment  during  the 
French  war,  but  now  held  a  commission  in  the  regular  army, 
and  was  stationed  among  the  British  troops  at  Boston. 

Mackenzie,  in  a  letter,  had  spoken  with  loyal  abhorrence  of 
the  state  of  affairs  in  the  "  unhappy  province  "  of  Massachu- 
setts, and  the  fixed  aim  of  its  inhabitants  at  "total  independ- 
ence." "The  rebellious  and  numerous  meetings  of  men  in 
arms,"  said  he,  "their  scandalous  and  ungenerous  attacks 
upon  the  best  characters  in  the  province,  obliging  them  to 
save  themselves  b}r  flight,  and  their  repeated,  but  feeble  threats, 
to  dispossess  the  troops,  have  furnished  sufficient  reasons  to 
General  Gage  to  put  the  town  in  a  formidable  state  of  defence, 
about  which  we  are  now  fully  employed,  and  which  will  be 
shortly  accomplished  to  their  great  mortification." 

1  Letter  to  William  Tudor,  29th  September,  1774. 


262  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

"Permit  me,"  writes  Washington  in  reply,  "with  the  free- 
dom of  a  friend  (for  you  know  I  always  esteemed  you),  to  ex- 
press my  sorrow  that  fortune  should  place  you  in  a  service  that 
must  fix  curses,  to  the  latest  posterity,  upon  the  contrivers, 
and,  if  success  (which,  by  the  by,  is  impossible)  accompanies 
it,  execrations  upon  all  those  who  have  been  instrumental  in 
the  execution.  .  .  .  When  you  condemn  the  conduct  of  the 
Massachusetts  people  you  reason  from  effects,  not  causes, 
otherwise  you  would  not  wonder  at  a  people,  who  are  every  day 
receiving  fresh  proofs  of  a  systematic  assertion  of  an  arbitrary 
power,  deeply  planned  to  overturn  the  laws  and  constitution 
of  their  country,  and  to  violate  the  most  essential  and  valuable 
rights  of  mankind,  being  irritated  and  with  difficulty  restrained, 
from  acts  of  the  greatest  violence  and  intemperance. 

"  For  my  own  part,  I  view  things  in  a  very  different  point  of 
light  from  the  one  in  which  you  seem  to  consider  them  ;  and 
though  you  are  led  to  believe,  by  venal  men,  that  the  people 
of  Massachusetts  are  rebellious,  setting  up  for  independency, 
and  what  not,  give  me  leave,  my  good  friend,  to  tell  you  that 
you  are  abused,  grossly  abused.  ...  I  think  I  can  announce 
it  as  a  fact,  that  it  is  not  the  wish  or  interest  of  that  govern- 
ment, or  any  other  upon  this  continent,  separately  or  collec- 
tively, to  set  up  for  independence  ;  but  this  you  may  at  the  same 
time  rely  on,  that  none  of  them  will  ever  submit  to  the  loss  of 
their  valuable  rights  and  privileges,  which  are  essential  to  the 
happiness  of  every  free  state,  and  without  which,  life,  liberty, 
and  property,  are  rendered  totally  insecure. 

"  These,  sir,  being  certain  consequences,  which  must  natu- 
rally result  from  the  late  acts  of  Parliament  relative  to  America 
in  general,  and  the  government  of  Massachusetts  in  particular, 
is  it  to  be  wondered  at  that  men  who  wish  to  avert  the  impend- 
ing blow,  should  attempt  to  oppose  its  progress,  or  prepare  for 
their  defence,  if  it  cannot  be  averted?  Surely  I  may  be  allowed 
to  answer  in  the  negative ;  and  give  me  leave  to  add,  as  my 
opinion,  that  more  blood  will  be  spilled  on  this  occasion,  if  the 
ministry  are  determined  to  push  matters  to  extremity,  than  his- 
tory has  ever  yet  furnished  instances  of  in  the  annals  of  North 
America ;  and  such  a  vital  wound  will  be  given  to  the  peace  of 
this  great  country,  as  time  itself  cannot  cure,  or  eradicate  the 
remembrance  of." 

In  concluding,  he  repeats  his  views  with  respect  to  independ- 
ence :  "lam  well  satisfied  that  no  such  thing  is  desired  by  any 
thinking  man  in  all  North  America  ;  on  the  contrary,  that  it  is  the 
ardent  wish  of  the  warmest  advocate  for  liberty,  that  peace  and 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  263 

tranquillity,  upon  constitutional  grounds,  may  be  restored,  and 
the  horrors  of  civil  discord  prevented."  1 

This  letter  we  have  considered  especially  worthy  of  citation, 
from  its  being  so  full  and  explicit  a  declaration  of  Washing- 
ton's sentiments  and  opinions  at  this  critical  juncture.  His 
views  on  the  question  of  independence  are  particularly  note- 
worthy, from  his  being  at  this  time  in  daily  and  confidential 
communication  with  the  leaders  of  the  popular  movement,  and 
among  them  with  the  delegates  from  Boston.  It  is  evident  that 
the  filial  feeling  still  throbbed  toward  the  mother  country,  and 
a  complete  separation  from  her  had  not  yet  entered  into  the 
alternatives  of  her  colonial  children. 

On  the  breaking  up  of  Congress,  Washington  hastened  back 
to  Mount  Vernon,  where  his  presence  was  more  than  usually 
important  to  the  happiness  of  Mrs.  Washington,  from  the  lone- 
liness caused  by  the  recent  death  of  her  daughter,  and  the 
absence  of  her  son.  The  cheerfulness  of  the  neighborhood  had 
been  diminished  of  late  by  the  departure  of  George  William 
Fairfax  for  England,  to  take  possession  of  estates  which  had 
devolved  to  him  in  that  kingdom.  His  estate  of  Belvoir,  so 
closely  allied  with  that  of  Mount  Vernon  by  family  ties  and  re- 
ciprocal hospitality,  was  left  in  charge  of  a  steward,  or  over- 
seer. Through  some  accident  the  house  took  fire,  and  was 
burned  to  the  ground.  It  was  never  rebuilt.  The  course  of 
political  events  which  swept  Washington  from  his  quiet  home 
into  the  current  of  public  and  military  life,  prevented  William 
Fairfax,  who  was  a  royalist,  though  a  liberal  one,  from  return- 
ing to  his  once  happy  abode,  and  the  hospitable  intercommunion 
of  Mount  Vernon  and  Belvoir  was  at  an  end  forever. 

1  Sparks.    Washington's  Writings,  vol.  ii.,  p.  899. 


264  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

gage's   military  measures — removal   of   gunpowder   from 

the  arsenal public  agitation alarms  in  the  country 

civil   government   obstructed belligerent   symptoms 

israel  putnam  and  general  charles  lee,  their  charac- 
ters   and    stories general    election self-constituted 

congress hancock  president adjourns  to   concord 

remonstrance  to  gage his  perplexities generals  ar- 

temas  ward  and  seth  pomeroy committee  of   safety 

committee    of    supplies  restlessness    throughout    the 

land independent  companies  in  virginia military  tone 

at  mount  vernon washington's  military  guests major 

horatio     gates anecdotes    concerning    him general 

charles  lee his  peculiarities   and    dogs washington 

at  the  richmond   convention war    speech    of    patrick 

henry  —  Washington's  military  intentions. 

The  rumor  of  the  cannonading  of  Boston,  which  had  thrown 
such  a  gloom  over  the  religious  ceremonial  at  the  opening  of 
Congress,  had  been  caused  by  measures  of  Governor  Gage. 
The  public  mind,  in  Boston  and  its  vicinity,  had  been  rendered 
excessively  jealous  and  sensitive  by  the  landing  and  encamping 
of  artillery  upon  the  Common,  and  Welsh  Fusiliers  on  Fort  Hill, 
and  by  the  planting  of  four  large  field-pieces  on  Boston  Neck, 
the  only  entrance  to  the  town  by  land.  The  country  people 
were  arming  and  disciplining  themselves  in  every  direction,  and 
collecting  and  depositing  arms  and  ammunition  in  places  where 
they  would  be  at  hand  in  case  of  emergency.  Gage,  on  the 
other  hand,  issued  orders  that  the  munitions  of  war  in  all  the 
public  magazines  .should  be  brought  to  Boston.  One  of  these 
magazines  was  the  arsenal  in  the  north-west  part  of  Charles- 
town,  between  Medford  and  Cambridge.  Two  companies  of 
the  king's  troops  passed  silently  in  boats  up  Mystic  River  in 
the  night ;  took  possession  of  a  large  quantity  of  gunpowder 
deposited  there,  and  conveyed  it  to  Castle  Williams.  Intelli- 
gence of  this  sacking  of  the  arsenal  flew  with  lightning  speed 
through  the  neighborhood.  In  the  morning  several  thousands 
of  patriots  were  assembled  at  Cambridge,  weapon  in  hand,  and 
were  with  difficulty  prevented  from  marching  upon  Boston  to 
compel  a  restitution  of  the  powder.  In  the  confusion  and  agi- 
tation, a  rumor  stole  out  into  the  country  that  Boston  was  to  be 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  265 

attacked  ;  followed  by  another  that  the  ships  were  cannonading 
the  town,  and  the  soldiers  shooting  down  the  inhabitants.  The 
whole  country  was  forthwith  in  arms.  Numerous  bodies  of  the 
Connecticut  people  had  made  some  marches  before  the  report 
was  contradicted.1 

To  guard  against  any  irruption  from  the  country,  Gage  en- 
camped the  59th  regiment  on  Boston  Neck,  and  employed  the 
soldiers  in  intrenching  and  fortifying  it. 

In  the  mean  time  the  belligerent  feelings  of  the  inhabitants 
were  encouraged,  by  learning  how  the  rumor  of  their  being 
cannonaded  had  been  received  in  the  General  Congress,  and  by 
assurances  from  all  parts  that  the  cause  of  Boston  would  be 
made  the  common  cause  of  America.  "It  is  surprising," 
writes  General  Gage,  "  that  so  many  of  the  other  provinces 
interest  themselves  so  much  in  this.  They  have  some  warm 
friends  in  New  York,  and  I  learn  that  the  people  of  Charleston, 
South  Carolina,  are  as  mad  as  they  are  here."  2 

The  commissions  were  arrived  for  those  civil  officers  appointed 
by  the  crown  under  the  new  modifications  of  the  charter  :  many, 
however,  were  afraid  to  accept  of  them.  Those  who  did  soon 
resigned,  finding  it  impossible  to  withstand  the  odium  of  the 
people.  The  civil  government  throughout  the  province  became 
obstructed  in  all  its  operations.  It  was  enough  for  a  man  to 
be  supposed  of  the  governmental  party  to  incur  popular  ill-will. 

Among  other  portentous  signs,  war-hawks  began  to  appear 
above  the  horizon.  Mrs.  dishing,  wife  to  a  member  of  Con- 
gress, writes  to  her  husband,  "Two  of  the  greatest  military 
characters  of  the  day  are  visiting  this  distressed  town.  General 
Charles  Lee,  who  has  served  in  Poland,  and  Colonel  Israel 
Putnam,  whose  bravery  and  character  need  no  description." 
As  these  two  men  will  take  a  prominent  part  in  coming  events, 
we  pause  to  give  a  word  or  two  concerning  them. 

Israel  Putnam  was  a  soldier  of  native  growth  ;  one  of  the 
military  productions  of  the  French  war ;  seasoned  and  proved 
in  frontier  campaigning.  He  had  served  at  Louisburg,  Fort 
Duquesne,  and  Crown  Point ;  had  signalized  himself  in  Indian 
warfare ;  been  captured  b}r  the  savages,  tied  to  a  stake  to  be 
tortured  and  burned,  and  had  only  been  rescued  by  the  inter- 
ference, at  the  eleventh  hour,  of  a  French  partisan  of  the 
Indians. 

Since  the  peace,  he  had  returned  to  agricultural  life,  and  was 
now  a  farmer  at  Pomfret,  in  Connecticut,  where  the  scars  of  his 

1  Holmes's  Annals,  ii.,  191.  —  Letter  of  Gage  to  Lord  Dartmouth. 

2  Gage  to  Dartmouth,  September  20. 


266  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

wounds  and  the  tales  of  his  exploits  rendered  him  a  hero  in  pop- 
ular estimation.  The  war  spirit  yet  burned  within  him.  He  was 
now  chairman  of  a  committee  of  vigilance,  and  had  come  to  Bos- 
ton in  discharge  of  his  political  and  semi-belligerent  functions. 

General  Charles  Lee  was  a  military  man  of  a  different  stamp  ; 
an  Englishman  by  birth,  and  a  highly  cultivated  production  of 
European  warfare.  He  was  the  son  of  a  British  officer,  Lieu- 
tenant-Colonel John  Lee,  of  the  dragoons,  who  married  the 
daughter  of  Sir  Henry  Bunbury,  Bart.,  and  afterward  rose  to 
be  a  general.  Lee  was  born  in  1731,  and  ma}7  almost  be  said 
to  have  been  cradled  in  the  army,  for  he  received  a  commission 
by  the  time  he  was  eleven  years  of  age.  He  had  an  irregular 
education  ;  part  of  the  time  in  England,  part  on  the  continent, 
and  must  have  scrambled  his  way  into  knowledge  ;  }et  by  apt- 
ness, diligence  and  ambition,  he  had  acquired  a  considerable 
portion,  being  a  Greek  and  Latin  scholar,  and  acquainted  with 
modern  languages.  The  art  of  war  was  his  especial  study  from 
his  boyhood,  and  he  had  early  opportunities  of  practical  expe- 
rience. At  the  age  of  twenty-four,  he  commanded  a  company 
of  grenadiers  in  the  44th  regiment,  and  served  in  the  French 
war  in  America,  where  he  was  brought  into  military  companion- 
ship with  Sir  William  Johnson's  Mohawk  warriors,  whom  he 
used  to  extol  for  their  manly  beauty,  their  dress,  their  graceful 
carriage  and  good  breeding.  In  fact,  he  rendered  himself  so 
much  of  a  favorite  among  them,  that  they  admitted  him  to 
smoke  in  their  councils,  and  adopted  him  into  the  tribe  of  the 
Bear,  giving  him  an  Indian  name,  signifying  "  Boiling  Water." 

At  the  battle  of  Ticonderoga,  where  Abercrombie  was  de- 
feated, he  was  shot  through  the  body,  while  leading  his  men 
against  the  French  breastworks.  In  the  next  campaign,  he  was 
present  at  the  siege  of  Fort  Niagara,  where  General  Prideaux 
fell,  and  where  Sir  William  Johnson,  with  his  British  troops  and 
Mohawk  warriors,  eventually  won  the  fortress.  Lee  had,  prob- 
ably, an  opportunity  on  this  occasion  of  fighting  side  by  side 
with  some  of  his  adopted  brethren  of  the  Bear  tribe,  as  we  are 
told  he  was  much  exposed  during  the  engagement  with  the 
French  and  Indians,  and  that  two  balls  grazed  his  hair.  A 
military  errand,  afterward,  took  him  across  Lake  Erie,  and 
down  the  northern  branch  of  the  Ohio  to  Fort  Duquesne,  and 
thence  by  a  long  march  of  seven  hundred  miles  to  Crown  Point, 
where  he  joined  General  Amherst.  In  1760,  he  was  among  the 
forces  which  followed  that  general  from  Lake  Ontario  down  the 
St.  Lawrence  ;  and  was  present  at  the  surrender  of  Montreal, 
which  completed  the  conquest  of  Canada. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  26? 

In  1762,  he  bore  a  colonel's  commission,  and  served  under 
Brigadier-General  Burgoyne  in  Portugal,  where  he  was  intrusted 
with  an  enterprise  against  a  Spanish  post  at  the  old  Moorish 
castle  of  Villa  Velha,  on  the  banks  of  the  Tagus.  He  forded 
the  river  in  the  night,  pushed  his  way  through  mountain  passes, 
and  at  2  o'clock  in  the  morning,  rushed  with  his  grenadiers  into 
the  enemy's  camp  before  daylight,  where  every  thing  was  carried 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  assisted  by  a  charge  of  dragoons. 
The  war  over,  he  returned  to  England,  bearing  testimonials  of 
bravery  and  good  conduct  from  his  commander-in-chief,  the 
Count  de  la  Lippe,  and  from  the  king  of  Portugal.1 

Wielding  the  pen  as  well  as  the  sword,  Lee  undertook  to  write 
on  questions  of  colonial  policy,  relative  to  Pontiac's  war,  in 
which  he  took  the  opposition  side.  This  lost  him  the  favor  of 
the  ministry,  and  with  it  all  hope  of  further  promotion. 

He  now  determined  to  offer  his  services  to  Poland,  supposed 
to  be  on  the  verge  of  a  war.  Recommendations  from  his  old 
commander,  the  Count  de  la  Lippe,  procured  him  access  to 
some  of  the  continental  courts.  He  was  well  received  by  Fred- 
erick the  Great,  and  had  several  conversations  with  him,  chiefly 
on  American  affairs.  At  Warsaw,  his  military  reputation  se- 
cured him  the  favor  of  Poniatowsky,  recently  elected  king  of 
Poland,  with  the  name  of  Stanislaus  Augustus,  who  admitted 
him  to  his  table,  and  made  him  one  of  his  aides-de-camp.  Lee 
was  disappointed  in  his  hope  of  active  service.  There  was  agi- 
tation in  the  country,  but  the  power  of  the  king  was  not  ade- 
quate to  raise  forces  sufficient  for  its  suppression.  He  had 
few  troops,  and  those  not  trustworthy  ;  and  the  town  was  full 
of  the  disaffected.  "We  have  frequent  alarms,"  said  Lee, 
44  and  the  pleasure  of  sleeping  every  night  with  our  pistols  on 
our  pillows." 

By  way  of  relieving  his  restlessness,  Lee,  at  the  suggestion 
of  the  king,  set  off  to  accompany  the  Polish  ambassador  to 
Constantinople.  The  latter  travelled  too  slow  for  him  ;  so  he 
dashed  ahead  when  on  the  frontiers  of  Turkey,  with  an  escort 
of  the  grand  seignior's  treasure ;  came  near  perishing  with 
cold  and  hunger  among  the  Bulgarian  mountains,  and  after  his 
arrival  at  the  Turkish  capital,  ran  a  risk  of  being  buried  under 
the  ruins  of  his  house  in  an  earthquake. 

Late  in  the  same  year  (1766),  he  was  again  in  England,  an 
applicant  for  military  appointment,  bearing  a  letter  from  king 
Stanislaus   to   king  George.     His  meddling    pen    is    supposed 

1  Life  of  Charles  Lee,  by  Jared  Sparks.  Also,  Memoirs  of  Charles  Lee;  published 
in  London,  17y2. 


208  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

again  to  have  marred  his  fortunes,  having  indulged  in  sarcastic 
comments  on  the  military  character  of  General  Townshend  and 
Lord  George  Sackville.  "  I  am  not  at  all  surprised,"  said  a 
friend  to  him,  ';  that  you  find  the  door  shut  against  you  by  a 
person  who  has  such  unbounded  credit,  as  you  have  ever  toe 
freely  indulged  in  a  liberty  of  declaiming,  which  many  invidious 
persons  have  not  failed  to  inform  him  of.  The  principle  on 
which  you  thus  freely  speak  your  mind,  is  honest  and  patriotic, 
but  not  politic." 

The  disappointments  which  Lee  met  with  during  a  residence 
of  two  years  in  England,  and  a  protracted  attendance  on 
people  in  power,  rankled  in  his  bosom,  and  embittered  his  sub- 
sequent resentment  against  the  king  and  his  ministers. 

In  1768,  he  was  again  on  his  way  to  Poland,  with  the  design 
of  performing  a  campaign  in  the  Russian  service.  "I  flatter 
myself,"  said  he,  "  that  a  little  more  practice  will  make  me  a 
good  soldier.  If  not,  it  will  serve  to  talk  over  my  kitchen  fire 
in  my  old  age,  which  will  soon  come  upon  us  all." 

He  now  looked  forward  to  spirited  service.  "I  am  to  have 
a  command  of  Cossacks  and  Wallacks,"  writes  he,  "  a  kind  of 
people  I  have  a  good  opinion  of.  I  am  determined  not  to 
serve  in  the  line.     One  might  as  well  be  a  churchwarden." 

The  friendship  of  king  Stanislaus  continued.  "  He  treats 
me  more  like  a  brother  than  a  patron,"  said  Lee.  In  1769, 
the  latter  was  raised  to  the  rank  of  major-general  in  the  Polish 
army,  and  left  Warsaw  to  join  the  Russian  force,  which  was 
crossing  the  Dniester  and  advancing  into  Moldavia.  He 
arrived  in  time  to  take  part  in  a  severe  action  between  the 
Russians  and  Turks,  in  which  the  Cossacks  and  hussars  were 
terribly  cut  up  by  the  Turkish  cavalry,  in  a  ravine  near  the 
city  of  Chotzim.  It  was  a  long  and  doubtful  conflict,  with 
various  changes ;  but  the  rumored  approach  of  the  grand 
vizier,  with  a  hundred  and  sevent}T  thousand  men,  compelled  the 
Russians  to  abandon  the  enterprise  and  recross  the  Dniester. 

Lee  never  returned  to  Poland,  though  he  ever  retained  a 
devoted  attachment  to  Stanislaus.  He  for  some  time  led  o 
restless  life  about  Europe  —  visiting  Italy,  Sicily,  Malta,  and 
the  south  of  Spain  ;  troubled  with  attacks  of  rheumatism,  gout, 
and  the  effects  of  a  "Hungarian  fever."  He  had  become 
more  and  more  cynical  and  irascible,  and  had  more  than  one 
"  affair  of  honor,"  in  one  of  which  he  killed  his  antagonist. 
His  splenetic  feelings,  as  well  as  his  political  sentiments,  were 
occasionally  vented  in  severe  attacks  upon  the  ministry,  full 
of  irony  and  sarcasm.     They  appeared  in  the  public  journals, 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  269 

and  gained  him  such  reputation,  that  even  the  papers  of  Junius 
were  by  some  attributed  to  him. 

In  the  questions  which  had  risen  between  England  and  her 
colonies,  he  had  strongly  advocated  the  cause  of  the  latter ; 
and  it  was  the  feelings  thus  excited,  and  the  recollections,  per- 
haps, of  his  early  campaigns,  that  had  recently  brought  him  to 
America.  Here  he  had  arrived  in  the  latter  part  of  1773,  had 
visited  various  parts  of  Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and  Virginia, 
taking  an  active  part  in  the  political  agitations  of  the  country. 
His  caustic  attacks  upon  the  ministry ;  his  conversational 
powers  and  his  poignant  sallies,  had  gained  him  great  reputa- 
tion ;  but  his  military  renown  rendered  him  especially  interest- 
ing at  the  present  juncture.  A  general  who  had  served  in  the 
famous  campaigns  of  Europe,  commanded  Cossacks,  fought 
with  Turks,  talked  with  Frederick  the  Great,  and  been  aide-de- 
camp to  the  king  of  Poland,  was  a  prodigious  acquisition  to 
the  patriot  cause  !  On  the  other  hand,  his  visit  to  Boston  was 
looked  upon  with  uneasiness  by  the  British  officers,  who  knew 
his  adventurous  character.  It  was  surmised  that  he  was 
exciting  a  spirit  of  revolt,  with  a  view  to  putting  himself  at  its 
head.  These  suspicions  found  their  way  into  the  London 
papers,  and  alarmed  the  British  cabinet.  "Have  an  attention 
to  his  conduct,"  writes  Lord  Dartmouth  to  Gage,  "and  take 
every  legal  method  to  prevent  his  effecting  any  of  those  danger- 
ous purposes  he  is  said  to  have  in  view." 

Lee,  when  subsequently  informed  of  these  suspicions,  scoffed 
at  them  in  a  letter  to  his  friend,  Edmund  Burke,  and  declared 
that  he  had  not  the  ' k  temerity  and  vanity ' '  to  aspire  to  the 
aims  imputed  to  him. 

"To  think  myself  qualified  for  the  most  important  charge 
that  ever  was  committed  to  mortal  man,"  writes  he,  "is  the 
last  stage  of  presumption ;  nor  do  I  think  the  Americans 
would,  or  ought  to  confide  in  a  man,  let  his  qualifications  be 
ever  so  great,  who  has  no  property  among  them.  It  is  true,  I 
most  devoutly  wish  them  success  in  the  glorious  struggle  ;  that 
I  have  expressed  my  wishes  both  in  writing  and  viva  voce;  but 
my  errand  to  Boston  was  mere  curiosity  to  see  a  people  in  so 
singular  circumstances ;  and  I  had  likewise  an  ambition  to  be 
acquainted  with  some  of  their  leading  men  ;  with  them  only  I 
associated  during  my  stay  in  Boston.  Our  ingenious  gentlemen 
in  the  camp,  therefore,  very  naturally  concluded  my  design  was 
to  put  myself  at  their  head." 

To  resume  the  course  of  events  at  Boston.  Gage  on  the  1st 
of  September,  before  this  popular  agitation,  had  issued  writs 


270  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

for  an  election  of  an  assembly  to  meet  at  Salem  in  October  * 
seeing,  however,  the  irritated  state  of  the  public  mind,  he  now 
countermanded  the  same  by  proclamation.  The  people,  disre- 
garding the  countermand,  carried  the  election,  and  ninety  of 
the  new  members  thus  elected  met  at  the  appointed  time.  They 
waited  a  whole  da}T  for  the  governor  to  attend,  administer  the 
oaths,  and  open  the  session  ;  but  as  he  did  not  make  his  appear- 
ance, they  voted  themselves  a  provincial  Congress,  and  chose  for 
president  of  it  John  Hancock  —  a  man  of  great  wealth,  popu- 
lar, and  somewhat  showy  talents,  and  ardent  patriotism  ;  and 
eminent  from  his  social  position. 

This  self -constituted  body  adjourned  to  Concord,  about 
twenty  miles  from  Boston  ;  quietly  assumed  supreme  authority, 
and  issued  a  remonstrance  to  the  governor,  virtually  calling 
him  to  account  for  his  military  operations  in  fortifying  Boston 
Neck,  and  collecting  warlike  stores  about  him,  thereby  alarm- 
ing the  fears  of  the  whole  province,  and  menacing  the  lives  and 
property  of  the  Bostonians. 

General  Gage,  overlooking  the  irregularity  of  its  organiza- 
tion, entered  into  explanations  with  the  Assembly,  but  failed  to 
give  satisfaction.  As  winter  approached,  he  found  his  situa- 
tion more  and  more  critical.  Boston  was  the  only  place  in 
Massachusetts  that  now  contained  British  forces,  and  it  had 
become  the  refuge  of  all  the  "tories"  of  the  province  ;  that  is  to 
say,  of  all  those  devoted  to  the  British  government.  There  was 
animosity  between  them  and  the  principal  inhabitants,  among 
whom  revolutionary  principles  prevailed.  The  town  itself, 
almost  insulated  by  nature,  and  surrounded  by  a  hostile  coun- 
try, was  like  a  place  besieged. 

The  provincial  Congress  conducted  its  affairs  with  the  order 
and  system  so  formidable  to  General  Gage.  Having  adopted  a 
plan  for  organizing  the  militia,  it  had  nominated  general  offi- 
cers, two  of  whom,  Artemas  Ward  and  Seth  Pomeroy,  had 
accepted. 

The  executive  powers  were  vested  in  a  committee  of  safety. 
This  was  to  determine  when  the  services  of  the  militia  were 
necessary ;  was  to  call  them  forth  —  to  nominate  their  officers 
to  the  Congress  —  to  commission  them,  and  direct  the  opera- 
tions of  the  army.  Another  committee  was  appointed  to  fur- 
nish supplies  to  the  forces  when  called  out ;  hence,  named  the 
Committee  of  Supplies. 

Under  such  auspices,  the  militia  went  on  arming  and  disci- 
plining itself  in  every  direction.  They  associated  themselves 
in  large  bodies,  and  engaged,  verbally  or  by  writing,  to  assem- 


JOHN   HANCOCK. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  271 

ble  in  arms  at  the  shortest  notice  for  the  common  defence,, 
subject  to  the  orders  of  the  committee  of  safety. 

Arrangements  had  been  made  for  keeping  up  an  active  cor- 
respondence between  different  parts  of  the  country,  and  spread- 
ing an  alarm  in  case  of  any  threatening  danger.  Under  the 
direction  of  the  committees  just  mentioned,  large  quantities  of 
military  stores  had  been  collected  and  deposited  at  Concord  and 
Worcester. 

This  semi-belligerent  state  of  affairs  in  Massachusetts  pro- 
duced a  general  restlessness  throughout  the  land.  The  weak- 
hearted  apprehended  coming  troubles  ;  the  resolute  prepared  to 
brave  them.  Military  measures,  hitherto  confined  to  New  Eng- 
land, extended  to  the  middle  and  southern  provinces,  and  the 
roll  of  the  drum  resounded  through  the  villages. 

Virginia  was  among  the  first  to  buckle  on  its  armor.  It  had 
long  been  a  custom  among  its  inhabitants  to  form  themselves 
into  independent  companies,  equipped  at  their  own  expense, 
having  their  own  peculiar  uniform,  and  electing  their  own  offi- 
cers, though  holding  themselves  subject  to  militia  law.  They 
had  hitherto  been  self-disciplined ;  but  now  they  continually 
resorted  to  Washington  for  instruction  and  advice  ;  considering 
him  the  highest  authority  on  military  affairs.  He  was  fre- 
quently called  from  home,  therefore,  in  the  course  of  the  winter 
and  spring,  to  different  parts  of  the  country  to  review  inde- 
pendent companies,  all  of  which  were  anxious  to  put  themselves 
under  his  command  as  field-officer. 

Mount  Vernon,  therefore,  again  assumed  a  military  tone  as 
in  former  days,  when  he  took  his  first  lessons  there  in  the  art 
of  war.  He  had  his  old  campaigning  associates  with  him 
occasionally,  Dr.  Craik  and  Captain  Hugh  Mercer,  to  talk  of 
past  scenes  and  discuss  the  possibility  of  future  service. 
Mercer  was  already  bestirring  himself  in  disciplining  the 
militia  about  Fredericksburg,  where  he  resided. 

Two  occasional  and  important  guests  at  Mount  Vernon,  in 
this  momentous  crisis,  were  General  Charles  Lee,  of  whom  we 
have  just  spoken,  and  Major  Horatio  Gates.  As  the  latter  is 
destined  to  occupy  an  important  page  in  this  memoir,  we  will 
give  a  few  particulars  concerning  him.  He  was  an  English- 
man by  birth,  the  son  of  a  captain  in  the  British  army.  Horace 
Walpole,  whose  Christian  name  he  bore,  speaks  of  him  in  one  of 
his  letters  as  his  godson,  though  some  have  insinuated  that  he 
stood  in  filial  relationship  of  a  less  sanctified  character.  He  had 
received  a  liberal  education,  and,  when  but  twenty-one  years  of 
age,  had  served  as  a  volunteer  under  General  Edward  Corn- 


272  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

wallis,  Governor  of  Halifax.  He  was  afterward  captain  of  a 
New  York  independent  company,  with  which,  it  may  be  remem- 
bered, he  marched  in  the  campaign  of  Braddock,  in  which  he 
was  severely  wounded.  For  two  or  three  subsequent  years  he 
was  with  his  company  in  the  western  part  of  the  province  of 
New  York,  receiving  the  appointment  of  brigade  major.  He 
accompanied  General  Monckton  as  aide-de-camp  to  the  West 
Indies,  and  gained  credit  at  the  capture  of  Martinico.  Being 
despatched  to  London  with  tidings  of  the  victory,  he  was 
rewarded  by  the  appointment  of  major  to  a  regiment  of  foot ; 
and  afterward,  as  a  special  mark  of  royal  favor,  a  majority  in  the 
Royal  Americans.  His  promotion  did  not  equal  his  expectations 
and  fancied  deserts.  He  was  married,  and  wanted  something 
more  lucrative  ;  so  he  sold  out  on  half-pay  and  became  an 
applicant  for  some  profitable  post  under  government,  which  he 
hoped  to  obtain  through  the  influence  of  General  Monckton  and 
some  friends  in  the  aristocracy.  Thus  several  years  were  passed, 
partly' with  his  family  in  retirement,  partly  in  London,  paying 
court  to  patrons  and  men  in  power,  until,  finding  there  was  no 
likelihood  of  success,  and  having  sold  his  commission  and  half- 
pay,  he  emigrated  to  Virginia  in  1772,  a  disappointed  man  ;  pur- 
chased an  estate  in  Berkeley  County,  beyond  the  Blue  Ridge ; 
espoused  the  popular  cause,  and  renewed  his  old  campaigning 
acquaintance  with  Washington. 

He  was  now  about  forty-six  years  of  age,  of  a  florid  com- 
plexion and  goodly  presence,  though  a  little  inclined  to  corpu- 
lency ;  social,  insinuating,  and  somewhat  specious  in  his 
manners,  with  a  strong  degree  of  self-approbation.  A  long 
course  of  solicitation  ;  haunting  public  offices  and  ante-cham- 
bers, and  "  knocking  about  town,"  had  taught  him,  it  was  said, 
how  to  wheedle  and  flatter,  and  accommodate  himself  to  the 
humors  of  others,  so  as  to  be  the  boon  companion  of  gentlemen, 
and  u  hail  fellow  well  met  "  with  the  vulgar. 

Lee,  who  was  an  old  friend  and  former  associate  in  arms, 
had  recently  been  induced  by  him  to  purchase  an  estate  in 
his  neighborhood  in  Berkeley  County,  with  a  view  to  making 
it  his  abode,  having  a  moderate  competency,  a  claim  to  land  on 
the  Ohio,  and  the  half-pay  of  a  British  colonel.  Both  of  these 
officers,  disappointed  in  the  British  service,  looked  forward 
probably  to  greater  success  in  the  patriot  cause. 

Lee  had  been  at  Philadelphia  since  his  visit  to  Boston,  and  had 
made  himself  acquainted  with  the  leading  members  of  Congress 
during  the  session.  He  was  evidently  cultivating  an  intimacy  with 
every  one  likely  to  have  influence  in  the  approaching  struggle. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  273 

To  Washington  the  visits  of  these  gentlemen  were  extremely 
welcome  at  this  juncture,  from  their  military  knowledge  and 
experience,  especially  as  much  of  it  had  been  acquired  in 
America,  in  the  same  kind  of  warfare,  if  not  the  very  same 
campaigns  in  which  he  himself  had  mingled.  Both  were  in- 
terested in  the  popular  cause.  Lee  was  full  of  plans  for  the 
organization  and  disciplining  of  the  militia,  and  occasionally 
accompanied  Washington  in  his  attendance  on  provincial  re- 
views. He  was  subsequently  very  efficient  at  Annapolis  in 
promoting  and  superintending  the  organization  of  the  Maryland 
militia. 

It  is  doubtful  whether  the  visits  of  Lee  were  as  interesting  to 
Mrs.  Washington  as  to  the  general.  He  was  whimsical, 
eccentric,  and  at  times  almost  rude  ;  negligent  also,  and  slov- 
enly in  person  and  attire  ;  for  though  he  had  occasionally  asso- 
ciated with  kings  and  princes,  he  had  also  campaigned  with 
Mohawks  and  Cossacks,  and  seems  to  have  relished  their  "  good 
breeding."  What  was  still  more  annoying  in  a  well  regulated 
mansion,  he  was  always  followed  by  a  legion  of  dogs,  which 
shared  his  affections  with  his  horses,  and  took  their  seats  by 
him  when  at  table.  "I  must  have  some  object  to  embrace," 
said  he  misanthropically.  "  When  I  can  be  convinced  that  men 
are  as  worthy  objects  as  dogs,  I  shall  transfer  my  benevolence, 
and  become  as  stanch  a  philanthropist  as  the  canting  Addison 
affected  to  be.1 

In  his  passion  for  horses  and  dogs,  Washington,  to  a  certain 
degree,  could  sympathize  with  him,  and  had  noble  specimens  of 
both  in  his  stable  and  kennel,  which  Lee  doubtless  inspected 
with  a  learned  eye.  During  the  season  in  question,  Washing- 
ton, according  to  his  diary,  was  occasionally  in  the  saddle  at  an 
eafly  hour  following  the  fox-hounds.  It  was  the  last  time  for 
many  a  year  that  he  was  to  gallop  about  his  beloved  hunting- 
grounds  of  Mount  Vernon  and  Belvoir. 

In  the  month  of  March  the  second  Virginia  convention  was 
held  at  Richmond.  Washington  attended  as  delegate  from 
Fairfax  County.  In  this  assembly,  Patrick  Henry,  with  his 
usual  ardor  and  eloquence,  advocated  measures  for  embodying, 
arming  and  disciplining  a  militia  force,  and  providing  for  the 
defence  of  the  colony.  4t  It  is  useless,"  said  he,  "to  address 
further  petitions  to  government,  or  to  await  the  effect  of  those 
already  addressed  to  the  throne.  The  time  for  supplication  is 
past;   the  time  for  action   is  at  hand.     We  must  fight,   Mr. 

1  Lee  to  Adams.     Life  and  Works  of  Adams,  ii.  41-4. 


274  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Speaker,"  exclaimed  he  emphatically;  "I  repeat  it,  sir,  we 
must  fight !  An  appeal  to  arms,  and  to  the  God  of  Hosts,  is 
all  that  is  left  us!" 

Washington  joined  him  in  the  conviction,  and  was  one  of  a 
committee  that  reported  a  plan  for  carrying  those  measures  into 
effect.  He  was  not  an  impulsive  man  to  raise  the  battle  cry, 
but  the  executive  man  to  marshal  the  troops  into  the  field,  and 
carry  on  the  war. 

Mis  brother,  John  Augustine,  was  raising  and  disciplining  an 
independent  company ;  Washington  offered  to  accept  the  com- 
mand of  it,  should  occasion  require  it  to  be  drawn  out.  He  did 
the  same  with  respect  to  an  independent  company  at  Rich- 
mond. "It  is  my  full  intention,  if  needful,"  writes  he  to  his 
brother,  "  to  devote  my  life  and  fortune  to  the  cause."  1 


CHAPTER   XXXVII. 

INFATUATION  IN  BRITISH  COUNCILS COLONEL  GRANT,  THE  BRAG- 
GART  COERCIVE  MEASURES EXPEDITION  AGAINST  THE  MILI- 
TARY   MAGAZINE    AT    CONCORD BATTLE     OF     LEXINGTON THE 

CRY    OF    BLOOD    THROUGH    THE    LAND OLD    SOLDIERS    OF    THE 

FRENCH     WAR  JOHN     STARK  ISRAEL     PUTNAM RISING     OF 

THE  YEOMANRY  —  MEASURES   OF    LORD    DUNMORE    IN  VIRGINIA 

INDIGNATION     OF    THE     VIRGINIANS HUGH     MERCER     AND     THE 

FRIENDS  OF  LIBERTY  ARRIVAL  OF  THE  NEWS  OF   LEXINGTON  AT 

MOUNT     VERNON EFFECT     ON     BRYAN     FAIRFAX,     GATES,     AND 

WASHINGTON. 

While  the  spirit  of  revolt  was  daily  gaining  strength  and 
determination  in  America,  a  strange  infatuation  reigned  in  the 
British  councils.  While  the  wisdom  and  eloquence  of  Chatham 
were  exerted  in  vain  in  behalf  of  American  rights,  an  empty 
braggadocio,  elevated  to  a  seat  in  Parliament,  was  able  to  cap- 
tivate the  attention  of  the  members,  and  influence  their  votes 
by  gross  misrepresentations  of  the  Americans  and  their  cause. 
This  was  no  other  than  Colonel  Grant,  the  same  shallow  soldier 
who,  exceeding  his  instructions,  had  been  guilty  of  a  foolhardy 
bravado  before  the  walls  of  Fort  Duquesne,  which  brought 
slaughter  and  defeat  upon  his  troops.  From  misleading  the 
army,  he  was  now  promoted  to  a  station  where  he  might  mis- 


Letter  to  John  Augustine.    Sparks,  ii.,  405. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  275 

lead  the  councils  of  his  country.*  We  are  told  that  he  enter- 
tained Parliament,  especially  the  ministerial  side  of  the  House, 
with  ludicrous  stories  of  the  cowardice  of  Americans.  He  had 
served  with  them,  he  said,  and  knew  them  wrell,  and  would  ven- 
ture to  sa}'  they  would  never  dare  to  face  an  English  army  ; 
that  they  were  destitute  of  every  requisite  to  make  good  soldiers, 
and  that  a  very  slight  force  would  be  sufficient  for  their  com- 
plete reduction.  With  five  regiments,  he  could  inarch  through 
all  America ! 

How  often  has  England  been  misled  to  her  cost  by  such  slan- 
derous misrepresentations  of  the  American  character  ! 

Grant  talked  of  having  served  with  the  Americans  ;  had  he 
already  forgotten  that  in  the  field  of  Braddock's  defeat,  when 
the  British  regulars  fled,  it  was  alone  the  desperate  stand  of  a 
handful  of  Virginians,  which  covered  their  disgraceful  flight, 
and  saved  them  from  being  overtaken  and  massacred  by  the 
savages  ? 

This  taunting  and  braggart  speech  of- Grant  was  made  in  the 
face  of  the  conciliatory  bill  of  the  venerable  Chatham,  devised 
with  a  view  to  redress  the  wrongs  of  America.  The  councils 
of  the  arrogant  and  scornful  prevailed ;  and  instead  of  the  pro- 
posed bill,  further  measures  of  a  stringent  nature  were  adopted, 
coercive  of  some  of  the  middle  and  southern  colonies,  but  ruin- 
ous to  the  trade  and  fisheries  of  New  England. 

At  length  the  bolt,  so  long  suspended,  fell !  The  troops  at 
Boston  had  been  augmented  to  about  four  thousand  men. 
Goaded  on  by  the  instigations  of  the  tories,  and  alarmed  by 
die  energetic  measures  of  the  whigs,  General  Gage  now  resolved 
to  deal  the  latter  a  crippling  blow.  This  was  to  surprise  and 
destroy  their  magazine  of  military  stores  at  Concord,  about 
twenty  miles  from  Boston.  It  was  to  be  effected  on  the  night 
of  the  18th  of  April,  by  a  force  detached  for  the  purpose. 

Preparations  were  made  with  great  secrecy.  Boats  for  the 
transportation  of  the  troops  were  launched,  and  moored  under 
the  sterns  of  the  men-of-war.  Grenadiers  and  light  infantry 
were  relieved  from  duty,  and  held  in  readiness.  On  the  18th, 
officers  were  stationed  on  the  roads  leading  from  Boston,  to 
prevent  any  intelligence  of  the  expedition  getting  into  the 
country.  At  night  orders  were  issued  by  General  Gage  that 
no  person  should  leave  the  town. 

About  ten  o'clock,  from  eight  to  nine  hundred  men,  gren- 
adiers, light  infantry,  and  marines,  commanded  by  Lieutenant- 
Colonel  Smith,  embarked  in  the  boats  at  the  foot  of  Boston 
Common,  and  crossed  to  Lechmere  Point,  in  Cambridge,  whence 


276  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

they  were  to  march  silently,  and  without  beat  of  drum,  to  the 
place  of  destination. 

The  measures  of  General  Gag^had  not  been  shrouded  in  all 
the  secrecy  he  imagined.  Mystery  often  defeats  itself  by  the 
suspicions  it  awakens.  Dr.  Joseph  Warren,  one  of  the  com- 
mittee of  safety,  had  observed  the  preparatory  disposition  of 
the  boats  and  troops,  and  surmised  some  sinister  intention. 
He  sent  notice  of  these  movements  to  John  Hancock  and  Samuel 
Adams,  both  members  of  the  provincial  Congress,  but  at  that 
time  privately  sojourning  with  a  friend  at  Lexington.  A  de- 
sign on  the  magazine  at  Concord  was  suspected,  and  the  com- 
mittee of  safety  ordered  that  the  cannon  collected  there  should 
be  secreted,  and  part  of  the  stores  removed. 

On  the  night  of  the  18th,  Dr.  Warren  sent  off  two  messengers 
by  different  routes  to  give  the  alarm  that  the  king's  troops  were 
actually  sallying  forth.  The  messengers  got  out  of  Boston  just 
before  the  order  of  General  Gage  went  into  effect,  to  prevent 
any  one  from  leaving  the  town.  About  the  same  time  a  lantern 
was  hung  out  of  an  upper  window  of  the  North  Church,  in  the 
direction  of  Charlestown.  This  was  a  preconcerted  signal  to 
the  patriots  of  that  place,  who  instantly  despatched  swift  mes- 
sengers to  rouse  the  country. 

In  the  mean  time,  Colonel  Smith  set  out  on  his  nocturnal 
march  from  Lechmere  Point  by  an  unfrequented  path  across 
marshes,  where  at  times  the  troops  had  to  wade  through  water. 
He  had  proceeded  but  a  few  miles  when  alarm  guns,  booming 
through  the  night  air,  and  the  clang  of  village  bells,  showed 
that  the  news  of  his  approach  was  travelling  before  him,  and 
the  people  were  rising.  He  now  sent  back  to  General  Gage  for 
a  re-enforcement,  while  Major  Pitcairn  was  detached  with  six 
companies  to  press  forward,  and  secure  the  bridges  at  Concord. 

Pitcairn  advanced  rapidly,  capturing  every  one  that  he  met, 
or  overtook.  Within  a  mile  and  a  half  of  Lexington,  however, 
a  horseman  was  too  quick  on  the  spur  for  him,  and  galloping 
to  the  village,  gave  the  alarm  that  the  redcoats  were  coming. 
Drums  were  beaten  ;  guns  fired.  By  the  time  that  Pitcairn 
entered  the  village,  about  seventy  or  eighty  of  the  yeomanry, 
in  military  array,  were  mustered  on  the  green  near  the  church. 
It  was  a  part  of  the  "  constitutional  army,"  pledged  to  resist 
by  force  any  open  hostility  of  British  troops.  Besides  these, 
there  were  a  number  of  lookers  on,  armed  and  unarmed. 

The  sound  of  drum,  and  the  array  of  men  in  arms,  indicated 
a  hostile  determination.  Pitcairn  halted  his  men  within  a  short 
distance  of  the  church,  and  ordered  them  to  prime  and  load. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  277 

They  then  advanced  at  double  quick  time.  The  major,  riding 
forward,  waved  his  sword,  and  ordered  the  rebels,  as  he  termed 
them,  to  disperse.  Other  of  the  officers  echoed  his  words 
as  they  advanced:  "Disperse,  ye  villains!  Lay  down  your 
arms,  37e  rebels,  and  disperse  !  "  The  orders  were  disregarded. 
A  scene  of  confusion  ensued,  with  firing  on  both  sides ;  which 
part}'  commenced  it,  has  been  a  matter  of  dispute.  Pitcairn 
always  maintained  that,  finding  the  militia  would  not  disperse, 
he  turned  to  order  his  men  to  draw  out,  and  surround  them, 
when  he  saw  a  flash  in  the  pan  from  the  gun  of  a  countryman 
posted  behind  a  wall,  and  almost  instantly  the  report  of  two  or 
three  muskets.  These  he  supposed  to  be  from  the  Americans, 
as  his  horse  was  wounded,  as  was  also  a  soldier  close  by  him. 
His  troops  rushed  on,  and  a  promiscuous  fire  took  place,  though, 
as  he  declared,  he  made  repeated  signals  with  his  sword  for  his 
men  to  forbear. 

The  firing  of  the  Americans  was  irregular,  and  without  much 
effect ;  that  of  the  British  was  more  fatal.  Eight  of  the 
patriots  were  killed,  and  ten  wounded,  and  the  whole  put  to 
flight.  The  victors  formed  on  the  common,  fired  a  volley,  and 
gave  three  cheers  for  one  of  the  most  inglorious  and  disastrous 
triumphs  ever  achieved  by  British  arms. 

Colonel  Smith  soon  arrived  with  the  residue  of  the  detach- 
ment, and  they  all  marched  on  toward  Concord,  about  six  miles 
distant. 

The  alarm  had  reached  that  place  in  the  dead  hour  of  the 
preceding  night.  The  church  bell  roused  the  inhabitants. 
They  gathered  together  in  anxious  consultation.  The  militia 
and  minute  men  seized  their  arms,  and  repaired  to  the  parade 
ground,  near  the  church.  Here  they  were  subsequently  joined 
by  armed  yeomanry  from  Lincoln,  and  elsewhere.  Exertions 
were  now  made  to  remove  and  conceal  the  military  stores.  A 
scout,  who  had  been  sent  out  for  intelligence,  brought  word 
that  the  British  had  fired  upon  the  people  at  Lexington,  and  were 
advancing  upon  Concord.  There  was  great  excitement  and 
indignation.  Part  of  the  militia  inarched  down  the  Lexington 
road  to  meet  them,  but  returned,  reporting  their  force  to  be 
three  times  that  of  the  Americans.  The  whole  of  the  militia 
now  retired  to  an  eminence  about  a  mile  from  the  centre  of  the 
town,  and  formed  themselves  into  two  battalions. 

About  seven  o'clock,  the  British  came  in  sight,  advancing 
with  quick  step,  their  arms  glittering  in  the  morning  sun.  They 
entered  in  two  divisions  by  different  roads.  Concord  is  trav- 
ersed by  a  river  of  the   same  name,  having  two  bridges,  the 


278  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

north  and  the  south.  The  grenadiers  and  light  infantry  took 
post  in  the  centre  of  the  town,  while  strong  parties  of  light 
troops  were  detached  to  secure  the  bridges,  and  destroy  the 
military  stores.  Two  hours  were  expended  in  the  work  of 
destruction  without  much  success,  so  much  of  the  stores  having 
been  removed,  or  concealed.  During  all  this  time  the  yeo- 
manry from  the  neighboring  towns  were  hurrying  in  with  such 
weapons  as  were  at  hand,  and  joining  the  militia  on  the 
heights,  until  the  little  cloud  of  war  gathering  there  numbered 
about  four  hundred  and  fifty. 

About  ten  o'clock,  a  body  of  three  hundred  undertook  to  dis- 
lodge the  British  from  the  north  bridge.  As  they  approached, 
the  latter  fired  upon  them,  killing  two,  and  wounding  a  third. 
The  patriots  returned  the  fire  with  spirit  and  effect.  The 
British  retreated  to  the  main  body,  the  Americans  pursuing 
them  across  the  bridge. 

By  this  time  all  the  military  stores  which  could  be  found  had 
been  destroyed ;  Colonel  Smith,  therefore,  made  preparations 
for  a  retreat.  The  scattered  troops  were  collected,  the  dead 
were  buried,  and  conveyances  procured  for  the  wounded.  About 
noon  he  commenced  his  retrograde  march  for  Boston.  It  was 
high  time.  His  troops  were  jaded  by  the  night  march,  and  the 
morning's  toils  and  skirmishings. 

The  country  was  thoroughly  alarmed.  The  yeomanry  were 
hurrying  from  eveiy  quarter  to  the  scene  of  action.  As  the 
British  began  their  retreat,  the  Americans  began  the  work  of 
sore  and  galling  retaliation.  Along  the  open  road,  the  former 
were  harassed  incessantly  by  rustic  marksmen,  who  took  delib- 
erate aim  from  behind  trees,  or  over  stone  fences.  Where 
the  road  passed  through  woods,  the  British  found  themselves 
between  two  fires,  dealt  by  unseen  foes,  the  minute  men  having 
posted  themselves  on  each  side  among  the  bushes.  It  was  in 
vain  they  threw  out  flankers,  and  endeavored  to  dislodge  their 
assailants ;  each  pause  gave  time  for  other  pursuers  to  come 
within  reach,  and  open  attacks  from  different  quarters.  For 
several  miles  they  urged  their  way  along  woody  defiles,  or  roads 
skirted  with  fences  and  stone  walls,  the  retreat  growing  more 
and  more  disastrous  ;  some  were  shot  down,  some  gave  out 
through  mere  exhaustion  ;  the  rest  hurried  on,  without  stopping 
to  aid  the  fatigued,  or  wounded.  Before  reaching  Lexington, 
Colonel  Smith  received  a  severe  wound  in  the  leg,  and  the  situ- 
ation of  the  retreating  troops  was  becoming  extremely  critical, 
when,  about  two  o'clock,  they  were  met  by  Lord  Percy,  with 
a  brigade  of  one  thousand  men,   and  two   field-pieces.      His 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  279 

lordship  had  been  detached  from  Boston  about  nine  o'clock  by 
General  Gage,  in  compliance  with  Colonel  Smith's  urgent  call 
for  a  re-enforcement,  and  had  marched  gayly  through  Roxbury 
to  the  tune  of  lt  Yankee  Doodle,"  in  derision  of  the  "  rebels." 
He  now  found  the  latter  a  more  formidable  foe  than  he  had  antici- 
pated. Opening  his  brigade  to  the  right  and  left,  he  received 
the  retreating  troops  into  a  hollow  square  ;  where,  fainting  and 
exhausted,  they  threw  themselves  on  the  ground  to  rest.  His 
lordship  showed  no  disposition  to  advance  upon  their  assailants, 
but  contented  himself  witli  keeping  them  at  bay  with  his  field- 
pieces,  which  opened  a  vigorous  fire  from  an  eminence. 

Hitherto  the  Provincials,  being  hasty  levies,  without  a  leader, 
had  acted  from  individual  impulse,  without  much  concert ;  but 
now  General  Heath  was  upon  the  ground.  He  was  one  of 
those  authorized  to  take  command  when  the  minute  men  should 
be  called  out.  That  class  of  combatants  promptly  obeyed  his 
orders,  and  he  was  efficacious  in  rallying  them,  and  bringing 
them  into  military  order,  when  checked  and  scattered  by  the 
fire  of  the  field-pieces. 

Dr.  Warren,  also,  arrived  on  horseback,  having  spurred  from 
Boston  on  receiving  news  of  the  skirmishing.  In  the  subsequent 
part  of  the  day,  he  was  one  of  the  most  active  and  efficient 
men  in  the  field.  His  presence,  like  that  of  General  Heath, 
regulated  the  infuriated  ardor  of  the  militia,  and  brought  it  into 
system. 

Lord  Percy,  having  allowed  the  troops  a  short  interval  for 
repose  and  refreshment,  continued  the  retreat  toward  Boston. 
As  soon  as  he  got  under  march,  the  galling  assault  by  the  pursu- 
ing yeomanry  was  recommenced  in  flank  and  rear.  The  Brit- 
ish soldiery,  irritated  in  turn,  acted  as  if  in  an  enemy's  country. 
Houses  and  shops  were  burned  down  in  Lexington  ;  private 
dwellings  along  the  road  were  plundered,  and  their  inhabitants 
maltreated.  In  one  instance,  an  unoffending  invalid  was  wan- 
tonly slain  in  his  own  house.  All  this  increased  the  exaspera- 
tion of  the  yeomanry.  There  was  occasional  sharp  skirmishing, 
with  bloodshed  on  both  sides,  but  in  general  a  dogged  pursuit, 
where  the  retreating  troops  were  galled  at  every  step.  Their 
march  became  more  and  more  impeded  by  the  number  of  their 
wounded.  Lord  Percy  narrowly  escaped  death  from  a  musket- 
ball,  which  struck  off  a  button  of  his  waistcoat.  One  of  his 
officers  remained  behind  wounded  in  West  Cambridge.  His 
ammunition  was  failing  as  he  approached  Charlestown.  The 
provincials  pressed  upon  him  in  rear,  others  were  advancing 
from   Roxbury,   Dorchester,  and  Milton ;    Colonel    Pickering, 


280  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

with  the  Essex  militia,  seven  hundred  strong,  was  at  hand ; 
there  was  danger  of  being  intercepted  in  the  retreat  to  Charles- 
town.  The  field-pieces  were  again  brought  into  play,  to  check 
the  ardor  of  the  pursuit ;  but  they  were  no  longer  objects  of 
terror.  The  sharpest  firing  of  the  provincials  was  near  Pros- 
pect Hill,  as  the  harassed  enemy  hurried  along  the  Charlestown 
road,  eager  to  reach  the  Neck,  and  get  under  cover  of  their 
ships.  The  pursuit  terminated  a  little  after  sunset,  at  Charles- 
town  Common,  where  General  Heath  brought  the  minute  men  to 
a  halt.  Within  half  an  hour  more,  a  powerful  body  of  men, 
from  Marblehead  and  Salem,  came  up  to  join  in  the  chase.  "  If 
the  retreat,"  writes  Washington,  "  had  not  been  as  precipitate 
as  it  was  —  and  God  knows  it  could  not  well  have  been  more  so 
—  the  ministerial  troops  must  have  surrendered,  or  been  totally 
cutoff." 

The  distant  firing  from  the  mainland  had  reached  the  British 
at  Boston.  The  troops  which,  in  the  morning,  had  marched 
through  Roxbury,  to, the  tune  of  Yankee  Doodle,  might  have 
been  seen  at  sunset,  hounded  along  the  old  Cambridge  road 
to  Charlestown  Neck,  by  mere  armed  yeomanry.  Gage  was 
astounded  at  the  catastrophe.  It  was  but  a  short  time  previous 
that  one  of  his  officers,  in  writing  to  friends  in  England,  scoffed 
at  the  idea  of  the  Americans  taking  up  arms.  "  Whenever  it 
comes  to  blows,"  said  he,  "he  that  can  run  the  fastest,  will 
think  himself  well  off,  believe  me.  Any  two  regiments  here 
ought  to  be  decimated,  if  they  did  not  beat  in  the  field  the 
whole  force  of  the  Massachusetts  province."  How  frequently, 
throughout  this  Revolution,  had  the  English  to  pay  the  penalty 
of  thus  undervaluing  the  spirit  they  were  provoking ! 

In  this  memorable  affair,  the  British  loss  was  seventy- three 
killed,  one  hundred  and  seventy-four  wounded,  and  twenty-six 
missing.  Among  the  slain  were  eighteen  officers.  The  loss  of 
the  Americans  was  forty-nine  killed,  thirty-nine  wounded,  and 
five  missing.  This  was  the  first  blood  shed  in  the  revolutionary 
struggle  ;  a  mere  drop  in  amount,  but  a  deluge  in  its  effects  — 
rending  the  colonies  forever  from  the  mother  country. 

The  cry  of  blood  from  the  field  of  Lexington  went  through 
the  land.  None  felt  the  appeal  more  than  the  old  soldiers 
of  the  French  war.  It  roused  John  Stark,  of  New  Hampshire  — 
a  trapper  and  hunter  in  his  youth,  a  veteran  in  Indian  warfare, 
a  campaigner  under  Abercrombie  and  Amherst,  now  the  mili- 
tary oracle  of  a  rustic  neighborhood.  Within  ten  minutes  after 
receiving  the  alarm,  he  was  spurring  toward  the  sea-coast,  and 
on   the  way  stirring  up  the  volunteers  of  the   Massachusetts 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  281 

borders,  to  assemble  forthwith  at  Bedford,  in  the  vicinity  of 
Boston. 

Equally  alert  was  his  old  comrade  in  frontier  exploits, 
Colonel  Israel  Putnam.  A  man  on  horseback,  with  a  drum, 
passed  through  his  neighborhood  in  Connecticut,  proclaiming 
British  violence  at  Lexington.  Putnam  was  in  the  field 
ploughing,  assisted  by  his  son.  In  an  instant  the  team  was 
unyoked ;  the  plough  left  in  the  furrow ;  the  lad  sent  home  to 
give  word  of  his  father's  departure  ;  and  Putnam,  on  horse- 
back, in  his  working  garb,  urging  with  all  speed  to  the  camp. 
Such  wTas  the  spirit  aroused  throughout  the  country.  The 
sturdy  yeomanry,  from  all  parts,  were  hasten ing>tb ward  Boston 
with  such  weapons  as  were  at  hand ;  and  happy  was  he  who 
could  command  a  rusty  fowling-piece  and  a  powder-horn. 

The  news  reached  Virginia  at  a  critical  moment.  Lord  Dun- 
more,  obeying  a  general  order  issued  by  the  ministry  to  all  the 
provincial  governors,  had  seized  upon  the  military  munitions  of 
the  province.  Here  was  a  similar  measure  to  that  of  (J age. 
The  cry  went  forth  that  the  subjugation  of  the  colonies  was  to 
be  attempted.  All  Virginia  was  in  combustion.  The  standard 
of  liberty  was  reared  in  every  count}' ;  there  was  a  general  cry 
to  arms.  Washington  was  looked  to,  from  various  quarters,  to 
take  command.  His  old  comrade  in  arms,  Hugh  Mercer,  was 
about  marching  down  to  Williamsburg  at  the  head  of  a  body  of 
resolute  men,  seven  hundred  strong,  entitled  '^  The  friends 
of  constitutional  liberty  and  America,"  whom  he  had  organized 
and  drilled  in  Fredericksburg,  and  nothing  but  a  timely  conces- 
sion of  Lord  Dunmore,  with  respect  to  some  powder  which  he 
had  seized,  prevented  his  being  beset  in  his  palace. 

Before  Hugh  Mercer  and  the  Friends  of  Liberty  disbanded 
themselves,  they  exchanged  a  mutual  pledge  to  re-assemble  at 
a  moment's  warning,  whenever  called  on  to  defend  the  liberty 
and  rights  of  this  or  any  other  sister  colony. 

Washington  was  at  Mount  Vernon,  preparing  to  set  out  for 
Philadelphia  as  a  delegate  to  the  second  Congress,  when  he 
received  tidings  of  the  affair  at  Lexington.  Bryan  Fairfax 
and  Major  Horatio  Gates  were  his  guests  at  the  time.  They 
all  regarded  the  event  as  decisive  in  its  consequences ;  but  they 
regarded  it  with  different  feelings.  The  worthy  and  gentle- 
spirited  Fairfax  deplored  it  deeply.  He  foresaw  that  it  must 
break  up  all  his  pleasant  relations  in  life ;  arraying  his  dearest 
friends  against  the  government  to  which,  notwithstanding  the 
errors  of  its  policy,  he  was  loyally  attached  and  resolved  to 
adhere. 


282  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Gates,  on  the.  contrary,  viewed  it  with  the  eye  of  a  soldier 
and  a  place-hunter  —  hitherto  disappointed  m  both  capacities. 
This  event  promised  to  open  a  new  avenue  to  importance  and 
command,  and  he  determined  to  enter  upon  it. 

Washington's  feelings  were  of  a  mingled  nature.  They  may 
be  gathered  from  a  letter  to  his  friend  and  neighbor,  George 
William  Fairfax,  then  in  England,  in  which  he  lays  the  blame 
of  this  ' '  deplorable  affair ' '  on  the  ministry  and  their  military 
agents ;  and  concludes  with  the  following  words,  in  which  the 
yearnings  of  the  patriot  give  affecting  solemnity  to  the  implied 
resolve  of  the  soldier :  "  Unhappy  it  is  to  reflect  that  a  brother's 
sword  has  been  sheathed  in  a  brother's  breast ;  and  that  the 
once  happy  and  peaceful  plains  of  America  are  to  be  either 
drenched  with  blood  or  inhabited  by  slaves.  Sad  alternative ! 
But  can  a  virtuous  man  hesitate  in  his  choice?" 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

ENLISTING    OF    TROOPS   IN  THE  EAST  —  CAMP  AT  BOSTON GENERAL 

ARTEMAS    WARD  SCHEME    TO    SURPRISE     TICONDEROGA NEW 

HAMPSHIRE    GRANTS ETHAN    ALLEN  AND  THE  GREEN  MOUNTAIN 

BOYS  —  BENEDICT  ARNOLD AFFAIR  OF  TICONDEROGA  AND  CROWN 

POINT A  DASH  AT  ST.  JOHNS. 

At  the.  eastward,  the  march  of  the  Revolution  went  on  with 
accelerated  speed.  Thirty  thousand  men  had  been  deemed 
necessary  for  the  defence  of  the  country.  The  provincial  Con- 
gress of  Massachusetts  resolved  to  raise  thirteen  thousand  six 
hundred,  as  its  quota.  Circular  letters,  also,  were  issued  by  the 
committee  of  safety,  urging  the  towns  to  enlist  troops  with  all 
speed,  and  calling  for  military  aid  from  the  other  New  England 
provinces. 

Their  appeals  were  promptly  answered.  Bodies  of  militia 
and  parties  of  volunteers  from  New  Hampshire,  Rhode  Island 
and  Connecticut,  hastened  to  join  the  minute  men  of  Massachu- 
setts in  forming  a  camp  in  the  neighborhood  of  Boston.  With 
the  troops  of  Connecticut  came  Israel  Putnam  ;  having  recently 
raised  a  regiment  in  that  province,  and  received  from  its  Assem- 
bly the  commission  of  brigadier-general.  Some  of  his  old  com- 
rades in  French  and  Indian  warfare  had  hastened  to  join  his 
standard.  Such  were  two  of  his  captains,  Durkee  and  Knowlton. 
The  latter,  who  was  his  especial  favorite,  had  fought  by  his 
side  when  a  mere  bov- 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  283 

The  command  of  the  camp  was  given  to  General  Artemas 
Ward,  already  mentioned.  He  was  a  native  of  Shrewsbury, 
in  Massachusetts,  and  a  veteran  of  the  seven  years'  war  — 
having  served  as  lieutenant-colonel  under  Abercrombie.  He 
had,  likewise,  been  a  member  of  the  legislative  bodies,  and  had 
recently  been  made,  by  the  provincial  Congress  of  Massachu- 
setts, commander-in-chief  of  its  forces. 

As  affairs  were  now  drawing  to  a  crisis,  and  war  was  consid- 
ered inevitable,  some  bold  spirits  in  Connecticut  conceived  a 
project  for  the  outset.  This  was  the  surprisal  of  the  old  forts 
of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point,  already  famous  in  the  French 
war.  Their  situation  on  Lake  Champlain  gave  them  the  com- 
mand of  the  main  route  to  Canada ;  so  that  the  possession  of 
them  would  be  all-important  in  case  of  hostilities.  They  were 
feebly  garrisoned  and  negligently  guarded,  and  abundantly 
furnished  with  artillery  and  military  stores,  so  much  needed  by 
the  patriot  army. 

This  scheme  was  set  on  foot  in  the  purlieus,  as  it  were,  of 
the  provincial  Legislature  of  Connecticut,  then  in  session.  It 
was  not  openly  sanctioned  by  that  body,  but  secretly  favored, 
and  money  lent  from  the  treasury  to  those  engaged  in  it.  A 
committee  was  appointed,  also,  to  accompany  them  to  the 
frontier,  aid  them  in  raising  troops,  and  exercise  over  them  a 
degree  of  superintendence  and  control. 

Sixteen  men  were  thus  enlisted  in  Connecticut,  a  greater 
number  in  Massachusetts,  but  the  greatest  accession  of  force 
was  from  what  was  called  the  "  New  Hampshire  Grants."  This 
was  a  region  having  the  Connecticut  River  on  one  side,  and 
Lake  Champlain  and  the  Hudson  River  on  the  other  —  being, 
in  fact,  the  country  forming  the  present  State  of  Vermont.  It 
had  long  been  a  disputed  territory,  claimed  by  New  York  and 
New  Hampshire.  George  II.  had  decided  in  favor  of  New 
York ;  but  the  Governor  of  New  Hampshire  had  made  grants 
of  between  one  and  two  hundred  townships  in  it,  whence  it  had 
acquired  the  name  of  the  New  Hampshire  Grants.  The  settlers 
on  those  grants  resisted  the  attempts  of  New  York  to  eject  them, 
and  formed  themselves  into  an  association,  called  "  The  Green 
Mountain  Boys."  Resolute,  strong-handed  fellows  they  were, 
with  Ethan  Allen  at  their  head,  a  native  of  Connecticut,  but 
brought  up  among  the  Green  Mountains.  He  and  his  lieuten- 
ants, Seth  Warner  and  Remember  Baker,  were  outlawed  by  the 
Legislature  of  New  York,  and  rewards  offered  for  their  appre- 
hension. They  and  their  associates  armed  themselves,  set  New 
York  at  defiance,  and  swore  they  would  be  the  death  of  any  one 
who  should  attempt  their  arrest. 


284  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

Thus  Ethan  Allen  was  becoming  a  kind  of  Robin  Hood 
among  the  mountains,  when  the  present  crisis  changed  the 
relative  position  of  things  as  if  by  magic.  Boundary  feuds 
were  forgotten  amid  the  great  questions  of  colonial  rights. 
Ethan  Allen  at  once  stepped  forward,  a  patriot,  and  volun- 
teered with  his  Green  Mountain  Boys  to  serve  in  the  popular 
cause.  He  was  well  fitted  for  the  enterprise  in  question,  by 
his  experience  as  a  frontier  champion,  his  robustness  of  mind 
and  body,  and  his  fearless  spirit.  He  had  a  kind  of  rough 
eloquence,  also,  that  was  very  effective  with  his  followers. 
ct  His  style,"  says  one,  who  knew  him  personally,  "  was  a 
singular  compound  of  local  barbarisms,  scriptural  phrases,  and 
oriental  wildness ;  and  though  unclassic,  and  sometimes  un- 
grainmatical,  was  highly  animated  and  forcible."  Washington, 
in  one  of  his  letters,  says  there  was  "an  original  something  in 
him  which  commanded  admiration." 

Thus  re-enforced,  the  party,  now  two  hundred  and  seventy 
strong,  pushed  forward  to  Castleton,  a  place  within  a  few  miles 
of  the  head  of  Lake  Champlain.  Here  a  council  of  war  was 
held  on  the  2d  of  May.  Ethan  Allen  was  placed  at  the  head 
of  the  expedition,  with  James  Easton  and  Seth  Warner  as 
second  and  third  in  command.  Detachments  were  sent  off  to 
Skenesborough  (now  Whitehall),  and  another  place  on  the  lake, 
with  orders  to  seize  all  the  boats  they  could  find  and  bring  them 
to  Shoreham,  opposite  Ticonderoga,  whither  Allen  prepared  to 
proceed  with  the  main  body. 

At  this  juncture,  another  adventurous  spirit  arrived  at 
Castleton.  This  was  Benedict  Arnold,  since  so  sadly  re- 
nowned. He,  too,  had  conceived  the  project  of  surprising 
Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point ;  or,  perhaps,  had  caught  the 
idea  from  its  first  agitators  in  Connecticut — in  the  militia  of 
which  province  he  held  a  captain's  commission.  He  had 
proposed  the  scheme  to  the  Massachusetts  committee  of  safety. 
It  had  met  with  their  approbation.  They  had  given  him  a 
colonel's  commission,  authorized  him  to  raise  a  force  in 
Western  Massachusetts,  not  exceeding  four  hundred  men,  and 
furnished  him  with  money  and  means.  Arnold  had  enlisted 
but  a  few  officers  and  men  when  he  heard  of  the  expedition 
from  Connecticut  being  on  the  march.  He  instantly  hurried  on 
with  one  attendant  to  overtake  it,  leaving  his  few  recruits  to 
follow,  as  best  they  could :  in  this  way  he  reached  Castleton 
just  after  the  council  of  war. 

Producing  the  colonel's  commission  received  from  the  Mas- 
sachusetts committee  of  safety,  he  now  aspired  to  the  supreme 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  285 

command.  His  claims  were  disregarded  by  the  Green  Moun- 
tain Boys  ;  they  would  follow  no  leader  but  Ethan  Allen.  As 
they  formed  the  majority  of  the  party,  Arnold  was  fain  to 
acquiesce,  and  serve  as  a  volunteer,  with  the  rank,  but  not  the 
command,  of  colonel. 

The  party  arrived  at  Shoreham,  opposite  Ticonderoga,  on  the 
night  of  the  9th  of  May.  The  detachment  sent  in  quest  of 
boats  had  failed  to  arrive.  There  were  a  few  boats  at  hand, 
with  which  the  transportation  was  commenced.  It  was  slow 
work ;  the  night  wore  away ;  day  was  about  to  break,  and  but 
eighty-three  men,  with  Allen  and  Arnold,  had  crossed.  Should 
they  wait  for  the  residue,  day  would  dawn,  the  garrison  wake, 
and  their  enterprise  might  fail.  Allen  drew  up  his  men,  ad- 
dressed them  in  his  own  emphatic  style,  and  announced  his 
intention  to  make  a  dash  at  the  fort,  without  waiting  for  more 
force.  "It  is  a  desperate  attempt,"  said  he,  "and  I  ask  no 
man  to  go  against  his  will.  I  will  take  the  lead,  and  be  the 
first  to  advance.  You  that  are  willing  to  follow,  poise  your 
firelocks."     Not  a  firelock  but  was  poised. 

They  mounted  the  hill  briskly,  but  in  silence,  guided  by  a  boy 
from  the  neighborhood.  The  day  dawned  as  Allen  arrived  at 
a  sally-port.  A  sentry  pulled  trigger  on  him,  but  his  piece 
missed  fire.  He  retreated  through  a  covered  way.  Allen  and 
his  men  followed.  Another  sentry  thrust  at  Easton  with  his 
bayonet,  but  was  struck  down  by  Allen,  and  begged  for  quarter. 
It  was  granted  on  condition  of  his  leading  the  way  instantly  to 
the  quarters  of  the  commandant,  Captain  Delaplace,  who  was 
yet  in  bed.  Being  arrived  there,  Allen  thundered  at  the  door, 
and  demanded  a  surrender  of  the  fort.  By  this  time  his  follow- 
ers had  formed  into  two  lines  on  the  parade-ground,  and  given 
three  hearty  cheers.  The  commandant  appeared  at  his  door 
half-dressed,  "  the  frightened  face  of  his  pretty  wife  peering 
over  his  shoulder."  He  gazed  at  Allen  in  bewildered  astonish- 
ment. "  By  whose  authority  do  you  act?  "  exclaimed  he.  "In 
the  name  of  the  great  Jehovah,  and  the  Continental  Congress  !  " 
replied  Allen,  with  a  flourish  of  his  sword,  and  an  oath  which 
we  do  not  care  to  subjoin. 

There  was  no  disputing  the  point.  The  garrison,  like  the 
commander,  had  been  startled  from  sleep,  and  made  prisoners 
as  they  rushed  forth  in  their  confusion.  A  surrender  accordingly 
took  place.  The  captain,  and  forty-eight  men,  which  composed 
his  garrison,  were  sent  prisoners  to  Hartford,  in  Connecticut. 
A  great  supply  of  military  and  naval  stores,  so  important  in  the 
present  crisis,  was  found  in  the  fortress. 


286  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Colonel  Seth  Warner,  who  had  brought  over  the  residue  of 
the  party  from  Shoreham,  was  now  sent  with  a  detachment 
against  Crown  Point,  which  surrendered  on  the  12th  of  May 
without  firing  a  gun  ;  the  whole  garrison  being  a  sergeant  and 
twelve  men.     Here  were  taken  upward  of  a  hundred  cannon, 

Arnold  now  insisted  vehemently  on  his  right  to  command 
Ticonderoga ;  being,  as  he  said,  the  only  officer  invested  with 
legal  authority.  His  claims  had  again  to  yield  to  the  superior 
popularity  of  Ethan  Allen,  to  whom  the  Connecticut  committee, 
which  had  accompanied  the  enterprise,  gave  an  instrument  in 
writing,  investing  him  with  the  command  of  the  fortress,  and  its 
dependencies,  until  he  should  receive  the  orders  of  the  Connect- 
icut Assembly,  or  the  Continental  Congress.  Arnold,  while 
forced  to  acquiesce,  sent  a  protest,  and  a  statement  of  his  griev- 
ances to  the  Massachusetts  Legislature.  In  the  mean  time,  his 
chagrin  was  appeased  by  a  new  project.  The  detachment  origi- 
nally sent  to  seize  upon  boats  at  Skenesborough,  arrived  with  a 
schooner,  and  several  bateaux.  It  was  immediately  concerted 
between  Allen  and  Arnold  to  cruise  in  them  clown  the  lake,  and 
surprise  St.  Johns,  on  the  Sorel  River,  the  frontier  post  of 
Canada.  The  schooner  was  accordingly  armed  with  cannon  from 
the  fort.  Arnold,  who  had  been  a  seaman  in  his  youth,  took 
the  command  of  her,  while  Allen  and  his  Green  Mountain  Boys 
embarked  in  the  bateaux. 

Arnold  outsailed  the  other  craft,  and  arriving  at  St.  Johns, 
surprised  and  made  prisoners  of  a  sergeant  and  twelve  men  ; 
captured  a  king's  sloop  of  seventy  tons,  with  two  brass  six- 
pounders  and  seven  men  ;  took  four  bateaux,  destroyed  several 
others,  and  then,  learning  that  troops  were  on  the  way  from 
Montreal  and  Chamblee,  spread  all  his  sails  to  a  favoring  breeze, 
and  swept  up  the  lake  with  his  prizes  and  prisoners,  and  some 
valuable  stores,  which  he  had  secured. 

He  had  not  sailed  far  when  he  met  Ethan  Allen  and  the 
bateaux.  Salutes  were  exchanged  ;  cannon  on  one  side,  mus- 
ketry on  the  other.  Allen  boarded  the  sloop ;  learned  from 
Arnold  the  particulars  of  his  success,  and  determined  to  push  on, 
take  possession  of  St.  Johns,  and  garrison  it  with  one  hundred 
of  his  Green  Mountain  Boys.  He  was  foiled  in  the  attempt  by 
the  superior  force  which  had  arrived ;  so  he  returned  to  his  sta- 
tion at  Ticonderoga. 

Thus  a  partisan  band,  unpractised  in  the  art  of  war,  had,  by 
a  series  of  daring  exploits,  and  almost  without  the  loss  of  a  man, 
won  for  the  patriots  the  command  of  Lakes  George  and  Cham- 
plain,  and  thrown  open  the  great  highway  to  Canada. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  287 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

SECOND     SESSION     OF     CONGRESS JOHN    HANCOCK PETITION    TO 

THE    KING FEDERAL    UNION MILITARY  MEASURES DEBATES 

ABOUT     THE    ARMY QUESTION     AS    TO    COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF 

APPOINTMENT  OF  WASHINGTON OTHER  APPOINTMENTS LET- 
TERS OF  WASHINGTON  TO  HIS  WIFE  AND  BROTHER PREPARA- 
TIONS   FOR   DEPARTURE. 

The  second  General  Congress  assembled  at  Philadelphia  on 
the  10th  of  May.  Peyton  Randolph  was  again  eleeted  as  presi- 
dent;  but  being  obliged  to  return,  and  occupy  his  place  as 
speaker  of  the  Virginia  Assembly,  John  Hancock,  of  Massachu- 
setts, was  elevated  to  the  chair. 

A  lingering  feeling  of  attachment  to  the  mother  country, 
struggling  with  the  growing  spirit  of  self-government,  was 
manifested  in  the  proceedings  of  this  remarkable  body.  Many 
of  those  most  active  in  vindicating  colonial  rights,  and  Wash 
ington  among  the  number,  still  indulged  the  hope  of  an  event 
ual  reconciliation,  while  few  entertained,  or,  at  least  avowed 
the  idea  of  complete  independence. 

A  second  "humble  and  dutiful"  petition  to  the  king  was* 
moved,  but  met  with  strong  opposition.  John  Adams  con- 
demned it  as  an  imbecile  measure,  calculated  to  embarrass  the 
proceedings  of  Congress.  He  wTas  for  prompt  and  vigorous 
action.  Other  members  concurred  with  him.  Indeed,  the 
measure  itself  seemed  but  a  mere  form,  intended  to  reconcile 
the  half-scrupulous ;  for  subsequently,  when  it  was  carried, 
Congress,  in  face  of  it,  went  on  to  assume  and  exercise  the 
powers  of  a  sovereign  authority.  A  federal  union  was  formed, 
leaving  to  each  colony  the  right  of  regulating  its  internal  affairs 
according  to  its  own  individual  constitution,  but  vesting  in 
Congress  the  power  of  making  peace  or  war ;  of  entering  into 
treaties  and  alliances  ;  of  regulating  general  commerce  ;  in  a 
word, "of  legislating  on  all  such  matters  as  regarded  the  security 
and  welfare  of  the  whole  community. 

The  executive  power  was  to  be  vested  in  a  council  of  twelve, 
chosen  by  Congress  from  among  its  own  members,  and  to  hold 
office  for  a  limited  time.  Such  colonies  as  had  not  sent  dele- 
gates to  Congress,  might  yet  become  members  of  the  con- 
federacy by  agreeing  to  its  conditions.     Georgia,  which  had 


288  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

hitherto  hesitated,  soon  joined  the  league,  which  thus  extended 
from  Nova  Scotia  to  Florida. 

Congress  lost  no  time  in  exercising  their  federated  powers. 

In  virtue  of  them,  they  ordered  the  enlistment  of  troops,  the 
construction  of  forts  in  various  parts  of  the  colonies,  the  pro- 
vision of  arms,  ammunition,  and  military  stores  ;  while  to  defray 
the  expense  of  these,  and  other  measures,  avowedly  of  self- 
defence,  they  authorized  the  emission  of  notes  to  the  amount 
of  three  millions  of  dollars,  bearing  the  inscription  of  "The 
United  Colonies  ;  "  the  faith  of  the  confederacy  being  pledged 
for  their  redemption. 

A  retaliating  decree  was  passed,  prohibiting  all  supplies  of 
provisions  to  the  British  fisheries ;  and  another,  declaring  the 
province  of  Massachusetts  Bay  absolved  from  its  compact  with 
the  crown,  by  the  violation  of  its  charter ;  and  recommending 
it  to  form  an  internal  government  for  itself.  The  public  sense 
of  AVashington's  military  talents  and  experience  was  evinced  in 
his  being  chairman  of  all  the  committees  appointed  for  military 
affairs.  Most  of  the  rules  and  regulations  for  the  army,  and 
the  measures  for  defence,  were  devised  by  him. 

The  situation  of  the  New  England  army,  actually  besieging 
Boston,  became  an  early  and  absorbing  consideration.  It  was 
without  munitions  of  war,  without  arms,  clothing,  or  pay ;  in 
fact,  without  legislative  countenance  or  encouragement.  Unless 
sanctioned  and  assisted  b}^  Congress,  there  was  danger  of  its 
dissolution.  If  dissolved,  how  could  another  be  collected?  If 
dissolved,  what  would  there  be  to  prevent  the  British  from 
sallying  out  of  Boston,  and  spreading  desolation  throughout  the 
country? 

All  this  was  the  subject  of  much  discussion  out  of  doors. 
The  disposition  to  uphold  the  arm}T  was  general ;  but  the  diffi- 
cult question  was,  who  should  be  commander-in-chief?  Adams, 
in  his  diary,  gives  us  glimpses  of  the  conflict  of  opinions  and 
interests  within  doors.  There  was  a  southern  party,  he  said, 
which  could  not  brook  the  idea  of  a  New  England  army,  com- 
manded by  a  New  England  general.  "  Whether  this  jealousy 
was  sincere,"  writes  he,  "  or  whether  it  was  mere  pride,  and  a 
haughty  ambition  of  furnishing  a  southern  general  to  command 
the  northern  army,  I  cannot  say ;  but  the  intention  was  very 
visible  to  me,  that  Colonel  Washington  was  their  object ;  and  so 
many  of  our  stan chest  men  were  in  the  plan,  that  we  could  carry 
nothing  without  conceding  to  it.  There  was  another  embarrass- 
ment, which  was  never  publicly  known,  and  which  was  carefully 
concealed  by  those  who  knew  it :  the  Massachusetts  and  other 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  289 

New  England  delegates  were  divided.  Mr.  Hancock  and  Mr. 
Gushing  hung  back ;  Mr.  Paine  did  not  come  forward,  and 
even  Mr.  Samuel  Adams  was  irresolute.  Mr.  Hancock  himself 
had  an  ambition  to  be  appointed  commander-in-chief.  Whether 
he  thought  an  election  a  compliment  due  to  him,  and  intended 
to  have  the  honor  of  declining  it,  or  whether  he  would  have 
accepted  it,  I  know  not.  To  the  compliment,  he  had  some  pre- 
tensions ;  for,  at  that  time,  his  exertions,  sacrifices,  and  general 
merits  in  the  cause  of  his  country,  had  been  incomparably 
greater  than  those  of  Colonel  Washington.  But  the  delicacy 
of  his  health,  and  his  entire  want  of  experience  in  actual  ser- 
vice, though  an  excellent  militia  officer,  were  decisive  objections 
to  him  in  my  mind." 

General  Charles  Lee  was  at  that  time  in  Philadelphia.  His 
former  visit  had  made  him  well  acquainted  with  the  leading 
members  of  Congress.  The  active  interest  he  had  manifested 
in  the  cause  was  well  known,  and  the  public  had  an  almost 
extravagant  idea  of  his  military  qualifications.  He  was  of  for- 
eign birth,  however,  and  it  was  deemed  improper  to  confide  the 
supreme  command  to  any  but  a  native-born  American.  In  fact, 
if  he  was  sincere  in  what  we  have  quoted  from  his  letter  to 
Burke,  he  did  not  aspire  to  such  a  signal  mark  of  confidence. 

The  opinion  evidently  inclined  in  favor  of  Washington  ;  yet 
it  was  promoted  by  no  clique  of  partisans  or  admirers.  More 
than  one  of  the  Virginia  delegates,  says  Adams,  were  cool  on  the 
subject  of  this  appointment ;  and  particularly  Mr.  Pendleton 
was  clear  and  full  against  it.  It  is  scarcely  necessary  to  add, 
that  Washington  in  this,  as  in  every  other  situation  in  life,  made 
no  step  in  advance  to  clutch  the  impending  honor. 

Adams,  in  his  diary,  claims  the  credit  of  bringing  the  mem- 
bers of  Congress  to  a  decision.  Rising  in  his  place,  one  day, 
and  stating  briefly,  but  earnestly,  the  exigencies  of  the  case, 
he  moved  that  Congress  should  adopt  the  army  at  Cambridge, 
and  appoint  a  general.  Though  this  was  not  the  time  to  nomi- 
nate the  person,  "yet,"  adds  he,  "as  I  had  reason  to  believe 
this  was  a  point  of  some  difficulty,  I  had  no  hesitation  to  declare, 
that  I  had  but  one  gentleman  in  my  mind  for  that  important 
command,  and  that  was  a  gentleman  from  Virginia,  who  was 
among  us  and  very  well  known  to  all  of  us  ;  a  gentleman  whose 
skill  and  experience  as  an  officer,  whose  independent  fortune, 
great  talents,  and  excellent  universal  character  would  command 
the  approbation  of  all  America,  and  unite  the  cordial  exertions 
of  all  the  colonies  better  than  any  other  person  in  the  Union. 
Mr.  Washington,  who  happened  to  sit  near  the  door,  as  soon  as 


290  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

he  heard  me  allude  to  him,  from  his  usual  modesty,  darted  into 
the  library-room.  Mr.  Hancock,  who  was  our  president,  which 
gave  me  an  opportunity  to  observe  his  countenance,  while  I  was 
speaking  on  the  state  of  the  colonies,  the  army  at  Cambridge, 
and  the  enemy,  heard  me  with  visible  pleasure ;  but  when  I 
came  to  describe  Washington  for  the  commander,  I  never  re- 
marked a  more  sudden  and  striking  change  of  countenance. 
Mortification  and  resentment  were  expressed  as  forcibly  as  his 
face  could  exhibit  them." 

"When  the  subject  came  under  debate,  several  delegates 
opposed  the  appointment  of  Washington  ;  not  from  personal 
objections,  but  because  the  arm}'  were  all  from  New  England, 
and  had  a  general  of  their  own,  General  Artemas  Ward,  with 
whom  they  appeared  well  satisfied  ;  and  under  whose  command 
they  had  proved  themselves  able  to  imprison  the  British  army 
in  Boston  ;  which  was  all  that  was  to  be  expected  or  desired." 

The  subject  was  postponed  to  a  future  day.  In  the  interim, 
pains  were  taken  out  of  doors  to  obtain  a  unanimity,  and  the 
voices  were  in  general  so  clearly  in  favor  of  Washington,  that 
the  dissentient  members  were  persuaded  to  withdraw  their 
opposition. 

On  the  loth  of  June,  the  army  was  regularly  adopted  by 
Congress,  and  the  pay  of  the  commander-in-chief  fixed  at  five 
hundred  dollars  a  month.  Many  still  clung  to  the  idea,  that  in 
all  these  proceedings  they  were  merely  opposing  the  measures 
of  the  ministry,  and  not  the  authority  of  the  crown,  and  thus 
the  army  before  Boston  was  designated  as  the  Continental 
Army,  in  contradistinction  to  that  under  General  Gage,  which 
was  called  the  Ministerial  Arm}'. 

In  this  stage  of  the  business  Mr.  Johnson,  of  Maryland,  rose, 
and  nominated  Washington  for  the  station  of  commander-in- 
chief.  The  election  was  by  ballot,  and  was  unanimous.  It 
was  formally  announced  to  him  by  the  president,  on  the  follow- 
ing da}',  when  he  had  taken  his  seat  in  Congress.  Rising  in 
his  place,  he  briefly  expressed  his  high  and  grateful  sense  of 
the  honor  conferred  on  him,  and  his  sincere  devotion  to  the 
cause.  "But,"  added  he,  "lest  some  unlucky  event  should 
happen  unfavorable  to  my  reputation,  I  beg  it  may  be  remem- 
bered by  every  gentleman  in  the  room,  that  I  this  day  declare, 
with  the  utmost  sincerity,  I  do  not  think  myself  equal  to  the 
command  I  am  honored  with.  As  to  pay,  I  beg  leave  to  assure 
the  Congress  that,  as  no  pecuniary  consideration  could  have 
tempted  me  to  accept  this  arduous  employment,  at  the  expense 
of  my  domestic  ease  and  happiness,  I  do  not  wish  to  make  any 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  291 

profit  of  it.  I  will  keep  an  exact  account  of  my  expenses. 
Those,  I  doubt  not,  they  will  discharge,  aud  that  is  all  I 
desire." 

"There  is  something  charming  to  me  in  the  conduct  of 
Washington,"  writes  Adams  to  a  friend  ;  "  a  gentleman  of  one 
of  the  first  fortunes  upon  the  continent,  leaving  his  delicious 
retirement,  his  family  and  his  friends,  sacrificing  his  ease, 
and  hazarding  all  in  the  cause  of  his  country.  His  views  are 
noble  and  disinterested.  He  declared,  when  he  accepted  the 
mighty  trust,  that  he  would  lay  before  us  an  exact  account  of 
his  expenses,  and  not  accept  a  shilling  of  pay." 

Four  major-generals  were  to  be  appointed.  Among  those 
specified  were  General  Charles  Lee  and  General  Ward.  Mr. 
Mifflin,  of  Philadelphia,  who  was  Lee's  especial  friend  and 
admirer,  urged  that  he  should  be  second  in  command.  "  Gen- 
eral Lee,"  said  he,  "  would  serve  cheerfully  under  Washington  ; 
but  considering  his  rank,  character,  and  experience,  could  not 
be  expected  to  serve  under  any  other.  He  must  be  aut  secun- 
dus,  aut  nullus. 

Adams,  on  the  other  hand,  as  strenuously  objected  that  it 
would  be  a  great  deal  to  expect  that  General  Ward,  who  was 
actually  in  command  of  the  army  in  Boston,  should  serve  under 
any  man ;  but  under  a  stranger  he  ought  not  to  serve.  Gen- 
eral Ward,  accordingly,  was  elected  the  second  in  command, 
and  Lee  the  third.  The  other  two  major-generals  were,  Philip 
Schuyler,  of  New  York,  and  Israel  Putnam,  of  Connecticut. 
Eight  brigadier-generals  were  likewise  appointed ;  Seth  Pome- 
roy,  Richard  Montgomeiy,  David  Wooster,  William  Heath, 
Joseph  Spencer,  John  Thomas,  John  Sullivan,  and  Nathaniel 
Greene. 

Notwithstanding  Mr.  Mifflin's  objection  to  having  Lee  ranked 
under  Ward,  as  being  beneath  his  dignity  and  merits,  he  him- 
self made  no  scruple  to  acquiesce ;  though,  judging  from  his 
supercilious  character,  and  from  circumstances  in  his  subse- 
quent conduct,  he  no  doubt  considered  himself  vastly  superior 
to  the  provincial  officers  placed  over  him. 

At  Washington's  express  request,  his  old  friend,  Major 
Horatio  Gates,  then  absent  at  his  estate  in  Virginia,  was  ap- 
pointed adjutant-general,  with  the  rank  of  brigadier. 

Adams,  according  to  his  own  account,  was  extremely  loth  to 
admit  either  Lee  or  Gates  into  the  American  service,  although 
he  considered  them  officers  of  great  experience  and  confessed 
abilities.  He  apprehended  difficulties,  he  said,  from  the  "  nat- 
ural prejudices  and  virtuous  attachment  of  our  countrymen  to 


292  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

their  own  officers."  "But,"  adds  he,  "considering  the  ear- 
nest desire  of  General  Washington  to  have  the  assistance  of 
those  officers,  the  extreme  attachment  of  many  of  our  best 
friends  in  the  southern  colonies  to  them,  the  reputation  they 
would  give  to  our  arms  in  Europe,  and  especially  with  the  min- 
isterial generals  and  army  in  Boston,  as  well  as  the  real  Ameri- 
can merit  of  both,  I  could  not  withhold  my  vote  from  either." 

The  reader  will  possibly  call  these  circumstances  to  mind 
when,  on  a  future  page,  he  finds  how  Lee  and  Gates  requited 
the  friendship  to  which  chiefly  they  owed  their  appointments. 

In  this  momentous  change  in  his  condition,  which  suddenly 
altered  all  his  course  of  life,  and  called  him  immediately  to  the 
camp,  Washington's  thoughts  recurred  to  Mount  Vernon,  and 
its  rural  delights,  so  dear  to  his  heart,  whence  he  was  to  be 
again  exiled.  His  chief  concern,  however,  was  on  account  of 
the  distress  it  might  cause  to  his  wife.  His  letter  to  her  on  the 
subject  is  written  in  a  tone  of  manly  tenderness.  "You  may 
believe  me,"  writes  he,  "when  I  assure  you,  in  the  most  sol- 
emn manner,  that,  so  far  from  seeking  this  appointment,  I 
have  used  every  endeavor  in  my  power  to  avoid  it,  not  only 
from  my  unwillingness  to  part  with  you  and  the  family,  but 
from  a  consciousness  of  its  being  a  trust  too  great  for  my  ca- 
pacity ;  and  I  should  enjoy  more  real  happiness  in  one  month 
with  you  at  home  than  I  have  the  most  distant  prospect  of 
finding  abroad,  if  my  stay  were  to  be  seven  times  seven  years. 
But  as  it  has  been  a  kind  of  destiny  that  has  thrown  me  upon 
this  service,  I  shall  hope  that  my  undertaking  it  is  designed  to 
answer  some  good  purpose.   .   .   . 

"  I  shall  rely  confidently  on  that  Providence  which  has  here- 
tofore preserved,  and  been  bountiful  to  me,  not  doubting  but 
that  I  shall  return  safe  to  3Tou  in  the  Fall.  I  shall  feel  no  pain 
from  the  toil  or  danger  of  the  campaign  ;  my  unhappiness  will 
flow  from  the  uneasiness  I  know  you  will  feel  from  being  left 
alone.  I  therefore  beg  that  3'ou  will  summon  your  whole  for- 
titude, and  pass  your  time  as  agreeably  as  possible.  Nothing 
will  give  me  so  much  sincere  satisfaction  as  to  hear  this,  and 
to  hear  it  from  your  own  pen." 

And  to  his  favorite  brother,  John  Augustine,  he  writes  :  "  I 
am  now  to  bid  adieu  to  you,  and  to  every  kind  of  domestic 
ease,  for  a  while.  I  am  embarked  on  a  wide  ocean,  boundless 
in  its  prospect,  and  in  which,  perhaps,  no  safe  harbor  is  to  be 
found.  I  have  been  called  upon  by  the  unanimous  voice  of  the 
colonies  to  take  the  command  of  the  continental  arm}' ;  an 
honor  I  neither  sought  after,  nor  desired,  as  I  am  thoroughly 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  293 

convinced  that  it  requires  great  abilities,  and  much  more  expe- 
rience than  I  am  master  of."  And  subsequently,  referring  to 
his  wife:  "I  shall  hope  that  my  friends  will  visit,  and  en- 
deavor to  keep  up  the  spirits  of  my  wife  as  much  as  they  can, 
for  my  departure  will,  I  know,  be  a  cutting  stroke  upon  her ; 
and  on  this  account  alone  I  have  many  disagreeable  sensations." 
On  the  20th  of  June,  he  received  his  commission  from  the 
president  of  Congress.  The  following  day  was  fixed  upon  for 
his  departure  for  the  army.  He  reviewed  previously,  at  the  re- 
quest of  their  officers,  several  militia  companies  of  horse  and 
foot.  Every  one  was  anxious  to  see  the  new  commander,  and 
rarely  has  the  public  beau  ideal  of  a  commander  been  so  fully 
answered.  He  was  now  in  the  vigor  of  his  days,  forty-three 
3Tears  of  age,  stately  in  person,  noble  in  his  demeanor,  calm  and 
dignified  in  his  deportment ;  as  he  sat  his  horse,  with  manly 
grace,  his  military  presence  delighted  every  eye,  and  wherever 
lie  went  the  air  rang  with  acclamations. 


CHAPTER  XL. 

more  troops  arrive  at  boston — generals  howe,  burgoyne, 

and    clinton proclamation   of    gage nature   of   the 

american  army scornful  conduct  of   the  british    offi- 
cers  project  of  the  americans  to   seize    upon    breed's 

hill  —  putnam's  opinion  of  it  —  sanctioned   by    prescott 

nocturnal    march  of  the  detachment fortifying  of 

bunker's  hill break  of  day,  and  astonishment  of  the 

ENEMY. 

While  Congress  had  been  deliberating  on  the  adoption  of 
the  army,  and  the  nomination  of  a  commander-in-chief,  events 
had  been  thickening  and  drawing  to  a  crisis  in  the  excited  region 
about  Boston.  The  provincial  troops  which  blockaded  the 
town  prevented  supplies  by  land,  the  neighboring  country  re- 
fused to  furnish  them  by  water  ;  fresh  provisions  and  vegetables 
were  no  longer  to  be  procured,  and  Boston  began  to  experience 
the  privations  of  a  besieged  city. 

On  the  25th  of  May,  arrived  ships  of  war  and  transports 
from  England,  bringing  large  re-enforcements,  under  Generals 
Howe,  Burg03'ne,  and  Henry  Clinton,  commanders  of  high 
reputation. 

As  the  ships  entered  the  harbor,  and  the  "  rebel  camp  "  was 


294  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

pointed  out,  ten  thousand  yeomanry  beleaguering  a  town  gar- 
risoned by  five  thousand  regulars,  Burgoyne  could  not  restrain  a 
burst  of  surprise  and  scorn.  "  What !  "  cried  he,  "  ten  thousand 
peasants  keep  five  thousand  king's  troops  shut  up !  Well,  let 
us  get  in,  and  we'll  soon  find  elbow-room." 

Inspirited  by  these  re-enforcements  General  Gage  determined 
to  take  the  field.  Previously,  however,  in  conformity  to  in- 
structions from  Lord  Dartmouth,  the  head  of  the  war  depart- 
ment, he  issued  a  proclamation  (12th  June),  putting  the 
province  under  martial  law,  threatening  to  treat  as  rebels  and 
traitors  all  malcontents  who  should  continue  under  arms,  to- 
gether with  their  aiders  and  abetters ;  but  offering  pardon  to  all 
who  should  lay  down  their  arms,  and  return  to  their  allegiance. 
From  this  proffered  amnesty,  however,  Johu  Hancock  and 
Samuel  Adams  were  especially  excepted ;  their  offences  being 
pronounced  "  too  flagitious  not  to  meet  with  condign  punish- 
ment." 

This  proclamation  only  served  to  put  the  patriots  on  the  alert 
against  such  measures  as  might  be  expected  to  follow,  and  of 
which  their  friends  in  Boston  stood  ready  to  apprise  them.  The 
besieging  force,  in  the  mean  time,  was  daily  augmented  by 
recruits  and  volunteers,  and  now  amounted  to  about  fifteen 
thousand  men  distributed  at  various  points.  Its  character  and 
organization  were  peculiar.  As  has  well  been  observed,  it  could 
not  be  called  a  national  army,  for,  as  yet,  there  was  no  nation 
to  own  it ;  it  was  not  under  the  authority  of  the  Continental 
Congress,  the  act  of  that  body  recognizing  it  not  having  as  yet 
been  passed,  and  the  authority  of  that  body  itself  not  having 
been  acknowledged.  It  was,  in  fact,  a  fortuitous  assemblage 
of  four  distinct  bodies  of  troops,  belonging  to  different  provinces, 
and  each  having  a  leader  of  its  own  election.  About  ten  thou- 
sand belonged  to  Massachusetts,  and  were  under  the  command 
of  General  Artemas  Ward,  whose  head-quarters  were  at  Cam- 
bridge. Another  body  of  troops,  under  Colonel  John  Stark, 
already  mentioned,  came  from  New  Hampshire.  Rhode  Island 
furnished  a  third,  under  the  command  of  General  Nathaniel 
Greene.  A  fourth  was  from  Connecticut,  under  the  veteran 
Putnam. 

These  bodies  of  troops,  being  from  different  colonies,  were 
independent  of  each  other,  and  had  their  several  commanders. 
Those  from  New  Hampshire  were  instructed  to  obey  General 
Ward  as  commander-in-chief  ;  with  the  rest,  it  was  a  voluntary 
act,  rendered  in  consideration  of  his  being  military  chief  of 
Massachusetts,  the  province  which,  as  allies,  they  came  to  de- 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  295 

fend.  There  was,  in  fact,  but  little  organization  in  the  army. 
Nothing  kept  it  together,  and  gave  it  unity  of  action,  but  a 
common  feeling  of  exasperated  patriotism. 

The  troops  knew  but  little  of  military  discipline.  Almost 
all  were  familiar  with  the  use  of  fire-arms  in  hunting  and  fowl- 
ing ;  many  had  served  in  frontier  campaigns  against  the  French, 
and  in  "bush-fighting"  with  the  Indians;  but  none  were  ac- 
quainted with  regular  service  or  the  discipline  of  European 
armies.  There  was  a  regiment  of  artillery,  partly  organized 
by  Colonel  Gridley,  a  skilful  engineer,  and  furnished  with  nine 
field-pieces ;  but  the  greater  part  of  the  troops  were  without 
military  dress  or  accoutrements ;  most  of  them  were  hasty 
levies  of  yeomanry,  some  of  whom  had  seized  their  rifles  and 
fowling-pieces,  and  turned  out  in  their  working  clothes  and 
homespun  country  garbs.  It  was  an  army  of  volunteers,  sub- 
ordinate through  inclination  and  respect  to  officers  of  their  own 
choice,  and  depending  for  sustenance  on  supplies  sent  from 
their  several  towns. 

Such  was  the  army  spread  over  an  extent  of  ten  or  twelve 
miles,  and  keeping  watch  upon  the  town  of  Boston,  containing 
at  that  time  a  population  of  seventeen  thousand  souls,  and 
garrisoned  with  more  than  ten  thousand  British  troops,  disci- 
plined and  experienced  in  the  wars  of  Europe. 

In  the  disposition  of  these  forces,  General  Ward  had  sta- 
tioned himself  at  Cambridge,  with  the  main  body  of  about  nine 
thousand  men  and  four  companies  of  artillery.  Lieutenant- 
General  Thomas,  second  in  command,  was  posted,  with  five 
thousand  Massachusetts,  Connecticut  and  Rhode  Island  troops, 
and  three  or  four  companies  of  artillery,  at  Roxbury  and  Dor- 
chester, forming  the  right  wing  of  the  army ;  while  the  left, 
composed  in  a  great  measure  of  New  Hampshire  troops, 
stretched  through  Medford  to  the  hills  of  Chelsea. 

It  was  a  great  annoyance  to  the  British  officers  and  soldiers, 
to  be  thus  hemmed  in  by  what  they  termed  a  rustic  rout  with 
calico  frocks  and  fowling-pieces.  The  same  scornful  and 
taunting  spirit  prevailed  among  them,  that  the  Cavaliers  of  yore 
indulged  toward  the  Covenanters.  Considering  episcopacy  as 
the  only  loyal  and  royal  faith,  they  insulted  and  desecrated  the 
"  sectarian  "  places  of  worship.  One  was  turned  into  a  riding- 
school  for  the  cavalry,  and  the  fire  in  the  stove  was  kindled 
with  books  from  the  library  of  its  pastor.  The  Provincials  re- 
taliated by  turning  the  Episcopal  church  at  Cambridge  into  a 
barrack,  and  melting  down  its  organ-pipes  into  bullets. 

Both  parties  panted  for  action  ;    the    British  through  impa 


296  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

tience  of  their  humiliating  position,  and  an  eagerness  to  chas« 
tise  what  they  considered  the  presumption  of  their  besiegers ; 
the  Provincials  through  enthusiasm  in  their  cause,  a  thirst  for 
enterprise  and  exploit,  and,  it  must  be  added,  an  unconscious- 
ness of  their  own  military  deficiencies. 

We  have  already  mentioned  the  peninsula  of  Charlestown 
(called  from  a  village  of  the  same  name) ,  which  lies  opposite 
to  the  north  side  of  Boston.  The  heights,  which  swell  up  in 
rear  of  the  village,  overlook  the  town  and  shipping.  The  pro- 
ject was  conceived  in  the  besieging  camp  to  seize  and  occupy 
those  heights.  A  council  of  war  was  held  upon  the  subject. 
The  arguments  in  favor  of  the  attempt  were,  that  the  army  was 
anxious  to  be  employed  ;  that  the  country  was  dissatisfied  with 
its  inactivity,  and  that  the  enemy  might  thus  be  drawn  out  to 
ground  where  they  might  be  fought  to  advantage.  General 
Putnam  was  one  of  the  most  strenuous  in  favor  of  the  measure. 

Some  of  the  more  wary  and  judicious,  among  whom  were 
General  Ward  and  Dr.  Warren,  doubted  the  expediency  of  in- 
trenching themselves  on  those  heights,  and  the  possibility  of 
maintaining  so  exposed  a  post,  scantily  furnished,  as  they  were, 
with  ordnance  and  ammunition.  Besides,  it  might  bring  on  a 
general  engagement,  which  it  was  not  safe  to  risk. 

Putnam  made  light  of  the  danger.  He  was  confident  of  the 
bravery  of  the  militia  if  intrenched,  having  seen  it  tried  in  the 
old  French  war.  "The  Americans,"  said  he,  "are  never 
afraid  of  their  heads ;  they  only  think  of  their  legs ;  shelter 
them,  and  they'll  fight  forever."  He  was  seconded  by  General 
Pomeroy,  a  leader  of  like  stamp,  and  another  veteran  of  the 
French  war.  He  had  been  a  hunter  in  his  time  ;  a  dead  shot 
with  a  rifle,  and  was  ready  to  lead  troops  against  the  enemy, 
"  with  five  cartridges  to  a  man." 

The  daring  councils  of  such  men  are  always  captivating  to 
the  inexperienced  ;  but  in  the  present  instance,  they  were  sanc- 
tioned by  one  whose  opinion  in  such  matters,  and  in  this  vicin- 
ity, possessed  peculiar  weight.  This  was  Colonel  William 
Prescott,  of  Pepperell,  who  commanded  a  regiment  of  minute 
men.  He,  too,  had  seen  service  in  the  French  war,  and  ac- 
quired reputation  as  a  lieutenant  of  infantry  at  the  capture  of 
Cape  Breton.  This  was  sufficient  to  constitute  him  an  oracle 
in  the  present  instance.  He  was  now  about  fifty  years  of  age, 
tall  and  commanding  in  his  appearance,  and  retaining  the  port 
of  a  soldier.  What  was  more,  he  had  a  military  garb ;  being 
equipped  with  a  three-cornered  hat,  a  top  wig,  and  a  single- 
breasted  blue  coat,  with  facings  and  lapped  up  at  the  skirts. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  297 

All  this  served  to  give  him  consequence  among  the  rustic  militia 
officers  with  whom  he  was  in  council. 

His  opinion,  probably,  settled  the  question  ;  and  it  was  de- 
termined to  seize  on  and  fortify  Bunker's  Hill  and  Dorchester 
Heights.  In  deference,  however,  to  the  suggestions  of  the  more 
cautious,  it  was  agreed  to  postpone  the  measure  until  they  were 
sufficiently  supplied  with  the  munitions  of  war  to  be  able  to 
maintain  the  heights  when  seized. 

Secret  intelligence  hurried  forward  the  project.  General 
Gage,  it  was  said,  intended  to  take  possession  of  Dorchester 
Heights  on  the  night  of  the  18th  of  June.  These  heights  lay 
on  the  opposite  side  of  Boston,  and  the  committee  were  ignor- 
ant of  their  localities.  Those  on  Charlestown  Neck,  being  near 
at  hand,  had  some  time  before  been  reconnoitred  by  Colonel 
Richard  Gridley,  and  other  of  the  engineers.  It  was  deter- 
mined to  seize  and  fortify  these  heights  on  the  night  of  Friday, 
the  16th  of  June,  in  anticipation  of  the  movement  of  General 
Gage.  Troops  were  drafted  for  the  purpose  from  the  Massa- 
chusetts regiments  of  Colonels  Prescott,  Frye  and  Bridges. 
There  was  also  a  fatigue  party  of  about  two  hundred  men  from 
Putnam's  Connecticut  troops,  led  by  his  favorite  officer,  Cap- 
tain Knowlton  ;  together  witix  a  company  of  forty-nine  artillery 
men,  with  two  field-pieces,  commanded  by  Captain  Samuel 
Gridley. 

A  little  before  sunset  the  troops,  about  twelve  hundred  in  all, 
assembled  on  the  common,  in  front  of  General  Ward's  quar- 
ters. They  came  provided  with  packs,  blankets  and  provisions 
for  four-and-twenty  hours,  but  ignorant  of  the  object  of  the  ex- 
pedition. Being  all  paraded,  prayers  were  offered  up  by  the 
reverend  President  Langdon,  of  Harvard  College  ;  after  which 
they  all  set  forward  on  their  silent  march. 

Colonel  Prescott,  from  his  experience  in  military  matters, 
and  his  being  an  officer  in  the  Massachusetts  line,  had  been 
chosen  by  General  Ward  to  conduct  the  enterprise.  His  writ- 
ten orders  were  to  fortify  Bunker's  Hill,  and  defend  the 
works  until  he  should  be  relieved.  Colonel  Richard  Gridley, 
the  chief  engineer,  who  had  likewise  served  in  the  French  war, 
was  to  accompany  him  and  plan  the  fortifications.  It  was 
understood  that  re-enforcements  and  refreshments  would  be  sent 
to  the  fatigue  party  in  the  morning. 

The  detachment  left  Cambridge  about  9  o'clock,  Colonel 
Prescott  taking  the  lead,  preceded  by  two  sergeants  with  dark 
lanterns.  At  Charlestown  Neck  they  were  joined  by  Major 
Brooks,  of  Bridges'  regiment,  and  General  Putnam ;  and  here 


298  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

were  the  wagons  laden  with  intrenching  tools,  which  first  gave 
the  men  an  indication  of  the  nature  of  the  enterprise. 

Charlestown  Neck  is  a  narrow  isthmus,  connecting  the  penin- 
sula with  the  main  land  ;  having  the  Mystic  River,  about  half  a 
mile  wide,  on  the  north,  and  a  large  embayment  of  Charles 
River  on  the  south  or  right  side. 

It  was  now  necessary  to  proceed  with  the  utmost  caution,  for 
they  were  coming  on  ground  over  which  the  British  kept  jeal- 
ous watch.  They  had  erected  a  battery  at  Boston  on  Copp's 
Hill,  immediately  opposite  to  Charlestown.  Five  of  their  ves- 
sels of  war  were  stationed  so  as  to  bear  upon  the  peninsula 
from  different  directions,  and  the  guns  of  one  of  them  swept 
the  isthmus,  or  narrow  neck  just  mentioned. 

Across  this  isthmus,  Colonel  Prescott  conducted  the  detach- 
ment undiscovered,  and  up  the  ascent  of  Bunker's  Hill.  This 
commences  at  the  Neck,  and  slopes  up  for  about  three  hun- 
dred yards  to  its  summit,  which  is  about  one  hundred  and 
twelve  feet  high.  It  then  declines  toward  the  south,  and  is 
connected  by  a  ridge  with  Breed's  Hill,  about  sixty  or  seventy 
feet  high.  The  crests  of  the  two  hills  are  about  seven  hun- 
dred yards  apart. 

On  attaining  the  heights,  a  question  rose  which  of  the  two 
they  should  proceed  to  fortify.  Bunker's  Hill  was  specified  in 
the  written  orders  given  to  Colonel  Prescott  by  General  Ward, 
but  Breed's  Hill  was  much  nearer  to  Boston,  and  had  a  better 
command  of  the  town  and  shipping.  Bunker's  Hill,  also,  being 
on  the  upper  and  narrower  part  of  the  peninsula,  was  itself 
commanded  by  the  same  ship  which  raked  the  Neck.  Putnam 
was  clear  for  commencing  at  Breed's  Hill  and  making  the  prin- 
cipal work  there,  while  a  minor  work  might  be  thrown  up  at 
Bunker's  Hill,  as  a  protection  in  the  rear,  and  a  rallying  point, 
in  case  of  being  driven  out  of  the  main  work.  Others  con- 
curred with  this  opinion,  yet  there  was  a  hesitation  in  deviating 
from  the  letter  of  their  orders.  At  length  Colonel  Gridley  be- 
came impatient ;  the  night  was  waning ;  delay  might  prostrate 
the  whole  enterprise.  Breed's  Hill  was  then  determined  on. 
Gridley  marked  out  the  lines  for  the  fortifications ;  the  men 
stacked  their  guns  ;  threw  off  their  packs  ;  seized  their  trenching 
tools,  and  set  to  work  with  great  spirit ;  but  so  much  time  had 
been  wasted  in  discussion,  that  it  was  midnight  before  they 
struck  the  first  spade  into  the  ground. 

Prescott,  who  felt  the  responsibility  of  his  charge,  almost 
despaired  of  carrying  on  these  operations  undiscovered.  A 
party  was  sent  out  by  him  silently  to  patrol  the  shore  at  the  foot 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  299 

of  the  heights,  and  watch  for  any  movement  of  the  enemy. 
Not  willing  to  trust  entirely  to  the  vigilance  of  others,  he  twice 
went  down  during  the  night  to  the  water's  edge  ;  reconnoitring 
every  thing  scrupulously,  and  noting  every  sight  and  sound.  It 
was  a  warm,  still,  summer's  night ;  the  stars  shone  brightly,  but 
every  thing  was  quiet.  Boston  was  buried  in  sleep.  The  sen- 
try's cry  of  "All's  well"  could  be  heard  distinctly  from  its 
shores,  together  with  the  drowsy  calling  of  the  watch  on  board 
of  the  ships-of-war,  and  then  all  would  relapse  into  silence. 
Satisfied  that  the  enemy  were  perfectly  unconscious  of  what 
was  going  on  upon  the  hill,  he  returned  to  the  works,  and  a 
little  before  daybreak  called  in  the  patrolling  party. 

So  spiritedly,  though  silently,  had  the  labor  been  carried  on, 
that  by  morning  a  strong  redoubt  was  thrown  up  as  a  main 
work,  flanked  on  the  left  by  a  breastwork,  partly  cannon-proof, 
extending  down  the  crest  of  Breed's  Hill  to  a  piece  of  marshy 
ground  called  the  Slough.  To  support  the  right  of  the  redoubt, 
some  troops  were  thrown  into  the  village  of  Charlestown,  at  the 
southern  foot  of  the  hill.  The  great  object  of  Prescott's  soli- 
citude was  now  attained,  a  sufficient  bulwark  to  screen  his  men 
before  they  should  be  discovered ;  for  he  doubted  the  possi- 
bility of  keeping  raw  recruits  to  their  post,  if  openly  exposed 
to  the  fire  of  artillery,  and  the  attack  of  disciplined  troops. 

At  dawn  of  clay,  the  Americans  at  work  were  espied  by  the 
sailors  on  board  of  the  ships-of-war,  and  the  alarm  was  given. 
The  captain  of  the  Lively,  the  nearest  ship,  without  waiting 
for  orders,  put  a  spring  upon  her  cable,  and  bringing  her  guns 
to  bear,  opened  a  fire  upon  the  hill.  The  other  ships  and  a 
floating  battery  followed  his  example.  Their  shot  did  no  mis- 
chief to  the  works,  but  one  man,  among  a  number  who  had 
incautiously  ventured  outside,  was  killed.  A  subaltern  reported 
his  death  to  Colonel  Prescott,  and  asked  what  was  to  be  done. 
"Bury  him,"  was  the  reply.  The  chaplain  gathered  some  of 
his  military  flock  around  him,  and  was  proceeding  to  perform 
suitable  obsequies  over  the  "  first  martyr,"  but  Prescott  ordered 
that  the  men  should  disperse  to  their  work,  and  the  deceased  be 
buried  immediately.  It  seemed  shocking  to  men  accustomed  to 
the  funeral  solemnities  of  peaceful  life  to  bury  a  man  without 
prayers,  but  Prescott  saw  that  the  sight  of  this  man  suddenly 
shot  down  had  agitated  the  nerves  of  his  comrades,  unaccus- 
tomed to  scenes  of  war.  Some  of  them,  in  fact,  quietly  left  the 
hill,  and  did  not  return  to  it. 

To  inspire  confidence  by  example,  Prescott  now  mounted  the 
parapet,   and   walked   leisurely   about,   inspecting   the   works, 


300  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

giving  directions,  and  talking  cheerfully  with  the  men.  In  a 
little  while  the}7  got  over  their  dread  of  cannon-balls,  and  some 
even  made  them  a  subject  of  joke,  or  rather  bravado  ;  a  species 
of  sham  courage  occasionally  manifested  by  young  soldiers,  but 
never  by  veterans. 

The  cannonading  roused  the  town  of  Boston.  General  Gage 
could  scarcely  believe  his  eyes  when  he  beheld  on  the  opposite 
hill  a  fortification  full  of  men,  which  had  sprung  up  in  the 
course  of  the  night.  As  he  reconnoitred  it  through  a  glass 
from  Copp's  Hill,  the  tall  figure  of  Prescott,  in  military  garb, 
walking  the  parapet,  caught  his  eye.  "Who  is  that  officer 
who  appears  in  command?"  asked  he.  The  question  was 
answered  by  Counsellor  Willard,  Prescott's  brother-in-law,  who 
was  at  hand,  and  recognized  his  relative.  "Will  he  fight?" 
demanded  Gage,  quickly.  "  Yes,  sir !  he  is  an  old  soldier,  and 
will  fight  to  the  last  drop  of  blood  ;  but  I  cannot  answer  for  his 
men." 

"  The  works  must  be  carried!  "  exclaimed  Gage. 

He  called  a  council  of  war.  The  Americans  might  intend  to 
cannonade  Boston  from  this  new  fortification  ;  it  was  unani- 
mously resolved  to  dislodge  them.  How  was  this  to  be  done? 
A  majority  of  the  council,  including  Clinton  and  Grant,  advised 
that  a  force  should  be  landed  on  Charlestown  Neck,  under  the 
protection  of  their  batteries,  so  as  to  attack  the  Americans  in 
rear,  and  cut  off  their  retreat.  General  Gage  objected  that  it 
would  place  his  troops  between  two  armies ;  one  at  Cambridge, 
superior  in  numbers,  the  other  on  the  heights,  strongly  forti- 
fied. He  was  for  landing  in  front  of  the  works,  and  pushing 
directly  up  the  hill ;  a  plan  adopted  through  a  confidence  that 
raw  militia  would  never  stand  their  ground  against  the  as- 
sault of  veteran  troops ;  another  instance  of  undervaluing 
the  American  spirit,  which  was  to  cost  the  enemy  a  lamenta- 
ble loss  of  life. 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

BATTLE    OF    BUNKER'S    HILL. 

The  sound  of  drum  and  trumpet,  the  clatter  of  hoofs,  the 
rattling  of  gun-carriages,  and  all  the  other  military  din  and 
bustle  in  the  streets  of  Boston,  soon  apprised  the  Americans 
on  their  rudely  fortified  height  of  an  impending  attack.  They 
were  ill  fitted  to  withstand  it,  being  jaded  by  the  night's  labor, 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  301 

and  want  of  sleep ;  hungry  and  thirsty,  having  brought  but 
scanty  supplies,  and  oppressed  b}r  the  heat  of  the  weather. 
Prescott  sent  repeated  messages  to  General  Ward,  asking  re- 
enforcements  and  provisions.  Putnam  seconded  the  request  in 
person,  urging  the  exigencies  of  the  case.  Ward  hesitated. 
He  feared  to  weaken  his  main  body  at  Cambridge,  as  his  mili- 
tary stores  were  deposited  there,  and  it  might  have  to  sustain 
the  principal  attack.  At  length,- having  taken  advice  of  the 
council  of  safety,  he  issued  orders  for  Colonels  Stark  and  Read, 
then  at  Medford,  to  march  to  the  relief  of  Prescott  with  their 
New  Hampshire  regiments.  The  orders  reached  Medford 
about  11  o'clock.  Ammunition  was  distributed  in  all  haste; 
two  flints,  a  gill  of  powder,  and  fifteen  balls  to  each  man.  The 
balls  had  to  be  suited  to  the  different  calibers  of  the  guns  ;  the 
powder  to  be  carried  in  powder-horns,  or  loose  in  the  pocket, 
for  there  were  no  cartridges  prepared.  It  was  the  rude  turn- 
out of  yeoman  soldiery  destitute  of  regular  accoutrements. 

In  the  mean  while,  the  Americans  on  Breed's  Hill' were  sus- 
taining the  fire  from  the  ships,  and  from  the  battery  on  Copp's 
Hill,  which  opened  upon  them  about  ten  o'clock.  They  re- 
turned an  occasional  shot  from  one  corner  of  the  redoubt, 
without  much  harm  to  the  enemy,  and  continued  strengthening 
their  position  until  about  11  o'clock,  when  they  ceased  to  work, 
piled  their  intrenching  tools  in  the  rear,  and  looked  out  anx- 
iously and  impatiently  for  the  anticipated  re-enforcements  and 
supplies. 

About  this  time  General  Putnam,  who  had  been  to  head- 
quarters, arrived  at  the  redoubt  on  horseback.  Some  words 
passed  between  him  and  Prescott  with  regard  to  the  intrenching 
tools,  which  have  been  variously  reported.  The  most  probable 
version  is,  that  he  urged  to  have  them  taken  from  their  present 
place,  where  they  might  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and 
carried  to  Bunker's  Hill,  to  be  employed  in  tin-owing  up  a 
redoubt,  which  was  part  of  the  original  plan,  and  which  would 
be  very  important  should  the  troops  be  obliged  to  retreat  from 
Breed's  Hill.  To  this  Prescott  demurred  that  those  employed 
to  convey  them,  and  who  were  already  jaded  with  toil,  might 
not  return  to  his  redoubt.  A  large  part  of  the  tools  were  ulti- 
mately carried  to  Bunker's  Hill,  and  a  breastwork  commenced 
by  order  of  General  Putnam.  The  importance  of  such  a  work 
was  afterward  made  apparent. 

About  noon  the  Americans  descried  twenty-eight  barges 
crossing  from  Boston  in  parallel  lines.  They  contained  a  large 
detachment  of  grenadiers,  rangers,  and  light  infantry,  admir- 


302  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

ably  equipped,  and  commanded  by  Major-General  Howe.  They 
made  a  splendid  and  formidable  appearance  with  their  scarlet 
uniforms,  and  the  sun  flashing  upon  muskets  and  bayonets,  and 
brass  field-pieces.  A  heavy  fire  from  the  ships  and  batteries 
covered  their  advance,  but  no  attempt  was  made  to  oppose 
them,  and  they  landed  about  one  o'clock  at  Moulton's  Point, 
a  little  to  the  north  of  Breed's  Hill. 

Here  General  Howe  made  a  pause.  On  reconnoitring  the 
works  from  this  point,  the  Americans  appeared  to  be  much 
more  strongly  posted  than  he  had  imagined.  He  descried 
troops  also  hastening  to  their  assistance.  These  were  the  New 
Hampshire  troops,  led  on  by  Stark.  Howe  immediately  sent 
over  to  General  Gage  for  more  forces,  and  a  supply  of  cannon- 
balls  ;  those  brought  by  him  being  found,  through  some  egre- 
gious oversight,  too  large  for  the  ordnance.  While  awaiting 
their  arrival,  refreshments  were  served  out  to  the  troops,  with 
"grog,"  by  the  bucketful;  and  tantalizing  it  was,  to  the 
hungry  and  thirsty  provincials,  to  look  down  from  their  ram- 
parts of  earth,  and  see  their  invaders  seated  in  groups  upon  the 
grass  eating  and  drinking,  and  preparing  themselves  by  a  hearty 
meal  for  the  coming  encounter.  Their  only  consolation  was  to 
take  advantage  of  the  delay,  while  the  enemy  were  carousing, 
to  strengthen  their  position.  The  breastwork  on  the  left  of  the 
redoubt  extended  to  what  was  called  the  Slough,  but  beyond 
this,  the  ridge  of  the  hill,  and  the  slope  toward  Mystic  River, 
were  undefended,  leaving  a  pass  by  which  the  enemy  might 
turn  the  left  flank  of  the  position,  and  seize  upon  Bunker's 
Hill.  Putnam  ordered  his  chosen  officer,  Captain  Knowlton, 
to  cover  this  pass  with  the  Connecticut  troops  under  his  com- 
mand. A  novel  kind  of  rampart,  savoring  of  rural  device,  was 
suggested  by  the  rustic  general.  About  six  hundred  feet  in  the 
rear  of  the  redoubt,  and  about  one  hundred  feet  to  the  left  of 
the  breastwork,  was  a  post  and  rail-fence,  set  in  a  low  foot- 
wall  of  stone,  and  extending  down  to  Mystic  River.  The  posts 
and  rails  of  another  fence  were  hastily  pulled  up,  and  set  a  few 
feet  in  behind  this,  and  the  intermediate  space  was  filled  up 
with  new  mown  hay  from  the  adjacent  meadows.  This  double 
fence,  it  will  be  found,  proved  an  important  protection  to  the 
redoubt,  although  there  still  remained  an  unprotected  interval 
of  about  seven  hundred  feet.  While  Knowlton  and  his  men 
were  putting  up  this  fence,  Putnam  proceeded  with  other  of  his 
troops  to  throw  up  the  work  on  Bunker's  Hill,  despatching  his 
son,  Captain  Putnam,  on  horseback,  to  hurry  up  the  remainder 
of  his  men  from  Cambridge.      By  this  time  his  compeer  in 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  303 

French  and  Indian  warfare,  the  veteran  Stark,  made  his  appear- 
ance with  the  New  Hampshire  troops,  live  hundred  strong. 
He  had  grown  cool  and  wary  with  age,  and  his  march  from 
Medford,  a  distance  of  five  or  six  miles,  had  been  in  character. 
He  led  his  men  at  a  moderate  pace  to  bring  them  into  action 
fresh  and  vigorous.  In  crossing  the  Neck,  which  was  enfiladed 
by  the  enemy's  ships  and  batteries,  Captain  Dearborn,  who  was 
by  his  side,  suggested  a  quick  step.  The  veteran  shook  his 
head:  "One  fresh  man  in  action  is  worth  ten  tired  ones," 
replied  he,  and  marched  steadily  on. 

Putnam  detained  some  of  Stark's  men  to  aid  in  throwing  up 
the  works  on  Bunker's  Hill,  and  directed  him  to-  re-enforce 
Knowlton  with  the  rest.  Stark  made  a  short  speech  to  his  men 
now  that  they  were  likely  to  have  warm  work.  He  then  pushed 
on,  and  did  good  service  that  day  at  the  rustic  bulwark. 

About  2  o'clock,  Warren  arrived  on  the  heights,  ready  to 
engage  in  their  perilous  defence,  although  he  had  opposed  the 
scheme  of  their  occupation.  He  had  recently  been  elected  a 
major-general,  but  had  not  received  his  commission  ;  like  Pom- 
eroy,  he  came  to  serve  in  the  ranks  with  a  musket  on  his 
shoulder.  Putnam  offered  him  the  command  at  the  fence;  he 
declined  it,  and  merely  asked  where  he  could  be  of  most  ser- 
vice as  a  volunteer.  Putnam  pointed  to  the  redoubt,  observing 
that  there  he  would  be  under  cover.  "Don't  think  I  seek  a 
place  of  safety,"  replied  Warren,  quickly;  "where  will  the 
attack  be  hottest?"  Putnam  still  pointed  to  the  redoubt. 
"  That  is  the  enemy's  object;  if  that  can  be  maintained,  the 
day  is  ours." 

Warren  was  cheered  by  the  troops  as  he  entered  the  redoubt. 
Colonel  Prescott  tendered  him  the  command.  He  again  de- 
clined. "  I  have  come  to  serve  only  as  a  volunteer,  and  shall 
be  happy  to  learn  from  a  soldier  of  your  experience."  Such 
were  the  noble  spirits  assembled  on  these  perilous  heights. 

The  British  now  prepared  for  a  general  assault.  An  easy 
victory  was  anticipated  ;  the  main  thought  was,  how  to  make  it 
most  effectual.  The  left  wing,  commanded  by  General  Pigot, 
was  to  mount  the  hill  and  force  the  redoubt,  while  General 
Howe,  with  the  right  wing,  was  to  push  on  between  the  fort 
and  Mystic  River,  turn  the  left  flank  of  the  Americans,  and  cut 
off  their  retreat. 

General  Pigot,  accordingly,  advanced  up  the  hill  under  cover 
of  a  fire  from  field-pieces  and  howitzers  planted  on  a  small 
height  near  the  landing-place  on  Moulton's  Point.  His  troops 
commenced  a  discharge  of  musketry  while  yet  at  a  long  dis- 


304  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

tance  from  the  redoubts.  The  Americans  within  the  works, 
obedient  to  strict  command,  retained  their  fire  until  the  enemy 
were  within  thirty  or  forty  paces,  when  they  opened  upon  them 
with  a  tremendous  volley.  Being  all  marksmen,  accustomed  to 
take  deliberate  aim,  the  slaughter  was  immense,  and  especially 
fatal  to  officers.  The  assailants  fell  back  in  some  confusion  ; 
but,  rallied  on  by  their  officers,  advanced  within  pistol  shot. 
Another  volley,  more  effective  than  the  first,  made  them  again 
recoil.  To  add  to  their  confusion,  they  were  galled  by  a  flank- 
ing fire  from  the  handful  of  Provincials  posted  in  Charlestown. 
Shocked  at  the  carnage,  and  seeing  the  confusion  of  his  troops, 
General  Pigot  was  urged  to  give  the  word  for  a  retreat. 

In  the  mean  time,  General  Howe,  with  the  right  wing,  ad- 
vanced along  the  Mystic  River  toward  the  fence  where  Stark, 
Read  and  Knowlton  were  stationed,  thinking  to  carry  this 
slight  breastwork  with  ease,  and  so  get  in  the  rear  of  the  for- 
tress. His  artillery  proved  of  little  avail,  being  stopped  by  a 
swampy  piece  of  ground,  while  his  columns  suffered  from  two 
or  three  field-pieces  with  which  Putnam  had  fortified  the  fence. 
Howe's  men  kept  up  a  fire  of  musketry  as  they  advanced ;  but, 
not  taking  aim,  their  shot  passed  over  the  heads  of  the  Amer- 
icans. The  latter  had  received  the  same  orders  with  those  in 
the  redoubt,  not  to  fire  until  the  enemy  should  be  within  thirty 
paces.  Some  few  transgressed  the  command.  Putnam  rode 
up  and  swore  he  would  cut  down  the  next  man  that  fired  con- 
trary to  orders.  When  the  British  arrived  within  the  stated 
distance  a  sheeted  fire  opened  upon  them  from  rifles,  muskets, 
and  fowling-pieces,  all  levelled  with  deadly  aim.  The  carnage, 
as  in  the  other  instance,  was  horrible.  The  British  were  thrown 
into  confusion  and  fell  back ;  some  even  retreated  to  the  boats. 

There  was  a  general  pause  on  the  part  of  the  British.  The 
American  officers  availed  themselves  of  it  to  prepare  for  an- 
other attack,  which  must  soon  be  made.  Prescott  mingled 
among  his  men  in  the  redoubt,  who  were  all  in  high  spirits  at 
the  severe  check  they  had  given  u  the  regulars."  He  praised 
them  for  their  steadfastness  in  maintaining  their  post,  and 
their  good  conduct  in  reserving  their  fire  until  the  word  of  com- 
mand, and  exhorted  them  to  do  the  same  in  the  next  attack. 

Putnam  rode  about  Bunker's  Hill  and  its  skirts,  to  rally  and 
bring  on  re-enforcements  which  had  been  checked  or  scattered 
in  crossing  Charlestown  Neck  by  the  raking  fire  from  the  ships 
and  batteries.  Before  many  could  be  brought  to  the  scene  of 
action  the  British  had  commenced  their  second  attack.  They 
again   ascended   the  hill  to  storm  the  redoubt ;  their  advance 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  305 

was  covered  as  before  by  discharges  of  artillery.  Charlestown, 
which  had  anno3*ed  them  on  their  first  attack  by  a  flanking  fire, 
was  in  flames,  by  shells  thrown  from  Copp's  Hill,  and  by 
marines  from  the  ships.  Being  built  of  wood,  the  place  was 
soon  wrapped  in  a  general  conflagration.  The  thunder  of 
artillery  from  batteries  and  ships,  the  bursting  of  bomb-shells  ; 
the  sharp  discharges  of  musketry ;  the  shouts  and  yells  of  the 
combatants  ;  the  crash  of  burning  buildings,  and  the  dense 
volumes  of  smoke,  which  obscured  the  summer  sun,  all  formed 
a  tremendous  spectacle.  "  Sure  I  am,"  said  Burgoyne  in  one 
of  his  letters,  —  "  Sure  I  am  nothing  ever  has  or  ever  can  be 
more  dreadfully  terrible  than  what  was  to  be  seen  or  heard 
at  this  time.  The  most  incessant  discharge  of  guns  that  ever 
was  heard  b}r  mortal  ears." 

The  American  troops,  although  unused  to  war,  stood  undis- 
mayed amidst  a  scene  where  it  was  bursting  upon  them  with  all 
its  horrors.  Reserving  their  fire,  as  before,  until  the  enemy  was 
close  at  hand,  they  again  poured  forth  repeated  volleys  with  the 
fatal  aim  of  sharpshooters.  The  British  stood  the  first  shock, 
and  continued  to  advance  ;  but  the  incessant  stream  of  fire 
staggered  them.  Their  officers  remonstrated,  threatened,  and 
even  attempted  to  goad  them  on  with  their  swords,  but  the 
havoc  was  too  deadly ;  whole  ranks  were  mowed  down ;  many 
of  the  officers  were  either  slain  or  wounded,  and  among  them 
several  of  the  staff  of  General  Howe.  The  troops  again  gave 
way  and  retreated  down  the  hill. 

All  this  passed  under  the  eye  of  thousands  of  spectators  of 
both  sexes  and  all  ages,  watching  from  afar  every  turn  of  a 
battle  in  which  the  lives  of  those  most  dear  to  them  were  at 
hazard.  The  British  soldiery  in  Boston  gazed  with  astonish- 
ment and  almost  incredulity  at  the  resolute  and  protracted 
stand  of  raw  militia  whom  they  had  been  taught  to  despise,  and 
at  the  havoc  made  among  their  own  veteran  troops.  Every 
convoy  of  wounded  brought  over  to  the  town  increased  their 
consternation,  and  General  Clinton,  who  had  watched  the 
action  from  Copp's  Hill,  embarking  in  a  boat,  hurried  over  as  a 
volunteer,  taking  with  him  re-enforcements. 

A  third  attack  was  now  determined  on,  though  some  of 
Howe's  officers  remonstrated,  declaring  it  would  be  downright 
butchery.  A  different  plan  was  adopted.  Instead  of  advan- 
cing in  front  of  the  redoubt,  it  was  to  be  taken  in  flank  on  the 
left,  where  the  open  space  between  the  breastwork  and  the 
fortified  fence  presented  a  weak  point.  It  having  been  acci- 
dentally discovered  that  the  ammunition  of  the  Americans  was 


30G  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

nearly  expended,  preparations  were  made  to  carry  the  works  at 
the  point  of  the  bayonet ;  and  the  soldiery  threw  off  their 
knapsacks,  and  some  even  their  coats,  to  be  more  light  for 
action. 

General  Howe,  with  the  main  body,  now  made  a  feint  of 
attacking  the  fortified  fence  ;  but,  while  a  part  of  his  force 
was  thus  engaged,  the  rest  brought  some  of  the  field-pieces  to 
enfilade  the  breastwork  on  the  left  of  the  redoubt.  A  raking 
fire  soon  drove  the  Americans  out  of  this  exposed  place  into 
the  enclosure.  Much  damage,  too,  was  done  in  the  latter  by 
balls  which  entered  the  sally-port. 

The  troops  were  now  led  on  to  assail  the  works ;  those  who 
flinched  were,  as  before,  goaded  on  by  the  swords  of  the  offi- 
cers. The  Americans  again  reserved  their  fire,  until  their  assail- 
ants were  close  at  hand,  and  then  made  a  mutderous  volley,  by 
which  several  officers  were  laid  low,  and  General  Howe  him- 
self was  wounded  in  the  foot.  The  British  soldiery  this  time 
likewise  reserved  their  fire  and  rushed  on  with  fixed  bayonets. 
Clinton  and  Pigot  had  reached  the  southern  and  eastern  sides 
of  the  redoubt,  and  it  was  now  assailed  on  three  sides  at 
once.  Prescott  ordered  those  who  had  no  bayonets  to  retire 
to  the  back  part  of  the  redoubt  and  fire  on  the  enemy  as  they 
showed  themselves  on  the  parapet.  The  first  who  mounted 
exclaimed  in  triumph,  "The  day  is  ours!"  He  was  instantly 
shot  down,  and  so  were  several  others  who  mounted  about  the 
same  time.  The  Americans,  however,  had  fired  their  last  round, 
their  ammunition  was  exhausted  ;  and  now  succeeded  a  desper- 
ate and  deadly  struggle,  hand  to  hand,  with  bayonets,  stones, 
and  the  stocks  of  their  muskets.  At  length,  as  the  British 
continued  to  pour  in,  Prescott  gave  the  order  to  retreat.  His 
men  had  to  cut  their  way  through  two  divisions  of  the  enemy 
who  were  getting  in  rear  of  the  redoubt,  and  the}'  received  a 
destructive  volley  from  those  who  had  formed  on  the  captured 
works.  By  that  volley  fell  the  patriot  Warren,  who  had  distin- 
guished himself  throughout  the  action.  He  was  among  the  last 
to  leave  the  redoubt,  and  had  scarce  done  so  when  he  was  shot 
through  the  head  with  a  musket-ball,  and  fell  dead  on  the  spot. 

While  the  Americans  were  thus  slowly  dislodged  from  the 
redoubt,  Stark,  Read  and  Knowlton  maintained  their  ground  at 
the  fortified  fence ;  which,  indeed,  had  been  nobly  defended 
throughout  the  action.  Pomeroy  distinguished  himself  here  by 
his  sharpshooting  until  his  musket  was  shattered  by  a  ball. 
The  resistance  at  this  hastily  constructed  work  was  kept  up 
after  the  troops  in  the  redoubt  had  given  way,  and  until  Colonel 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  307 

Prescott  had  left  the  hill ;  thus  defeating  General  Howe's  design 
of  cutting  off  the  retreat  of  the  main  body ;  which  would  have 
produced  a  scene  of  direful  confusion  and  slaughter.  Having 
effected  their  purpose,  the  brave  associates  at  the  fence  aban- 
doned their  weak  outpost,  retiring  slowly,  and  disputing  the 
ground  inch  by  inch,  with  a  regularity  remarkable  in  troops 
many  of  whom  had  never  before  been  in  action. 

The  main  retreat  was  across  Bunker's  Hill,  where  Putnam 
had  endeavored  to  throw  up  a  breastwork.  The  veteran,  sword 
in  hand,  rode  to  the  rear  of  the  retreating  troops,  regardless  of 
the  balls  whistling  about  him.  His  only  thought  was  to  rally 
them  at  the  unfinished  works.  "Halt!  make  a  stand  here!" 
cried  he,  "  we  can  check  them  yet.  In  God's  name,  form  and 
give  them  one  shot  more." 

Pomeroy,  wielding  his  shattered  musket  as  a  truncheon, 
seconded  him  in  his  efforts  to  stay  the  torrent.  It  was  impos- 
sible, however,  to  bring  the  troops  to  a  stand.  They  continued 
on  down  the  hill  to  the  Neck  and  across  it  to  Cambridge,  ex- 
posed to  a  raking  fire  from  the  ships  and  batteries,  and  only 
protected  by  a  single  piece  of  ordnance.  The  British  were  too 
exhausted  to  pursue  them  ;  they  contented  themselves  with 
taking  possession  of  Bunker's  Hill,  were  re-enforced  from 
Boston,  and  threw  up  additional  works  during  the  night. 

We  have  collected  the  preceding  facts  from  various  sources, 
examining  them  carefully,  and  endeavoring  to  arrange  them 
with  scrupulous  fidelity.  We  may  appear  to  have  been  more 
minute  in  the  account  of  the  battle  than  the  number  of  troops 
engaged  would  warrant ;  but  it  was  one  of  the  most  momentous 
conflicts  in  our  revolutionary  history.  It  was  the  first  regular 
battle  between  the  British  and  the  Americans,  and  most  event- 
ful in  its  consequences.  The  former  had  gained  the  ground  for 
which  they  contended  ;  but,  if  a  victory,  it  was  more  disastrous 
and  humiliating  to  them  than  an  ordinary  defeat.  They  had 
ridiculed  and  despised  their  enemy,  representing  them  as  das- 
tardly and  inefficient ;  yet  here  their  best  troops,  led  on  by 
experienced  officers,  had  repeatedly  been  repulsed  by  an  inferior 
force  of  that  enemy  —  mere  yeomanry  —  from  works  thrown  up 
in  a  single  night,  and  had  suffered  a  loss  rarel}"  paralleled  in 
battle  with  the  most  veteran  soldiery ;  for,  according  to  their 
own  returns,  their  killed  and  wounded,  out  of  a  detachment  of 
two  thousand  men,  amounted  to  one  thousand  and  fifty-four, 
and  a  large  proportion  of  them  officers.  The  loss  of  the  Ameri- 
cans did  not  exceed  four  hundred  and  fifty. 

To  the  latter  this  defeat,  if  defeat  it  might  be  called,  had 


308  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

the  effect  of  a  triumph.  It  gave  them  confidence  in  themselves 
and  consequence  in  the  eyes  of  their  enemies.  They  had  proved 
to  themselves  and  to  others  that  they  could  measure  weapons 
with  the  disciplined  soldiers  of  Europe,  and  inflict  the  most 
harm  in  the  conflict. 

Among  the  British  officers  slain  was  Major  Pitcairn,  who, 
at  Lexington,  had  shed  the  first  blood  in  the  revolutionary  war. 

In  the  death  of  Warren  the  Americans  had  to  lament  the  loss 
of  a  distinguished  patriot  and  a  most  estimable  man.  It  was 
deplored  as  a  public  calamity.  His  friend  Elbridge  Gerry  had 
endeavored  to  dissuade  him  from  risking  his  life  in  this  perilous 
conflict,  "  Dulce  et  decorum  est  pro  patria  mori,"  replied 
Warren,  as  if  he  had  foreseen  his  fate  —  a  fate  to  be  envied  by 
those  ambitious  of  an  honorable  fame.  He  was  one  of  the  first 
who  fell  in  the  glorious  cause  of  his  country,  and  his  name  has 
become  consecrated  in  its  history. 

There  has  been  much  discussion  of  the  relative  merits  of  the 
American  officers  engaged  in  this  affair  —  a  difficult  question 
where  no  one  appears  to  have  had  the  general  command. 
Prescott  conducted  the  troops  in  the  night  enterprise  ;  he  super- 
intended the  building  of  the  redoubt,  and  defended  it  through- 
out the  battle ;  his  name,  therefore,  will  ever  shine  most 
conspicuous,  and  deservedly  so,  on  this  bright  page  of  our 
Revolutionary  history. 

Putnam  also  was  a  leading  spirit  throughout  the  affair;  one 
of  the  first  to  prompt  and  of  the  last  to  maintain  it.  He  appears 
to  have  been  active  and  efficient  at  every  point ;  sometimes  for- 
tifying ;  sometimes  hurrying  up  re-enforcements  ;  inspiriting  the 
men  by  his  presence  while  they  were  able  to  maintain  their 
ground,  and  fighting  gallantly  at  the  outpost  to  cover  their  retreat. 
The  brave  old  man,  riding  about  in  the  heat  of  the  action,  on 
this  sultry  day,  "  with  a  hanger  belted  across  his  brawny  shoul- 
ders, over  a  waistcoat  without  sleeves,"  has  been  sneered  at  by 
a  contemporaiy,  as  "  much  fitter  to  head  a  band  of  sickle  men 
or  ditchers  than  musketeers."  But  this  very  description  illus- 
trates his  character,  and  identifies  him  with  the  times  and  the 
service.  A  yeoman  warrior  fresh  from  the  plough,  in  the  garb 
of  rural  labor ;  a  patriot  brave  and  generous,  but  rough  and 
ready,  who  thought  not  of  himself  in  time  of  danger,  but  was 
ready  to  serve  in  any  way,  and  to  sacrifice  official  rank  and  self- 
glorification  to  the  good  of  the  cause.  He  was  eminently  a 
soldier  for  the  occasion.  His  name  has  long  been  a  favorite  one 
with  young  and  old  ;  one  of  the  talismanic  names  of  the  Revo- 
lution, the  very  mention  of  which  is  like  the  sound  of  a  trumpet. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  309 

Such  names  are  the  precious  jewels  of  our  history,  to  be  gar- 
nered up  among  the  treasures  of  the  nation,  and  kept  immac- 
ulate from  the  tarnishing  breath  of  the  cynic  and  the  doubter. 

Note.  —  In  treating  of  the  Battle  of  Bunker's  mil,  and  of  other  occurrences  about 
Boston  at  this  period  of  the  Revolution,  we  have  had  repeated  occasion  to  consult  tlie 
History  of  the  Siege  of  Boston,  by  Richard  Frothingham,  Jr. ;  a  work  abounding  with 
facts  as  to  persons  and  events,  and  full  of  interest  for  the  American  reader. 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

DEPARTURE       FROM       PHILADELPHIA  ANECDOTES       OF       GENERAL 

SCHUYLER OF    LEE TIDINGS    OF    BUNKER'S    HILL MILITARY 

COUNCILS POPULATION    OF   NEW  YORK THE    JOHNSON  FAMILY 

GOVERNOR     TRYON ARRIVAL      AT      NEW      YORK MILITARY 

INSTRUCTIONS    TO    SCHUYLER ARRIVAL    AT   THE    CAMP. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  we  left  Washington  preparing  to 
depart  from  Philadelphia  for  the  army  before  Boston.  He  set 
out  on  horseback  on  the  21st  of  June,  having  for  military  com- 
panions of  his  journey  Major-Generals  Lee  and  Schuyler,  and 
being  accompanied  for  a  distance  by  several  private  friends. 
As  an  escort  he  had  a  "gentleman  troop"  of  Philadelphia, 
commanded  by  Captain  Markoe ;  the  whole  formed  a  brilliant 
cavalcade. 

General  Schuyler  was  a  man  eminently  calculated  to  sympa- 
thize with  Washington  in  all  his  patriotic  views  and  feelings, 
and  became  one  of  his  most  faithful  coadjutors.  Sprung  from 
one  of  the  earliest  and  most  respectable  Dutch  families  which 
colonized  New  York,  all  his  interests  and  affections  were  identi- 
fied with  the  country.  He  had  received  a  good  education  ; 
applied  himself  at  an  early  age  to  the  exact  sciences,  and  became 
versed  in  finance,  military  engineering,  and  political  economy. 
He  was  one  of  those  native-born  soldiers  who  had  acquired  ex- 
perience in  that  American  school  of  arms,  the  old  French  war. 
When  but  twenty-two  years  of  age  he  commanded  a  company  of 
New  York  levies  under  Sir  William  Johnson,  of  Mohawk  renown, 
which  gave  him  an  early  opportunity  of  becoming  acquainted 
with  the  Indian  tribes,  their  country  and  their  policy.  In  1758 
he  was  in  Abercrombie's  expedition  against  Ticonderoga,  ac- 
companying Lord  Viscount  Howe  as  chief  of  the  commissariat 
department ;  a  post  well  qualified  to  give  him  experience  in  the 
business  part  of  war.    When  that  gallant  young  nobleman  fell  on 


310  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

the  banks  of  Lake  George,  Schuyler  conveyed  his  corpse  back 
to  Albany  and  attended  to  his  honorable  obsequies.  Since  the 
close  of  the  French  war  he  had  served  his  country  in  various 
civil  stations,  and  been  one  of  the  most  zealous  and  eloquent 
vindicators  of  colonial  rights.  He  was  one  of  the  "glorious 
minority  ' '  of  the  New  York  General  Assembly  —  George  Clin- 
ton, Colonel  Woodhull,  Colonel  Philip  Livingston  and  others  — 
who,  when  that  body  was  timid  and  wavering,  battled  nobly 
against  British  influence  and  oppression.  His  last  stand  had 
been  recently  as  a  delegate  to  Congress,  where  he  had  served 
with  Washington  on  the  committee  to  prepare  rules  and  regula- 
tions for  the  army,  and  where  the  latter  had  witnessed  his  judg- 
ment, activity,  practical  science,  and  sincere  devotion  to  the 
cause. 

Man}'  things  concurred  to  produce  perfect  harmony  of  opera- 
tion between  these  distinguished  men.  They  were  nearly  of  the 
same  age,  Schuyler  being  one  year  the  youngest.  Both  were 
men  of  agricultural,  as  well  as  military  tastes.  Both  were  men 
of  propert}T,  living  at  their  ease  in  little  rural  paradises  ;  Wash- 
ington on  the  grove-clad  heights  of  Mount  Vernon,  Schuyler  on 
the  pastoral  banks  of  the  upper  Hudson,  where  he  had  a  noble 
estate  at  Saratoga,  inherited  from  an  uncle  ;  and  the  old  family 
mansion,  near  the  city  of  Albany,  half  hid  among  ancestral 
trees.  Yet  both  were  exiling  themselves  from  these  happy 
abodes,  and  putting  life  and  fortune  at  hazard  in  the  service  of 
their  country. 

Schuyler  and  Lee  had  early  military  recollections  to  draw 
them  together.  Both  had  served  under  Abercrombie  in  the 
expedition  against  Ticonderoga.  There  was  some  part  of  Lee's 
conduct  in  that  expedition  which  both  he  and  Schuyler  might 
deem  it  expedient  at  this  moment  to  forget.  Lee  was  at  that 
time  a  young  captain,  naturally  presumptuous,  and  flushed  with 
the  arrogance  of  military  power.  On  his  march  along  the 
banks  of  the  Hudson,  he  acted  as  if  in  a  conquered  country, 
impressing  horses  and  oxen,  and  seizing  upon  supplies,  without 
exhibiting  any  proper  warrant.  It  was  enough  for  him,  "  they 
were  necessary  for  the  service  of  his  troops."  Should  any  one 
question  his  right,  the  reply  was  a  volley  of  execrations. 

Among  those  who  experienced  this  unsoldierly  treatment  was 
Mrs.  Schuyler,  the  aunt  of  the  general ;  a  lady  of  aristocratical 
station,  revered  throughout  her  neighborhood.  Her  cattle  were 
impressed,  herself  insulted.  She  had  her  revenge.  After  the 
unfortunate  affair  at  Ticonderoga,  a  number  of  the  wounded  were 
brought  down  along  the  Hudson  to  the  Schuyler  mansion. ~    Lee 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  311 

was  among  the  number.  The  high-minded  mistress  of  the  house 
never  alluded  to  his  past  conduct.  He  was  received  like  his 
brother  officers  with  the  kindest  sympathy.  Sheets  and  table- 
cloths were  torn  up  to  serve  as  bandages.  Every  thing  was 
done  to  alleviate  their  sufferings.  Lee's  cynic  heart  was  con- 
quered. u  He  swore  in  his  vehement  manner  that  he  was  sure 
there  would  be  a  place  reserved  for  Mrs.  Schuyler  in  heaven, 
though  no  other  women  should  be  there,  and  that  he  should 
wish  for  nothing  better  than  to  share  her  final  destiny  !  "  1 

Seventeen  years  had  since  elapsed,  and  Lee  and  the  nephew 
of  Mrs.  Schuyler  were  again  allied  in  military  service,  but  under 
a  different  banner;  and  recollections  of  past  times  must  have 
given  peculiar  interest  to  their  present  intercourse.  In  fact, 
the  journey  of  Washington  with  his  associate  generals,  experi- 
enced like  him  in  the  wild  expeditions  of  the  old  French  war, 
was  a  revival  of  early  campaigning  feelings. 

They  had  scarcely  proceeded  twenty  miles  from  Philadelphia 
when  they  were  met  by  a  courier,  spurring  with  all  speed,  bear- 
ing despatches  from  the  army  to  Congress,  communicating 
tidings  of  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill.  Washington  eagerly 
inquired  particulars  ;  above  all,  how  acted  the  militia?  When 
told  that  they  stood  their  ground  bravely  ;  sustained  the  enemy's 
fire  —  reserved  their  own  until  at  close  quarters,  and  then  de- 
livered it  with  deadly  effect  —  it  seemed  as  if  a  weight  of  doubt 
and  solicitude  were  lifted  from  his  heart.  "  The  liberties  of  the 
country  are  safe  !  "  exclaimed  he. 

The  news  of  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  had  startled  the 
whole  country  ;  and  this  clattering  cavalcade,  escorting  the 
commander-in-chief  to  the  army,  was  the  gaze  and  wonder  of 
every  town  and  village. 

The  journey  may  be  said  to  have  been  a  continual  council 
of  war  between  Washington  and  the  two  generals.  Even  the 
contrast  in  character  of  the  two  latter  made  them  regard  ques- 
tions from  different  points  of  view.  Schivyler,  a  warm-hearted 
patriot,  with  every  thing  staked  on  the  cause  ;  Lee,  a  soldier  of 
fortune,  indifferent  to  the  ties  of  home  and  country,  drawing  his 
sword  without  enthusiasm  ;  more  through  resentment  against  a 
government  which  had  disappointed  him,  than  zeal  for  liberty 
or  for  colonial  rights. 

One  of  the  most  frequent  subjects  of  conversation  was  the 
province  of  New  York.  Its  power  and  position  rendered  it 
the  great  link  of  the  confederacy ;  what  measures  were  neces- 

1  Memoirs  of  an  American  Lady  (Mrs.  Grant,  of  Laggan),  vol.  ii.,  chap.  ix. 


312  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON-. 

sary  for  its  defence,  and  most  calculated  to  secure  its  adherence 
to  the  cause?  A  lingering  attachment  to  the  crown,  kept  up 
by  the  influence  of  British  merchants,  and  military  and  civil 
functionaries  in  royal  pay,  had  rendered  it  slow  in  coming  into 
the  colonial  compact ;  and  it  was  only  on  the  contemptuous 
dismissal  of  their  statement  of  grievances,  unheard,  that  its 
people  had  thrown  off  their  allegiance,  as  much  in  sorrow  as  in 
anger. 

No  person  was  better  fitted  to  give  an  account  of  the  interior 
of  New  York  than  General  Schuyler ;  and  the  hawk-eyed  Lee 
during  a  recent  sojourn  had  made  its  capital  somewhat  of  a 
study  ;  but  there  was  much  yet  for  both  of  them  to  learn. 

The  population  of  New  York  was  more  varied  in  its  elements 
than  that  of  almost  any  other  of  the  provinces,  and  had  to  be 
cautiously  studied.  The  New  Yorkers  were  of  a  mixed  origin, 
and  stamped  with  the  peculiarities  of  their  respective  ancestors. 
The  descendants  of  the  old  Dutch  and  Huguenot  families, 
the  earliest  settlers,  were  still  among  the  soundest  and  best  of  the 
population.  They  inherited  the  love  of  liberty,  civil  and  re- 
ligious, of  their  forefathers,  and  were  those  who  stood  foremost 
in  the  present  struggle  for  popular  rights.  Such  were  the  Jays, 
the  Bensons,  the  Beekmans,  the  Hoffmans,  the  Van  Homes,  the 
Roosevelts,  the  Duyckinks,  the  Pintards,  the  Yateses,  and  others 
whose  names  figure  in  the  patriotic  documents  of  the  day. 
Some  of  them,  doubtless,  cherished  a  remembrance  of  the  time 
when  their  forefathers  were  lords  of  the  land,  and  felt  an 
innate  propensity  to  join  in  resistance  to  the  government  by 
which  their  supremacy  had  been  overturned.  A  great  propor- 
tion of  the  more  modern  families,  dating  from  the  downfall  of 
the  Dutch  government  in  1664,  were  English  and  Scotch,  and 
among  these  were  many  loyal  adherents  to  the  crown.  Then 
there  was  a  mixture  of  the  whole,  produced  by  the  intermarriages 
of  upward  of  a  centur}- ,  which  partook  of  every  shade  of  char- 
acter and  sentiment.  The  operations  of  foreign  commerce, 
and  the  regular  communications  with  the  mother  country 
through  packets  and  ships-of-war,  kept  these  elements  in  con- 
stant action,  and  contributed  to  produce  that  mercurial  tempera- 
ment, that  fondness  for  excitement,  and  proneness  to  pleasure, 
which  distinguished  them  from  their  neighbors  on  either  side  — 
the  austere  Puritans  of  New  England,  and  the  quiet "  Friends  " 
of  Pennsylvania. 

There  was  a  power,  too,  of  a  formidable  kind  within  the 
interior  of  the  province,  which  was  an  object  of  much  solici- 
tude.    This  was  the  "  Johnson  Family."     We  have  repeatedly 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  313 

had  occasion  to  speak  of  Sir  William  Johnson,  his  majesty's 
general  agent  for  Indian  affairs,  of  his  great  wealth,  and  his 
almost  sovereign  sway  over  the  Six  Nations.  He  had  originally 
received  that  appointment  through  the  influence  of  the  Schuyler 
family.  Both  Generals  Schuyler  and  Lee,  when  young  men, 
had  campaigned  with  him  ;  and  it  was  among  the  Mohawk 
warriors,  who  rallied  under  his  standard,  that  Lee  had  beheld 
his  vaunted  models  of  good-breeding. 

In  the  recent  difficulties  between  the  crown  and  colonies, 
Sir  William  had  naturally  been  in  favor  of  the  government 
which  had  enriched  and  honored  him,  but  he  had  viewed  with 
deep  concern  the  acts  of  Parliament  which  were  goading  the 
colonists  to  armed  resistance.  In  the  height  of  his  solicitude, 
he  received  despatches  ordering  him,  in  case  of  hostilities, 
to  enlist  the  Indians  in  the  cause  of  government.  To  the 
agitation  of  feelings  produced  by  these  orders  many  have 
attributed  a  stroke  of  apoplexy,  of  which  he  died,  on  the  11th 
of  July,  1774,  about  a  year  before  the  time  of  which  we  are 
treating. 

His  son  and  heir,  Sir  John  Johnson  and  his  sons-in-law, 
Colonel  Guy  Johnson  and  Colonel  Claus,  felt  none  of  the  re- 
luctance of  Sir  William  to  use  harsh  measures  in  support  of 
royalty.  They  lived  in  a  degree  of  rude  feudal  style  in  stone 
mansions  capable  of  defence,  situated  on  the  Mohawk  River 
and  in  its  vicinity  ;  they  had  many  Scottish  Highlanders  for 
tenants ;  and  among  their  adherents  were  violent  men,  such 
as  the  Butlers  of  Tryon  County,  and  Brant,  the  Mohawk 
sachem  since  famous  in  Indian  warfare.  They  had  recently 
gone  about  with  armed  retainers,  overawing  and  breaking  up 
patriotic  assemblages,  and  it  was  known  they  could  at  any  time 
bring  a  force  of  warriors  in  the  field. 

Recent  accounts  stated  that  Sir  John  was  fortifying  the  old 
family  hall  at  Johnstown  with  swivels,  and  had  a  hundred  and 
fifty  Roman  Catholic  Highlanders  quartered  in  and  about  it, 
all  armed  and  ready  to  obey  his  orders. 

Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  however,  was.  the  most  active  and 
zealous  of  the  family.  Pretending  to  apprehend  a  design  on 
the  part  of  the  New  England  people  to  surprise  and  carry 
him  off,  he  fortified  his  stone  mansion  on  the  Mohawk,  called 
Guy's  Park,  and  assembled  there  a  part  of  his  militia  regi- 
ment, and  other  of  his  adherents,  to  the  number  of  five 
hundred.  He  held  a  great  Indian  council  there,  likewise,  in 
which  the  chiefs  of  the  Six  Nations  recalled  the  friendship 
and  good  deeds  of  the  late  Sir  William  Johnson,  and  avowed 


314  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

their  determination  to  stand  by  and  defend  every  branch  of 
his  family. 

As  yet  it  was  uncertain  whether  Colonel  Guy  really  intended 
to  take  an  open  part  in  the  appeal  to  arms.  Should  he  do  so, 
he  would  carry  with  him  a  great  force  of  the  native  tribes,  and 
might  almost  domineer  over  the  frontier. 

Tryon,  the  governor  of  New  York,  was  at  present  absent 
in  England,  having  been  called  home  by  the  ministry  to  give 
an  account  of  the  affairs  of  the  province,  and  to  receive  in- 
structions for  its  management.  He  was  a  tory  in  heart,  and 
had  been  a  zealous  opponent  of  all  colonial  movements,  and 
his  talents  and  address  gave  him  great  influence  over  an  im- 
portant part  of  the  community.  Should  he  return  with  hostile 
instructions,  and  should  he  and  the  Johnsons  co-operate,  the 
one  controlling  the  bay  and  harbor  of  New  York  and  the  waters 
of  the  Hudson  by  means  of  ships  and  land  forces  ;  the  others 
overrunning  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk  and  the  regions  beyond 
Albany  with  savage  hordes,  this  great  central  province  might  be 
wrested  from  the  confederacy,  and  all  intercourse  broken  off 
between  the  eastern  and  southern  colonies. 

All  these  circumstances  and  considerations,  many  of  which 
came  under  discussion  in  the  course  of  this  military  journey, 
rendered  the  command  of  New  York  a  post  of  especial  trust 
and  importance,  and  determined  Washington  to  confide  it  to 
General  Schuyler.  He  was  peculiarly  fitted  for  it  by  his 
military  talents,  his  intimate  knowledge  of  the  province  and 
its  concerns,  especially  what  related  to  the  upper  parts  of  it, 
and  his  experience  in  Indian  affairs. 

At  Newark,  in  the  Jerseys,  Washington  was  met  on  the  25th 
by  a  committee  of  the  provincial  Congress,  sent  to  conduct 
him  to  the  city.  The  Congress  was  in  a  perplexit}T.  It  had 
in  a  manner  usurped  and  exercised  the  powers  of  Governor 
Tryon  during  his  absence,  while  at  the  same  time  it  professed 
allegiance  to  the  crown  which  had  appointed  him.  He  was 
now  in  the  harbor,  just  arrived  from  England,  and  hourly 
expected  to  land.  Washington,  too,  was  approaching.  How 
were  these  double  claims  to  ceremonious  respect  happening  at 
the  same  time  to  be  managed? 

In  this  dilemma  a  regiment  of  militia  was  turned  out,  and 
the  colonel  instructed  to  pay  military  honors  to  whichever  of 
the  distinguished  functionaries  should  first  arrive.  Washing- 
ton was  earlier  than  the  governor  by  several  hours,  and 
received  those  honors.  Peter  Van  Burgh  Livingston,  president 
of   the  New  York  Congress,  next  delivered  a   congratulatory 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  315 

address,  the  latter  part  of  which  evinces  the  cautious  reserve 
with  which,  in  these  revolutionary  times,  military  power  was 
intrusted  to  an  individual :  — 

"  Confiding  in  you,  sir,  and  in  the  worthy  generals  imme- 
diately under  your  command,  we  have  the  most  flattering  hopes 
of  success  in  the  glorious  struggle  for  American  liberty,  and 
the  fullest  assurances  that  whenever  this  important  contest  shall 
be  decided  by  that  fondest  wish  of  each  American  soul,  an  accom- 
modation with  our  mother  country,  you  will  cheerfully  resign  the 
important  deposit  committed  into  your  hands,  and  reassume 
the  character  of  our  'worthiest  citizen." 

The  following  was  Washington's  reply,  in  behalf  of  himself 
and  his  generals,  to  this  part  of  the  address. 

"As  to  the  fatal,  but  necessary  operations  of  war,  when 
we  assumed  the  soldier,  we  did  not  lay  aside  the  citizen ; 
and  we  shall  most  sincerely  rejoice  with  you  in  that  happy 
hour,  when  the  establishment  of  American  liberty  on  the  most 
firm  and  solid  foundations,  shall  enable  us  to  return  to  our 
private  stations,  in  the  bosom  of  a  free,  peaceful,  and  happy 
country." 

The  landing  of  Governor  Tryon  took  place  about  eight 
o'clock  in  the  evening.  The  military  honors  were  repeated  ; 
he  was  received  with  great  respect  by  the  mayor  and  common 
council,  and  transports  of  loyalty  by  those  devoted  to  the 
crown.  It  was  unknown  what  instructions  he  had  received 
from  the  ministry,  but  it  was  rumored  that  a  large  force  would 
soon  arrive  from  England,  subject  to  his  directions.  At  this 
very  moment  a  ship-of-war,  the  Asia,  lay  anchored  opposite 
the  city ;  its  grim  batteries  bearing  upon  it,  greatly  to  the  dis- 
quiet of  the  faint-hearted  among  its  inhabitants.  In  this  situa- 
tion of  affairs  Washington  was  happy  to  leave  such  an  efficient 
person  as  General  Schuyler  in  command  of  the  place.  Accord- 
ing to  his  instructions,  the  latter  was  to  make  returns  once  a 
month,  a.nd  oftener,  should  circumstances  require  it,  to  Washing- 
ton, as  commander-in-chief,  and  to  the  Continental  Congress, 
of  the  forces  under  him,  and  the  state  of  his  supplies ;  and  to 
send  the  earliest  advices  of  all  events  of  importance.  He  was 
to  keep  a  wary  eye  on  Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  and  to  counteract 
any  prejudicial  influence  he  might  exercise  over  the  Indians. 
With  respect  to  Governor  Tryon,  Washington  hinted  at  a 
bold  and  decided  line  of  conduct.  "If  forcible  measures 
are  judged  necessary  respecting  the  person  of  the  governor,  I 
should  have  no  difficulty  in  ordering  them,  if  the  Continental 
Congress  were  not  sitting  ;   but  as  that  is  the  case,  and  the 


316  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

seizing  of  a  governor  quite  a  new  thing,  I  must  refer  you  to  thai 
body  for  direction." 

Had  Congress  thought  proper  to  direct  such  a  measure, 
Schuyler  certainly  would  have  been  the  man  to  execute  it. 

At  New  York,  Washington  had  learned  all  the  details  of  the 
battle  of  Bunker's  Hill ;  they  quickened  his  impatience  to 
arrive  at  the  camp.  He  departed,  therefore,  on  the  26th, 
accompanied  by  General  Lee,  and  escorted  as  far  as  Kings- 
bridge,  the  termination  of  New  York  Island,  by  Markoe's 
Philadelphia  light  horse,  and  several  companies  of  militia. 

In  the  mean  time  the  provincial  Congress  of  Massachusetts, 
then  in  session  at  Watertown,  had  made  arrangements  for  the 
expected  arrival  of  Washington.  According  to  a  resolve  of 
that  body,  "the  president's  house  in  Cambridge,  excepting 
one  room  reserved  by  the  president  for  his  own  use,  was  to  be 
taken,  cleared,  prepared,  and  furnished  for  the  reception  of 
the  Commander-in-Chief  and  General  Lee."  The  Congress 
had  likewise  sent  on  a  deputation  which  met  Washington  at 
Springfield,  on  the  frontiers  of  the  province,  and  provided 
escorts  and  accommodations  for  him  along  the  road.  Thus 
honorably  attended  from  town  to  town,  and  escorted  by  volun- 
teer companies  and  cavalcades  of  gentlemen,  he  arrived  at 
Watertown  on  the  2d  of  July,  where  he  was  greeted  by 
Congress  with  a  congratulatory  address,  in  which,  however, 
was  frankly  stated  the  undisciplined  state  of  the  army  he  was 
summoned  to  command.  An  address  of  cordial  welcome  was 
likewise  made  to  General  Lee. 

The  ceremony  over,  Washington  was  again  in  the  saddle, 
and,  escorted  by  a  troop  of  light  horse  and  a  cavalcade  of 
citizens,  proceeded  to  the  head-quarters  provided  for  him  at 
Cambridge,  three  miles  distant.  As  he  entered  the  confines 
of  the  camp  the  shouts  of  the  multitude  and  the  thundering  of 
artillery  gave  note  to  the  enemy  beleagured  in  Boston  of  his 
arrival. 

His  military  reputation  had  preceded  him  and  excited  great 
expectations.  They  were  not  disappointed.  His  personal  ap- 
pearance, notwithstanding  the  dust  of  travel,  was  calculated  to 
captivate  the  public  eye.  As  he  rode  through  the  camp,  amidst 
a  throng  of  officers,  he  was  the  admiration  of  the  soldiery  and 
of  a  curious  throng  collected  from  the  surrounding  country. 
Happy  was  the  countryman  who  could  get  a  full  view  of  him 
to  carry  home  an  account  of  it  to  his  neighbors.  u  I  have  been 
much  gratified  this  day  with  a  view  of  General  Washington," 
writes  a  contemporary  chronicler.     "  His   excellency  was   on 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  317 

horseback,  in  company  with  several  military  gentlemen.  It 
was  not  difficult  to  distinguish  him  from  all  others.  lie  is 
tall  aud  well-proportioned,  and  his  personal  appearance  truly 
noble  and  majestic."  1 

The  fair  sex  were  still  more  enthusiastic  in  their  admiration, 
if  we  may  judge  from  the  following  passage  of  a  letter  written 
by  the  intelligent  and  accomplished  wife  of  John  Adams  to  her 
husband  :  "  Dignity,  ease,  and  complacency,  the  gentleman  and 
the  soldier,  look  agreeably  blended  in  him.  Modesty  marks 
every  line  and  feature  of  his  face.  Those  lines  of  Dryden 
instantly  occurred  to  me  : 

"  •  Mark  his  majestic  fabric !     He's  a  temple 
Sacred  by  birth,  and  built  by  hands  divine; 
His  soul's  the  deity  that  lodges  there; 
Nor  is  the  pile  unworthy  of  the  God.'  " 

With  Washington,  modest  at  all  times,  there  was  no  false 
excitement  on  the  present  occasion  ;  nothing  to  call  forth  emo- 
tions of  self-glorification.  The  honors  and  congratulations 
with  which  he  was  received,  the  acclamations  of  the  public,  the 
cheerings  of  the  army,  only  told  him  how  much  was  expected 
from  him  ;  and  when  he  looked  round  upon  the  raw  and  rustic 
levies  he  was  to  command,  "a  mixed  multitude  of  people, 
under  very  little  discipline,  order,  or  government,"  scattered 
in  rough  encampments  about  hill  and  dale,  beleaguering  a  city 
garrisoned  by  veteran  troops,  with  ships  of  war  anchored  about 
its  harbor,  and  strong  outposts  guarding  it,  he  felt  the  awful 
responsibility  of  his  situation,  and  the  complicated  and  stu- 
pendous task  before  him.  He  spoke  of  it,  however,  not  de- 
spondingly  nor  boastfully  and  with  defiance ;  but  with  that 
solemn  and  sedate  resolution,  and  that  hopeful  reliance  on 
Supreme  Goodness,  which  belonged  to  his  magnanimous  nature. 
The  cause  of  his  country,  he  observed,  had  called  him  to  an 
active  and  dangerous  duty,  but  he  trusted  that  Divine  Provi- 
dence, which  zvisely  orders  the  affairs  of  men,  would  enable  him 
to  discharge  it  with  fidelity  and  success.2 

1  Thacher.  —  Military  Journal. 

3  Letter  to  Governor  Trumbull.  —  Sparks,  iii.,  31. 


818  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER   XLIII. 

WASHINGTON   TAKES    COMMAND    OF  THE  ARMIES SKETCH  OF   GEN- 
ERAL   LEE CHARACTERS   OF   THE  BRITISH  COMMANDERS,  HOWE, 

CLINTON,  AND    BURGOYNE SURVEY  OF    THE    CAMPS  FROM    PROS- 
PECT   HILL THE    CAMPS     CONTRASTED DESCRIPTION     OF    THE 

REVOLUTIONARY    ARMY RHODE     ISLAND    TROOPS CHARACTER 

OF     GENERAL     GREENE WASHINGTON    REPRESENTS     THE     DEFI- 
CIENCIES OF    THE  ARMY HIS  APOLOGY  FOR  THE  MASSACHUSETTS 

TROOPS  —  GOVERNOR     TRUMBULL  —  CRAIGIE     HOUSE,     WASHING- 
TON'S HEAD-QUARTERS. 

On  the  3d  of  July,  the  morning  after  his  arrival  at  Cam- 
bridge, Washington  took  formal  command  of  the  army.  It 
was  drawn  up  on  the  Common  about  half  a  mile  from  head- 
quarters. A  multitude  had  assembled  there,  for  as  yet  military 
spectacles  were  novelties,  and  the  camp  was  full  of  visitors, 
men,  women,  and  children,  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  who 
had  relatives  among  the  yeoman  soldiery. 

An  ancient  elm  is  still  pointed  out,  under  which  Washington, 
as  he  arrived  from  head-quarters  accompanied  by  General  Lee 
and  a  numerous  suite,  wheeled  his  horse,  and  drew  his  sword 
as  commander-in-chief  of  the  armies.  We  have  cited  the  poet- 
ical description  of  him  furnished  by  the  pen  of  Mrs.  Adams ; 
we  give  her  sketch  of  his  military  compeer  —  less  poetical,  but 
no  less  graphic. 

"  General  Lee  looks  like  a  careless,  hardy  veteran  ;  and  by 
his  appearance  brought  to  my  mind  his  namesake,  Charles  XII. 
of  Sweden.  The  elegance  of  his  pen  far  exceeds  that  of  his 
person."  l 

Accompanied  by  this  veteran  campaigner,  on  whose  military 
judgment  he  had, great  reliance,  Washington  visited  the  differ- 
ent American  posts,  and  rode  to  the  heights,  commanding  views 
over  Boston  and  its  environs,  being  anxious  to  make  himself 
acquainted  with  the  strength  and  relative  position  of  both  ar- 
mies ;  and  here  we  will  give  a  few  particulars  concerning  the 
distinguished  commanders  with  whom  he  was  brought  imme- 
diately in  competition. 

Congress,  speaking  of  them  reproachfully,  observed,  "Three 
of  England's  most  experienced  generals  are  sent  to  wage  war 

1  Mrs.  Adams  to  John  Adams,  1775. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  319 

with  their  fellow-subjects."  The  first  here  alluded  to  was  the 
Honorable  William  Howe,  next  in  command  to  Gage.  He  was 
a  man  of  a  fine  presence,  six  feet  high,  well  proportioned,  and  of 
graceful  deportment.  He  is  said  to  have  been  not  unlike  Wash- 
ington in  appearance,  though  wanting  his  energy  and  activity. 
He  lacked  also  his  air  of  authority  ;  but  affability  of  manners, 
and  a  generous  disposition,  made  him  popular  with  both  officers 
and  soldiers. 

There  was  a  sentiment  in  his  favor  even  among  Americans 
at  the  time  when  he  arrived  at  Boston.  It  was  remembered 
that  he  was  brother  to  the  gallant  and  generous  youth,  Lord 
Howe,  who  fell  in  the  flower  of  his  days,  on  the  banks  of 
Lake  George,  and  whose  untimely  death  had  been  lamented 
throughout  the  colonies.  It  was  remembered  that  the  general 
himself  had  won  reputation  in  the  same  campaign,  command- 
ing the  light  infantry  under  Wolfe,  on  the  famous  plains  of 
Abraham.  A  mournful  feeling  had  therefore  gone  through 
the  country,  when  General  Howe  was  cited  as  one  of  the  British 
commanders  who  had  most  distinguished  themselves  in  the 
bloody  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill.  Congress  spoke  of  it  with 
generous  sensibility,  in  their  address  to  the  people  of  Ireland 
already  quoted.  ''America  is  amazed,"  said  they,  "to  find 
the  name  of  Howe  on  the  catalogue  of  her  enemies  —  she  loved 
his  brother  !  ' ' 

General  Henry  Clinton,  the  next  in  command,  was  grandson 
of  the  Earl  of  Lincoln,  and  son  of  George  Clinton,  who  had 
been  Governor  of  the  province  of  New  York  for  ten  years,  from 
1743.  The  general  had  seen  service  on  the  continent  in  the 
Seven  Years'  War.  He  was  of  short  stature,  and  inclined  to 
corpulency ;  with  a  full  face  and  prominent  nose.  His  manners 
were  reserved,  and  altogether  he  was  in  strong  contrast  with 
Howe,  and  by  no  means  so  popular. 

Burgoyne,  the  other  British  general  of  note,  was  natural  son 
of  Lord  Bingley,  and  had  entered  the  army  at  an  early  age. 
While  yet  a  subaltern,  he  had  made  a  runaway  match  with  a 
daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Derby,  who  threatened  never  to  admit 
the  offenders  to  his  presence.  In  1758,  Burgojme  was  a  lieu- 
tenant-colonel of  light  dragoons.  In  1761,  he  was  sent  with  a 
force  to  aid  the  Portuguese  against  the  Spaniards,  joined  the 
arnry  commanded  by  the  Count  de  la  Lippe,  and  signalized 
himself  by  surprising  and  capturing  the  town  of  Alcantara. 
He  had  since  been  elected  to  Parliament  for  the  borough  of 
Middlesex,  and  displayed  considerable  parliamentary  talents. 
In  1772,  he  was  made  a  major-general.     His  taste,  wit,  and 


320  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

intelligence,  and  his  aptness  at  devising  and  promoting  elegant 
amusements,  made  him  for  a  time  a  leader  in  the  gay  world ; 
though  Junius  accuses  him  of  unfair  practices  at  the  gaming 
table.  His  reputation  for  talents  and  services  had  gradually 
mollified  the  heart  of  his  father-in-law,  the  Earl  of  Derby.  In 
1774,  he  gave  celebrity  to  the  marriage  of  a  son  of  the  Earl 
with  Lady  Betty  Hamilton,  by  producing  an  elegant  dramatic 
trifle,  entitled,  "The  Maid  of  the  Oaks,"  afterward  performed 
at  Drury  Lane,  and  honored  with  a  biting  sarcasm  by  Horace 
Walpole.  "There  is  a  new  puppet-show  at  Drury  Lane," 
writes  the  wit,  "  as  fine  as  the  scenes  can  make  it,  and  as  dull 
as  the  author  could  not  help  making  it.  "  * 

It  is  but  justice  to  Burgoyne's  memory  to  add,  that  in  after 
years  he  produced  a  dramatic  wTork,  "The  Heiress,"  which 
extorted  even  Walpole' s  approbation,  who  pronounced  it  the 
genteelest  comedy  in  the  English  language. 

Such  were  the  three  British  commanders  at  Boston,  who 
were  considered  especially  formidable ;  and  they  had  with 
them  eleven  thousand  veteran  troops,  well  appointed  and  well 
disciplined. 

In  visiting  the  different  posts,  Washington  halted  for  a  time 
at  Prospect  Hill,  which,  as  its  name  denotes,  commanded  a 
wide  view  over  Boston  and  the  surrounding  country.  Here 
Putnam  had  taken  his  position  after  the  battle  of  Bunker's 
Hill,  fortifying  himself  with  Works  which  he  deemed  impreg- 
nable ;  and  here  the  veteran  was  enabled  to  point  out  to  the 
commander-in-chief,  and  to  Lee,  the  main  features  of  the  bel- 
ligerent region,  which  lay  spread  out  like  a  map  before  them. 

Bunker's  Hill  was  but  a  mile  distant  to  the  east ;  the  Brit- 
ish standard  floating  as  if  in  triumph  on  its  summit.  The 
main  force  under  General  Howe  was  intrenching  itself  strongly 
about  half  a  mile  beyond  the  place  of  the  recent  battle.  Scar- 
let uniforms  gleamed  about  the  hill ;  tents  and  marquees 
whitened  its  sides.  All  up  there  was  bright,  brilliant,  and 
triumphant.  At  the  base  of  the  hill  lay  Charlestown  in  ashes, 
"nothing  to  be  seen  of  that  fine  town  but  chimneys  and 
rubbish." 

Howe's  sentries  extended  a  hundred  and  fifty  yards  beyond 
the  neck  or  isthmus,  over  which  the  Americans  retreated  after 
the  battle.  Three  floating  batteries  in  Mystic  River  commanded 
this  isthmus,  and  a  twenty-gun  ship  was  anchored  between  the 
peninsula  and  Boston. 

1  Walpole  to  the  Hon.  W.  S.  Conway. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  321 

General  Gage,  the  commander-in-chief,  still  had  his  head- 
quarters in  the  town,  but  there  were  few  troops  there  besides 
Burgoyne's  light  horse.  A  large  force,  however,  was  intrench- 
ed south  of  the  town  on  the  neck  leading  to  Roxbury  —  the 
only  entrance  to  Boston  by  land. 

The  American  troops  were  irregularly  distributed  in  a  kind 
of  semicircle  eight  or  nine  miles  in  extent ;  the  left  resting  on 
Winter  Hill,  the  most  northern  post;  the  right  extending  on  the 
south  to  Roxbury  and  Dorchester  Neck. 

Washington  reconnoitred  the  British  posts  from  various 
[joints  of  view.  Every  thing  about  them  was  in  admirable  order. 
The  works  appeared  to  be  constructed  with  military  science, 
the  troops  to  be  in  a  high  state  of  discipline.  The  American 
camp,  on  the  contrary,  disappointed  him.  He  had  expected  to 
find  eighteen  or  twenty  thousand  men  under  arms  ;  there  were 
not  much  more  than  fourteen  thousand.  He  had  expected  to 
find  some  degree  of  system  and  discipline  ;  whereas  all  were 
raw  militia.  He  had  expected  to  find  works  scientifically  con- 
structed, and  proofs  of  knowledge  and  skill  in  engineering ; 
whereas,  what  he  saw  of  the  latter  was  very  imperfect,  and  con- 
fined to  the  mere  manual  exercise  of  cannon.  There  was  abundant 
evidence  of  aptness  at  trenching  and  throwing  up  rough  defences  ; 
and  in  that  way  General  Thomas  had  fortified  Roxbury  Neck, 
and  Putnam  had  strengthened  Prospect  Hill.  But  the  semi- 
circular line  which  linked  the  extreme  posts,  was  formed  of 
rudely-constructed  works,  far  too  extensive  for  the  troops  which 
were  at  hand  to  man  them. 

Within  this  attenuated  semicircle,  the  British  forces  lay  con- 
centrated and  compact ;  and  having  command  of  the  water, 
might  suddenly  bring  their  main  strength  to  bear  upon  some 
weak    point,  force  it,  and  sever  the  American  camp. 

In  fact,  when  we  consider  the  scanty,  ill-conditioned  and  ir- 
regular force  which  had  thus  stretched  itself  out  to  beleaguer  a 
town  and  harbor  defended  by  ships  and  floating  batteries,  and 
garrisoned  by  eleven  thousand  strongly  posted  veterans,  we  are 
at  a  loss  whether  to  attribute  its  hazardous  position  to  ignorance, 
or  to  that  daring  self-confidence,  which  at  times,  in  our  military 
history,  has  snatched  success  in  defiance  of  scientific  rules.  It 
was  revenge  for  the  slaughter  at  Lexington  which,  we  are  told, 
first  prompted  the  investment  of  Boston.  "  The  universal 
voice,"  says  a  contemporary,  "  is,  starve  them  out.  Drive 
them  from  the  town,  and  let  His  Majesty's  ships  be  their  only 
place  of  refuge." 

In  riding    throughout  the  camp,  Washington  observed   that 


322  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

nine  thousand  of  the  troops  belonged  to  Massachusetts  ;  the  rest 
were  from  other  provinces.  They  were  encamped  in  separate 
bodies,  each  with  its  own  regulations,  and  officers  of  its  own  ap- 
pointment. Some  had  tents,  others  were  in  barracks,  and  others 
sheltered  themselves  as  best  they  might.  Many  were  sadly  in 
want  of  clothing,  and  all,  said  Washington,  were  strongly  im- 
bued with  the  spirit  of  insubordination,  which  they  mistook  for 
independence. 

A  chaplain  of  one  of  the  regiments 1  has  left  on  record  a 
graphic  sketch  of  this  primitive  army  of  the  Revolution.  "It 
is  very  diverting,"  writes  he,  "  to  walk  among  the  camps. 
They  are  as  different  in  their  forms,  as  the  owners  are  in  their 
dress ;  and  every  tent  is  a  portraiture  of  the  temper  and  taste 
of  the  persons  who  encamp  in  it.  Some  are  made  of  boards, 
and  some  are  made  of  sail-cloth ;  some  are  partly  of  one,  and 
partly  of  the  other.  Again  others  are  made  of  stone  and  turf, 
brick  and  brush.  Some  are  thrown  up  in  a  hurry,  others  curi- 
ously wrought  with  wreaths  and  withes." 

One  of  the  encampments,  however,  was  in  striking  contrast 
with  the  rest,  and  might  vie  with  those  of  the  British  for  order 
and  exactness.  Here  were  tents  and  marquees  pitched  in  the 
English  style ;  soldiers  well  drilled  and  well  equipped  ;  every 
thing  had  an  air  of  discipline  and  subordination.  It  was  a  body 
of  Rhode  Island  troops,  which  had  been  raised,  drilled,  and 
brought  to  the  camp  by  Brigadier-General  Greene,  of  that  prov- 
ince, whose  subsequent  renown  entitles  him  to  an  introduction 
to  the  reader. 

Nathaniel  Greene  was  born  in  Rhode  Island,  on  the  26th  of 
May,  1742.  His  father  was  a  miller,  an  anchor-smith,  and  a 
Quaker  preacher.  The  waters  of  the  Potowhammet  turned  the 
wheels  of  the  mill,  and  raised  the  ponderous  sledge-hammer  of 
the  forge.  Greene,  in  his  boyhood,  followed  the  plough,  and 
occasionally  worked  at  the  forge  of  his  father.  His  education 
was  of  an  ordinary  kind  ;  but  having  an  early  thirst  for  knowl- 
edge, he  applied  himself  sedulously  to  various  studies,  while 
subsisting  by  the  labor  of  his  hands.  Nature  had  endowed  him 
with  quick  parts,  and  a  sound  judgment,  and  his  assiduit}'  was 
crowned  with  success.  He  became  fluent  and  instructive  in 
conversation,  and  his  letters,  still  extant,  show  that  he  held  an 
able  pen. 

In  the  late  turn  of  public  affairs,  he  had  caught  the  belli- 
gerent spirit  prevalent  throughout  •  the  country.     Plutarch  and 

1  The  Rev.  William  Emerson. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  323 

Caesar's  Commentaries  became  his  delight.  He  applied  himself 
to  military  studies,  for  which  he  was  prepared  by  some  knowl- 
edge of  mathematics.  His  ambition  was  to  organize  and  disci- 
pline a  corps  of  militia  to  which  he  belonged.  For  this  purpose, 
during  a  visit  to  Boston,  he  had  taken  note  of  every  thing  about 
the  discipline  of  the  British  troops.  In  the  month  of  May,  he 
had  been  elected  commander  of  the  Rhode  Island  contingent  of 
the  army  of  observation,  and  in  June  had  conducted  to  the  lines 
before  Boston,  three  regiments,  whose  encampment  we  have 
just  described,  and  who  were  pronounced  the  best  disciplined 
and  appointed  troops  in  the  army. 

Greene  made  a  soldier-like  address  to  Washington,  welcom- 
ing him  to  the  camp.  His  appearance  and  manner  were 
calculated  to  make  a  favorable  impression.  He  was  about 
thirty-nine  years  of  age,  nearly  six  feet  high,  well  built  and 
vigorous,  with  an  open,  animated,  intelligent  countenance,  and  a 
frank,  manly  demeanor.  He  may  be  said  to  have  stepped  at 
once  into  the  confidence  of  the  commander-in-chief,  which  he 
never  forfeited,  but  became  one  of  his  most  attached,  faithful, 
and  efficient  coadjutors  throughout  the  war. 

Having  taken  his  survey  of  the  army,  Washington  wrote  to 
the  President  of  Congress,  representing  its  various  deficiencies, 
and,  among  other  things,  urging  the  appointment  of  a  commis- 
sary-general, a  quartermaster-general,  a  commissary  of  musters, 
and  a  commissary  of  artillery.  Above  all  things,  he  requested 
a  supply  of  mone}^  as  soon  as» possible.  "  I  find  myself  already 
much  embarrassed  for  want  of  a  military  chest." 

In  one  of  his  recommendations  we  have  an  instance  of  fron- 
tier expediency,  learned  in  his  early  campaigns.  Speaking  of 
the  ragged  condition  of  the  army,  and  the  difficulty  of  procuring 
the  requisite  kind  of  clothing,  he  advises  that  a  number  of 
hunting-shirts,  not  less  than  ten  thousand,  should  be  provided  ; 
as  being  the  cheapest  and  quickest  mode  of  supplying  this  ne- 
cessity. "  I  know  nothing  in  a  speculative  view  more  trivial," 
observes  he,  "  yet  which,  if  put  in  practice,  would  have  a  hap- 
pier tendency  to  unite  the  men,  and  abolish  those  provincial 
distinctions  that  lead  to  jealousy  and  dissatisfaction." 

Among  the  troops  most  destitute,  were  those  belonging  to 
Massachusetts,  which  formed  the  larger  part  of  the  army. 

Washington  made  a  noble  apology  for  them.  "This  un- 
happy and  devoted  province,"  said  he,  "  has  been  so  long  in  a 
state  of  anarchy,  and  the  yoke  has  been  laid  so  heavily  on  it, 
that  great  allowances  are  to  be  made  for  troops  raised  under 
such   circumstances.     The   deficiency   of   numbers,   discipline, 


324  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

and  stores,  can  only  lead  to  this  conclusion,  that  their  spirits 
had  exceeded  their  strength." 

This  apology  was  the  more  generous,  coming  from  a  South- 
erner ;  for  there  was  a  disposition  among  the  Southern  officers 
to  regard  the  Eastern  troops  disparagingly.  But  Washington 
already  felt  as  commander-in-chief,  who  looked  with  an  equal 
eye  on  all ;  or  rather  as  a  true  patriot,  who  was  above  all  sec- 
tional prejudices. 

One  of  the  most  efficient  co-operators  of  Washington  at  this 
time,  and  throughout  the  war,  was  Jonathan  Trumbull,  the 
Governor  of  Connecticut.  He  was  a  well-educated  man,  expe- 
rienced in  public  business,  who  had  sat  for  many  years  in  the 
legislative  councils  of  his  native  province.  Misfortune  had 
cast  him  down  from  affluence,  at  an  advanced  period  of  life, 
but  had  not  subdued  his  native  energy.  He  had  been  one  of 
the  leading  spirits  of  the  Revolution,  and  the  only  colonial  gov- 
ernor who,  at  its  commencement,  proved  true  to  the  popular 
cause.  He  was  now  sixtj-five  years  of  age,  active,  zealous, 
devout,  a  patriot  of  the  primitive  New  England  stamp,  whose 
religion  sanctified  his  patriotism.  A  letter  addressed  by  him 
to  Washington,  just  after  the  latter  had  entered  upon  the  com- 
mand, is  worthy  of  the  purest  days  of  the  Covenanters.  "  Con- 
gress," writes  he,  "  have,  with  one  united  voice,  appointed  you 
to  the  high  station  you  possess.  The  Supreme  Director  of  all 
events  hath  caused  a  wonderful  union  of  hearts  and  counsels 
to  subsist  among  us. 

"  Now,  therefore,  be  strong,  and  very  courageous.  Majr  the 
God  of  the  armies  of  Israel  shower  down  the  blessings  of  his 
Divine  providence  on  you ;  give  you  wisdom  and  fortitude, 
cover  your  head  in  the  day  of  battle  and  danger,  add  success, 
convince  our  enemies  of  their  mistaken  measures,  and  that  all 
their  attempts  to  deprive  these  colonies  of  their  inestimable 
constitutional  rights  and  liberties,  are  injurious  and  vain." 

Note. — We  are  obliged  to  Professor  Felton,  of  Cambridge,  for  correcting  an  error 
hi  our  first  volume  in  regard  to  Washington's  head-quarters,  and  for  some  particulars 
3oncerniug  a  house,  associated  with  the  history  and  literature  of  our  country. 

The  house  assigned  to  Washington  for  head-quarters,  was  that  of  the  President  of 
the  Provincial  Congress,  not  of  the  University.  It  had  been  one  of  those  Tory  mansions 
noticed  by  the  Baroness  Reidesel,  in  her  mention  of  Cambridge.  "  Seven  families,  who 
were  connected  by  relationship,  or  lived  in  great  intimacy,  had  here  farms,  gardens,  and 
splendid  mansions,  and  not  far  off,  orchards ;  and  the  buildings  were  at  a  quarter  of 
a  mile  distant  from  each  other.  The  owners  nad  been  in  the  habit  of  assembling  every 
afternoon  in  one  or  other  of  these  houses,  and  of  diverting  themselves  with  music  or 
dancing;  and  lived  in  affluence,  in  good  humor,  and  without  care,  until  this  unfortunate 
war  dispersed  them,  and  transformed  all  these  houses  into  solitary  abodes. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  325 

The  house  in  question  was  confiscated  by  Government.  It  stood  on  the  "Watertown 
road,  about  half  a  mile  west  of  the  college,  and  has  long  been  known  as  the  Craigie 
house,  from  the  name  of  Andrew  Craigie,  a  wealthy  gentleman,  who  purchased  it  after 
the  war,  and  revived  its  former  hospitality.  He  is  said  to  have  acquired  great  influence 
among  the  leading  members  of  the  "  great  and  general  court,"  by  dint  of  jovial  dinners. 
He  died  long  ago,  but  his  widow  survived  until  within  fifteen  years.  She  was  a  woman 
of  much  talent  and  singularity.  She  refused  to  have  the  canker  worms  destroyed,  when 
they  were  making  sad  ravages  among  the  beautiful  trees  on  the  lawn  before  the  house. 
"  We  are  all  worms,"  said  she,  "and  they  have  as  good  a  right  here  as  I  have."  The; 
consequence  was  that  more  than  half  of  the  trees  perished. 

The  Craigie  House  is  associated  with  American  literature  through  some  of  its  subse- 
quent occupants.  Mr.  Edward  Everett  resided  in  it  the  first  year  or  two  after  his  mar- 
riage. Later,  Mr.  Jared  Sparks,  during  part  of  the  time  that  he  was  preparing  his 
collection  of  Washington's  writings;  editing  a  volume  or  two  of  his  letters  in  the  very 
room  from  which  they  were  written.  Next  came  Mr.  Worcester,  author  of  the  pugna- 
cious dictionary,  and  of  many  excellent  books,  and  lastly  Longfellow,  the  poet,  who, 
having  married  the  heroine  of  Hyperion,  purchased  the  house  of  the  heirs  of  Mr.  Craigie 
and  refitted  it. 


CHAPTER    XLIV. 

QUESTIONS      OF       MILITARY       RANK POPULARITY      OF       PUTNAM 

ARRANGEMENTS     AT     HEAD-QUARTERS COLONEL     MIFFLIN      AND 

JOHN     TRUMBULL,     AIDES-DE-CAMP JOSEPH      REED,     WASHING- 
TON'S     SECRETARY      AND      CONFIDENTIAL       FRIEND GATES       AS 

ADJUTANT-GENERAL HAZARDOUS    SITUATION    OF    THE    ARMY  

STRKNGTHENING  OF    THE    DEFENCES EFFICIENCY  OF  PUTNAM  

RAPID    CHANGES NEW    DISTRIBUTION    OF   THE    FORCES RIGID 

DISCIPLINE LEE    AND     HIS    CANE HIS     IDEA     AS     TO     STRONG 

BATTALIONS ARRIVAL    OF     RIFLE    COMPANIES DANIEL     MOR- 
GAN    AND     HIS     SHARP-SHOOTERS WASHINGTON     DECLINES     TO 

DETACH   TROOPS    TO    DISTANT    POINTS    FOR   THEIR     PROTECTION 

HIS    REASONS    FOR    SO    DOING. 

The  justice  and  impartiality  of  Washington  were  called  into 
exercise  as  soon  as  he  entered  upon  his  command,  in  allaying 
discontents  among  his  general  officers  caused  by  the  recent 
appointments  and  promotions  made  by  the  Continental  Con- 
gress. General  Spencer  was  so  offended  that  Putnam  should 
be  promoted  over  his  head,  that  he  left  the  army,  without  visit- 
ing the  commander-in-chief ;  but  was  subsequently  induced  to 
return.  General  Thomas  felt  aggrieved  by  being  outranked  by 
the  veteran  Pomeroy ;  the  latter,  however,  declining  to  serve, 
he  found  himself  senior  brigadier,  and  was  appeased. 

The  sterling  merits  of  Putnam  soon  made  every  one  acquiesce 
in  his  promotion.     There  was  a  generosity  and  buoyancy  about 


326  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

the  brave  old  man  that  made  him  a  favorite  throughout  the 
army  ;  especially  with  the  younger  officers,  who  spoke  of  him 
familiarly  and  fondly  as  "Old  Put;"  a  sobriquet  by  which  he 
is  called  even  in  one  of  the  private  letters  of  the  commander- 
in-chief. 

The  Congress  of  Massachusetts  manifested  considerate  lib- 
erality with  respect  to  head-quarters.  According  to  their 
minutes,  a  committee  was  charged  to  procure  a  steward,  a 
housekeeper,  aud  two  or  three  women  cooks ;  Washington,  no 
doubt,  having  brought  with  him  none  but  the  black  servants  who 
had  accompanied  him  to  Philadelphia,  and  who  were  but  little 
fitted  for  New  England  housekeeping.  His  wishes  were  to  be 
consulted  in  regard  to  the  supply  of  his  table.  This  his  station, 
as  commander-in-chief,  required  should  be  kept  up  in  ample  and 
hospitable  style.  Everyday  a  number  of  his  officers  dined  with 
him.  Ashe  was  in  the  neighborhood  of  the  seat  of  the  Provin- 
cial Government,  he  would  occasionally  have  members  of  Con- 
gress and  other  functionaries  at  his  board.  Though  social, 
however,  he  was  not  convivial  in  his  habits.  He  received  his 
guests  with  courtesy ;  but  his  mind  and  time  were  too  much 
occupied  by  grave  and  anxious  concerns,  to  permit  him  the 
genial  indulgence  of  the  table.  His  own  diet  was  extremely 
simple.  Sometimes  nothing  but  baked  apples  or  berries,  with 
cream  and  milk.  He  would  retire  early  from  the  board,  leaving 
an  aide-de-camp  or  one  of  his  officers  to  take  his  place.  Colonel 
Mifflin  was  the  first  person  who  officiated  as  aide-de-camp. 
He  was  a  Philadelphia  gentleman  of  high  respectability,  who 
had  accompanied  him  from  that  city,  and  received  his  appoint- 
ment shortly  after  their  arrival  at  Cambridge.  The  second 
aide-de-camp  was  John  Trumbull,1  son  of  the  Governor  of 
Connecticut.  He  had  accompanied  General  Spencer  to  the 
camp,  and  had  caught  the  favorable  notice  of  Washington  by 
some  drawings  which  he  had  made  of  the  enemy's  works.  "  I 
now  suddenly  found  myself,"  writes  Trumbull,  u  in  the  family 
of  one  of  the  most  distinguished  and  dignified  men  of  the  age  ; 
surrounded  at  his  table  by  the  principal  officers  of  the  army, 
and  in  constant  intercourse  with  them  —  it  was  further  my  duty 
to  receive  company,  and  do  the  honors  of  the  house  to  many  of 
the  first  people  of  the  country  of  both  sexes."  Trumbull  was 
young,  and  unaccustomed  to  society,  and  soon  found  himself, 
he  says,  unequal  to  the"  elegant  duties  of  his  situation  ;  he 
gladly  exchanged  it  therefore,  for  that  of  major  of  brigade. 

1  In  after  years  distinguished  as  a  historical  painter. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  327 

The  member  of  Washington's  family  most  deserving  of 
mention  at  present,  was  his  secretary,  Mr.  Joseph  Reed.  With 
this  gentleman  he  had  formed  an  intimacy  in  the  course  of  his 
visits  to  Philadelphia,  to  attend  the  sessions  of  the  Continental 
Congress.  Mr.  Reed  was  an  accomplished  man,  had  studied 
law  in  America,  and  at  the  Temple  in  London,  and  had  gained 
a  high  reputation  at  the  Philadelphia  bar.  In  the  dawning  of 
the  Revolution  he  had  embraced  the  popular  cause,  and  carried 
on  a  correspondence  with  the  Earl  of  Dartmouth,  endeavoring 
to  enlighten  that  minister  on  the  subject  of  colonial  affairs.  He 
had  since  been  highly  instrumental  in  rousing  the  Philadelphians 
to  co-operate  with  the  patriots  of  Boston.  A  sympathy  of 
views  and  feelings  had  attached  him  to  Washington,  and  in- 
duced him  to  accompany  him  to  the  camp.  He  had  no  definite 
purpose  when  he  left  home,  and  his  friends  in  Philadelphia 
were  surprised,  on  receiving  a  letter  from  him  written  from 
Cambridge,  to  find  that  he  had  accepted  the  post  of  secretary 
to  the  commander-in-chief. 

They  expostulated  with  him  by  letter.  That  a  man  in  the 
thirty-fifth  year  of  his  age,  with  a  lucrative  profession,  a  young 
wife  and  growing  family,  and  a  happy  home,  should  suddenly 
abandon  all  to  join  the  hazardous  fortunes  of  a  revolutionary 
camp,  appeared  to  them  the  height  of  infatuation.  They  re- 
monstrated on  the  peril  of  the  step.  "  I  have  no  inclination," 
replied  Reed,  "  to  be  hanged  for  half  treason.  When  a  subject 
draws  his  sword  against  his  prince,  he  must  cut  his  way 
through,  if  he  means  to  sit  down  in  safety.  I  have  taken  too 
active  a  part  in  what  may  be  called  the  civil  part  of  opposition, 
to  renounce,  without  disgrace,  the  public  cause  when  it  seems  to 
lead  to  danger ;  and  have  a  most  sovereign  contempt  for  the 
man  who  can  plan  measures  he  has  not  the  spirit  to  execute." 

Washington  has  occasionally  been  represented  as  cold  and 
reserved ;  yet  his  intercourse  with  Mr.  Reed  is  a  proof  to  the 
contrary.  His  friendship  toward  him  was  frank  and  cordial, 
and  the  confidence  he  reposed  in  him  full  and  implicit.  Reed, 
in  fact,  became,  in  a  little  time,  the  intimate  companion  of  his 
thoughts,  his  bosom  counsellor.  He  felt  the  need  of  such  a 
friend  in  the  present  exigency,  placed  as  he  was  in  a  new  and 
untried  situation,  and  having  to  act  with  persons  hitherto 
unknown  to  him. 

In  military  matters,  it  is  true  he  had  a  shrewd  counsellor  in 
General  Lee  ;  but  Lee  was  a  wayward  character ;  a  cosmop- 
olite, without  attachment  to  country,  somewhat  splenetic,  and 
prone  to  follow  the  bent  of  his  whims  and  humors,  which  often 


328  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

clashed  with  propriety  and  sound  policy.  Reed,  on  the  con- 
trary,  though  less  informed  on  military  matters,  had  a  strong 
common  sense,  unclouded  by  passion  or  prejudice,  and  a  pure 
patriotism,  which  regarded  every  thing  as  it  bore  upon  the 
welfare  of  his  country. 

Washington's  confidence  in  Lee  had  always  to  be  measured 
and  guarded  in  matters  of  civil  policy. 

The  arrival  of  Gates  in  camp  was  heartily  welcomed  by  the 
commander-in-chief,  who  had  received  a  letter  from  that  officer, 
gratefully  acknowledging  his  friendly  influence  in  procuring 
him  the  appointment  of  adjutant-general.  Washington  may 
have  promised  himself  much  cordial  co-operation  from  him, 
recollecting  the  warm  friendship  professed  by  him  when  he 
visited  at  Mount  Vernon,  and  they  talked  together  over  their 
early  companionship  in  arms  ;  but  of  that  kind  of  friendship 
there  was  no  further  manifestation.  Gates  was  certainly  of 
great  service,  from  his  practical  knowledge  and  militar}'  ex- 
perience at  this  juncture,  when  the  whole  army  had  in  a  manner 
to  be  organized  ;  but  from  the  familiar  intimacy  of  Washington 
he  gradually  estranged  himself.  A  contemporary  has  accounted 
for  this,  by  alleging  that  he  was  secretly  chagrined  at  not  having 
received  the  appointment  of  major-general,  to  which  he  con- 
sidered himself  well  fitted  by  his  military  knowledge  and  ex- 
perience, and  which  he  thought  Washington  might  have  obtained 
for  him  had  he  used  his  influence  with  Congress.  We  shall 
have  to  advert  to  this  estrangement  of  Gates  on  subsequent 
occasions. 

The  hazardous  position  of  the  army  from  the  great  extent 
and  weakness  of  its  lines,  was  what  most  pressed  on  the  im- 
mediate attention  of  Washington ;  and  he  summoned  a  council 
of  war,  to  take  the  matter  into  consideration.  In  this  it  was 
urged  that,  to  abandon  the  line  of  works,  after  the  great  labor 
and  expense  of  their  construction,  would  be  dispiriting  to  the 
troops  and  encouraging  to  the  enemy,  while  it  would  expose  a 
wide  extent  of  the  surrounding  country  to  maraud  and  ravage. 
Beside,  no  safer  position  presented  itself,  on  which  to  fall  back. 
This  being  generally  admitted,  it  was  determined  to  hold  on  to 
the  works,  and  defend  them  as  long  as  possible ;  and,  in  the 
mean  time,  to  augment  the  army  to  at  least  twenty  thousand 
men. 

Washington  now  hastened  to  improve  the  defences  of  the 
camp,  strengthen  the  weak  parts  of  the  line,  and  throw  up 
additional  works  round  the  main  forts.  No  one  seconded  him 
more   effectually  in    this   matter   than   General   Putnam.     No 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  329 

works  were  thrown  up  with  equal  rapidity  to  those  under  his 
superintendence.  "  You  seem,  general,"  said  Washington, 
"  to  have  the  faculty  of  infusing  your  own  spirit  into  all  the 
workmen  you  employ  ;  "  — and  it  was  the  fact. 

The  observing  chaplain  already  cited,  gazed  with  wonder  at 
the  rapid  effects  soon  produced  by  the  labors  of  an  army.  "  It 
is  surprising,"  writes  he,  u  how  much  work  has  been  done. 
The  lines  are  extended  almost  from  Cambridge  to  Mystic 
River ;  very  soon  it  will  be  morally  impossible  for  the  enemy 
to  get  between  the  works,  except  in  one  place,  which  is  sup- 
posed to  be  left  purposely  unfortified,  to  entice  the  enemy  out 
of  their  fortresses.  Who  would  have  thought,  twelve  months 
past,  that  all  Cambridge  and  Charlestown  would  be  covered 
over  with  American  camps,  and  cut  up  into  forts  and  intrench- 
ments,  and  all  the  lands,  fields,  orchards,  laid  common  —  horses 
and  cattle  feeding  on  the  choicest  mowing  land,  whole  fields  of 
corn  eaten  down  to  the  ground,  and  large  parks  of  well-regu- 
lated forest  trees  cut  down  for  fire-wood  and  other  public 
uses." 

Beside  the  main  dispositions  above  mentioned,  about  seven 
hundred  men  were  distributed  in  the  small  towns  and  villages 
along  the  coast,  to  prevent  depredations  by  water ;  and  horses 
were  kept  ready  saddled  at  various  points  of  the  widely  ex- 
tended lines,  to  convey  to  head-quarters  intelligence  of  any 
special  movement  of  the  enemy. 

The  army  was  distributed  by  Washington  into  three  grand 
divisions.  One,  forming  the  right  wing,  was  stationed  on  the 
heights  of  Roxbury.  It  was  commanded  by  Major-General 
Ward,  who  had  under  him  Brigadier-Generals  Spencer  and 
Thomas.  Another,  forming  the  left  wing  under  Major-General 
Lee,  having  with  him  Brigadier-Generals  Sullivan  and  Greene, 
was  stationed  on  Winter  and  Prospect  Hills  ;  while  the  centre, 
under  Major-General  Putnam  and  Brigadier-General  Heath, 
was  stationed  at  Cambridge.  With  Putnam  was  encamped  his 
favorite  officer  Knowlton,  who  had  been  promoted  by  Congress 
to  the  rank  of  major  for  his  gallantry  at  Bunker's  Hill. 

At  Washington's  recommendation,  Joseph  Trumbull,  the 
eldest  son  of  the  governor,  received  on  the  24th  of  July  the 
appointment  of  commissary-general  of  the  continental  army. 
He  had  already  officiated  with  talent  in  that  capacity  in  the 
Connecticut  militia.  "  There  is  a  great  overturning  in  the 
camp  as  to  order  and  regularity,"  writes  the  military  chaplain  ; 
"  new  lords,  new  laws.  The  generals  Washington  and  Lee  are 
upon  the  lines  every  da}'.     New  orders  from  his  excellency  are 


330  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

read  to  the  respective  regiments  every  morning  after  prayers. 
The  strictest  government  is  taking  place,  and  great  distinction 
is  made  between  officers  and  soldiers.  Every  one  is  made  to 
know  his  place  and  keep  it,  or  be  tied  up  and  receive  thirty  or 
forty  lashes  according  to  his  crime.  Thousands  are  at  work 
every  day  from  four  till  eleven  o'clock  in  the  morning. "- 

Lee  was  supposed  to  have  been  at  the  bottom  of  this  rigid 
discipline  ;  the  result  of  his  experience  in  European  campaign- 
ing. His  notions  of  military  authority  were  acquired  in  the 
armies  of  the  North.  Quite  a  sensation  was,  on  one  occasion, 
produced  in  camp  by  his  threatening  to  cane  an  officer  for  un- 
soldierly  conduct.  His  laxity  in  other  matters  occasioned 
almost  equal  scandal.  He  scoffed,  we  are  told,  "  with  his 
usual  profaneness,"  at  a  resolution  of  Congress  appointing  a 
day  of  fasting  and  prayer,  to  obtain  the  favor  of  Heaven  upon 
their  cause.  "Heaven,"  he  observed,  "  was  ever  found 
favorable  to  strong  battalions."  1 

Washington  differed  from  him  in  this  respect.  By  his  orders 
the  resolution  of  Congress  was  scrupulously  enforced.  All 
labor,  excepting  that  absolutely  necessary,  was  suspended  on 
the  appointed  day,  and  officers  and  soldiers  were  required  to 
attend  divine  service,  armed  and  equipped  and  ready  for  imme- 
diate action. 

Nothing  excited  more  gaze  and  wonder  among  the  rustic 
visitors  to  the  camp,  than  the  arrival  of  several  rifle  companies, 
fourteen  hundred  men  in  all,  from  Pennsylvania,  Maryland  and 
Virginia  ;  such  stalwart  fellows  as  Washington  had  known  in 
his  early  campaigns.  Stark  hunters  and  bush  fighters  ;  many 
of  them  upward  of  six  feet  high,  and  of  vigorous  frame ; 
dressed  in  fringed  frocks,  or  rifle  shirts,  and  round  hats.  Their 
displays  of  sharp  shooting  were  soon  among  the  marvels  of 
the  camp.  We  are  told  that  while  advancing  at  quick  step, 
they  could  hit  a  mark  of  seven  inches  diameter,  at  the  distance 
of  two  hundred  and  fifty  yards.2 

One  of  these  companies  was  commanded  by  Captain  Daniel 
Morgan,  a  native  of  New  Jersey,  whose  first  experience  in 
war  had  been  to  aceompan}-  Braddock's  army  as  a  wagoner. 
He  had  since  carried  arms  on  the  frontier  and  obtained  a 
command.  He  and  his  riflemen  in  coming  to  the  camp  had 
marched  six  hundred  miles  in  three  weeks.  They  will  be  found 
of  signal  efficiency  in  the  sharpest  conflicts  of  the  revolution- 
ary war. 

1  Graydon's  Memoirs,  p.  138.  2  Thacher's  Military  Journal,  p.  37. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  331 

While  all  his  forces  were  required  for  the  investment  of 
Boston,  Washington  was  importuned  by  the  Legislature  of 
Massachusetts  and  the  Governor  of  Connecticut,  to  detach 
troops  for  the  protection  of  different  points  of  the  sea-coast, 
where  depredations  by  armed  vessels  were  apprehended.  The 
case  of  New  London  was  specified  by  Governor  Trumbull, 
where  Captain  Wallace  of  the  Rose  Frigate,  with  two  other 
ships-of-war,  had  entered  the  harbor,  landed  men,  spiked  the 
cannon,  and  gone  off  threatening  future  visits. 

Washington  referred  to  his  instructions,  and  consulted  with 
his  general  officers  and  such  members  of  the  Continental  Con- 
gress as  happened  to  be  in  camp,  before  he  replied  to  these 
requests  ;  he  then  respectfully  declined  compliance. 

In  his  reply  to  the  General  Assembly  of  Massachusetts,  he 
stated  frankly  and  explicitly  the  policy  and  system  on  which 
the  war  was  to  be  conducted,  and  according  to  which  he  was 
to  act  as  commander-in-chief.  "It  has  been  debated  in  Con- 
gress and  settled,"  writes  he,  "that  the  militia,  or  other  internal 
strength  of  each  province,  is  to  be  applied  for  defence  against 
those  small  and  particular  depredations,  which  were  to  be 
expected,  and  to  which  they  were  supposed  to  be  competent. 
This  will  appear  the  more  proper,  when  it  is  considered  that 
every  town  and  indeed  every  part  of  our  sea-coast,  which  is 
exposed  to  these  depredations,  would  have  an  equal  claim  upon 
this  army. 

"It  is  the  misfortune  of  our  situation  which  exposes  us  to 
these  ravages,  and  against  which,  in  my  judgment,  no  such 
temporary  relief  could  possibly  secure  us.  The  great  advan- 
tage the  enemy  have  of  transporting  troops,  by  being  masters 
of  the  sea,  will  enable  them  to  harass  us  by  diversions  of  this 
kind;  and  should  we  be  tempted  to  pursue  them,  upon  every 
alarm,  the  army  must  either  be  so  weakened  as  to  expose  it 
to  destruction,  or  a  great  part  of  the  coast  be  still  left  unpro- 
tected. Nor,  indeed,  does  it  appear  to  me  that  such  a  pursuit 
would  be  attended  with  the  least  effect.  The  first  notice  of 
such  an  excursion  would  be  its  actual  execution,  and  long 
before  any  troops  could  reach  the  scene  of  action,  the  enemy 
would  have  an  opportunity  to  accomplish  their  purpose  and 
retire.  It  would  give  me  great  pleasure  to  have  it  in  my  power 
to  extend  protection  and  safety  to  every  individual ;  but  the 
wisdom  of  the  General  Court  will  anticipate  me  on  the  necessity 
of  conducting  our  operations  on  a  general  and  impartial,  scale, 
so  as  to  exclude  any  just  cause  of  complaint  and  jealousy." 

His  reply  to  the  Governor  of  Connecticut  was  to  the  same 


332  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

effect.  "lam  by  no  means  insensible  to  the  situation  of  the 
people  on  the  coast.  I  wish  I  could  extend  protection  to  all, 
but  the  numerous  detachments  necessary  to  remedy  the  evil 
would  amount  to  a  dissolution  of  the  army,  or  make  the  most 
important  operations  of  the  campaign  depend  upon  the  piratical 
expeditions  of  two  or  three  men-of-war  and  transports." 

His  refusal  to  grant  the  required  detachments  gave  much 
dissatisfaction  iu  some  quarters,  until  sanctioned  and  enforced 
by  the  Continental  Congress.  All  at  length  saw  and  acquiesced 
in  the  justice  and  wisdom  of  his  decision.  It  was  in  fact  a 
vital  question,  involving  the  whole  character  and  fortune  of  the 
war ;  and  it  was  acknowledged  that  he  met  it  with  a  forecast 
and  determination  befitting  a  commander-in-chief. 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

Washington's  object   in    distressing    boston  —  scarcity  and 

sickness  in  the  town a  startling  discovery scarcity 

of  powder  in  the  camp its  perilous  situation economy 

of   ammunition correspondence  between   lee  and  bur- 

goyne correspondence   between   washington   and   gage 

the  dignity  of  the  patriot  army  asserted. 

The  great  object  of  Washington  at  present,  was  to  force  the 
enemy  to  come  out  of  Boston  and  try  a  decisive  action.  His 
lines  had  for  some  time  cut  off  all  communication  of  the  town 
with  the  country,  and  he  had  caused  the  live  stock  within  a 
considerable  distance  of  the  place  to  be  driven  back  from  the 
coast,  out  of  reach  of  the  men-of-war's  boats.  Fresh  provisions 
and  vegetables  were  consequently  growing  more  and  more 
scarce  and  extravagantly  dear,  and  sickness  began  to  prevail. 
"  I  have  done  and  shall  do  every  thing  in  my  power  to  distress 
them,"  writes  he  to  his  brother  John  Augustine.  "  The  trans- 
ports have  all  arrived,  and  their  whole  re-enforcement  is  landed, 
so  that  I  see  no  reason  why  they  should  not,  if  they  ever  attempt 
it,  come  boldly  out  and  put  the  matter  to  issue  at  once." 

"  We  are  in  the  strangest  state  in  the  world,"  writes  a  lady 
from  Boston,  "  surrounded  on  all  sides.  The  whole  country  is 
in  arms  and  intrenched.  We  are  deprived  of  fresh  provisions, 
subject  to  continual  alarms  and  cannonadings,  the  Provincials 
being  very  audacious  and  advancing  to  our  lines,  since  the 
arrival  of  Generals  Washington  and  Lee  to  command  them." 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  333 

At  this  critical  juncture,  when  Washington  was  pressing  the 
siege,  and  endeavoring  to  provoke  a  general  action,  a  startling 
fact  came  to  light ;  the  whole  amount  of  powder  in  the  camp 
would  not  furnish  more  than  nine  cartridges  to  a  man ! x 

A  gross  error  had  been  made  by  the  committee  of  supplies 
when  Washington,  on  taking  command,  had  required  a  return 
of  the  ammunition.  They  had  returned  the  whole  amount  of 
powder  collected  by  the  province,  upward  of  three  hundred 
barrels ;  without  stating  what  had  been  expended.  The  blun- 
der was  detected  on  an  order  being  issued  for  a  new  supply  of 
cartridges.  It  wras  found  that  there  were  but  thirty-two  barrels 
of  powder  in  store. 

This  was  an  astounding  discovery.  Washington  instantly 
despatched  letters  and  expresses  to  Rhode  Island,  the  Jerseys, 
Ticonderoga  and  elsewhere,  urging  immediate  supplies  of  pow- 
der and  lead,  no  quantity,  however  small,  to  be  considered 
beneath  notice.  In  a  letter  to  Governor  Cooke  of  Rhode  Island, 
he  suggested  that  an  armed  vessel  of  that  province  might  be 
sent  to  seize  upon  a  magazine  of  gunpowder,  said  to  be  in  a 
remote  part  of  the  Island  of  Bermuda.  u  I  am  very  sensible," 
writes  he,  u  that  at  first  view  the  project  may  appear  hazardous, 
and  its  success  must  depend  on  the  concurrence  of  many  cir- 
cumstances ;  but  we  are  in  a  situation  which  requires  us  to  run 
all  risks.  .  .  .  Enterprises  which  appear  chimerical,  often  prove 
successful  from  that  very  circumstance.  Common  sense  and 
prudence  will  suggest  vigilance  and  care,  where  the  danger  is 
plain  and  obvious  ;  but  where  little  danger  is  apprehended,  the 
more  the  enemy  will  be  unprepared,  and,  consequently,  there  is 
the  fairest  prospect  of  success." 

Day  after  day  elapsed  without  the  arrival  of  any  supplies  :  for 
in  these  irregular  times,  the  munitions  of  war  were  not  readily 
procured.  It  seemed  hardly  possible  that  the  matter  could  be 
kept  concealed  from  the  enemy.  Their  works  on  Bunker's  Hill 
commanded  a  full  view  of  those  of  the  Americans  on  Winter 
and  Prospect  Hill.  Each  camp  could  see  what  was  passing  in 
the  other.  The  sentries  were  almost  near  enough  to  converse. 
There  was  furtive  intercourse  occasionally  between  the  men. 
In  this  critical  state,  the  American  camp  remained  for  a  fort- 
night ;  the  anxious  commander  incessantly  apprehending  an 
attack.  At  length  a  partial  supply  from  the  Jerseys  put  an  end 
to  this  imminent  risk.  Washington's  secretary,  Reed,  who  had 
been  the  confidant  of  his  troubles  and  anxieties,  gives  a  vivid 

1  Letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  August  4. 


334  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

expression  of  his  feelings  on  the  arrival  of  this  relief.  "  I  can 
hardly  look  back  without  shuddering  at  our  situation  before 
this  increase  of  our  stock.  Stock  did  I  say?  it  was  next  to 
nothing.  Almost  the  whole  powder  of  the  army  was  in  the 
cartridge-boxes . "  * 

It  is  thought  that,  considering  the  clandestine  intercourse 
carried  on  between  the  two  camps,  intelligence  of  this  deficiency 
of  ammunition  on  the  part  of  the  besiegers  must  have  been  con- 
veyed to  the  British  commander,  but  that  the  bold  face  with 
which  the  Americans  continued  to  maintain  their  position,  made 
him  discredit  it. 

Notwithstanding  the  supply  from  the  Jerseys,  there  was  not 
more  powder  in  camp  than  would  serve  the  artillery  for  one 
day  of  general  action.  None,  therefore,  was  allowed  to  be 
wasted ;  the  troops  were  even  obliged  to  bear  in  silence  an  oc- 
casional cannonading.  "  Our  poverty  in  ammunition,"  writes 
Washington,  "  prevents  our  making  a  suitable  return." 

One  of  the  painful  circumstances  attending  the  outbreak  of 
a  revolutionary  war  is,  that  gallant  men,  who  have  held  alle- 
giance to  the  same  government,  and  fought  side  by  side  under 
the  same  flag,  suddenly  find  themselves  in  deadly  conflict  with 
each  other.  Such  was  the  case  at  present  in  the  hostile  camps. 
General  Lee,  it  will  be  recollected,  had  once  served  under  Gen- 
eral Burgoyne,  in  Portugal,  and  had  won  his  brightest  laurels 
when  detached  b}T  that  commander  to  surprise  the  Spanish 
camp,  near  the  Moorish  castle  of  Villa  Velha.  A  soldier's 
friendship  had  ever  since  existed  between  them,  and  when  Lee 
had  heard  at  Philadelphia,  before  he  had  engaged  in  the  Amer- 
ican service,  that  his  old  comrade  and  commander  was  arrived 
at  Boston,  he  wrote  a  letter  to  him  giving  his  own  views  on  the 
points  in  dispute  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother  country, 
and  inveighing  with  his  usual  vehemence  and  sarcastic  point, 
against  the  conduct  of  the  court  and  ministry.  Before  sending 
the  letter,  he  submitted  it  to  the  Boston  delegates  and  other 
members  of  Congress,  and  received  their  sanction. 

Since  his  arrival  in  camp  he  had  received  a  reply  from 
Burgoyne,  couched  in  moderate  and  courteous  language,  and 
proposing  an  interview  at  a  designated  house  on  Boston  Neck, 
within  the  British  sentries  ;  mutual  pledges  to  be  given  for  each 
other's  safety. 

Lee  submitted  this  letter  to  the  Provincial  Congress  of 
Massachusetts,  and  requested  their  commands  with  respect  to 

1  Reed  to  Thomas  Bradford.    Life  and  Correspondence,  vol.  i.,  p.  118. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  335 

the  proposed  interview.  They  expressed,  in  reply,  the  highest 
confidence  in  his  wisdom,  discretion  and  integrity,  but  ques- 
tioned whether  the  interview  might  not  be  regarded  by  the  pub- 
lic with  distrust ;  "  a  people  contending  for  their  liberties  being 
naturally  disposed  to  jealousy."  They  suggested,  therefore, 
as  a  means  of  preventing  popular  misconception,  that  Lee  on 
seeking  the  interview,  should  be  accompanied  by  Mr.  Elbridge 
Gerry  ;  or  that  the  advice  of  a  council  of  war  should  be  taken 
in  a  matter  of  such  apparent  delicacy. 

Lee  became  aware  of  the  surmises  that  might  be  awakened 
by  the  proposed  interview,  and  wrote  a  "friendly  note  to  Bur- 
goyne  declining  it. 

A  correspondence  of  a  more  important  character  took  place 
between  Washington  and  General  Gage.  It  was  one  intended 
to  put  the  hostile  services  on  a  proper  footing.  A  strong  dis- 
position had  been  manifested  among  the  British  officers  to 
regard  those  engaged  in  the  patriot  cause  as  malefactors,  out- 
lawed from  the  courtesies  of  chivalric  warfare.  Washington 
was  determined  to  have  a  full  understanding  on  this  point. 
He  was  peculiarly  sensitive  with  regard  to  Gage.  They  had 
been  companions  in  arms  in  their  early  days  ;  but  Gage  might 
now  affect  to  look  down  upon  him  as  the  chief  of  a  rebel  army. 
Washington  took  an  early  opportunity  to  let  him  know,  that  he 
claimed  to  be  the  commander  of  a  legitimate  force,  engaged  in 
a  legitimate  cause,  and  that  both  himself  and  his  army  were  to 
be  treated  on  a  footing  of  perfect  equality.  The  correspond- 
ence arose  from  the  treatment  of  several  American  officers. 

"  I  understand,"  writes  Washington  to  Gage,  '.'  that  the  offi- 
cers engaged  in  the  cause  of  liberty  and  their  country,  who  by 
the  fortune  of  war  have  fallen  into  your  hands,  have  been 
thrown  indiscriminately  into  a  common  jail,  appropriated  to 
felons ;  that  no  consideration  has  been  had  for  those  of  the 
most  respectable  rank,  when  languishing  with  wounds  and 
sickness,  and  that  some  have  been  amputated  in  this  unworthy 
situation.  Let  your  opinion,  sir,  of  the  principles  which  actu- 
ate them,  be  what  it  may,  they  suppose  that  they  act  from  the 
noblest  of  all  principles,  love  of  freedom  and  their  country. 
But  political  principles,  I  conceive,  are  foreign  to  this  point. 
The  obligations  arising  from  the  rights  of  humanity  and  claims 
of  rank  are  universally  binding  and  extensive,  except  in  case  of 
retaliation.  These,  I  should  have  hoped,  would  have  dictated 
a  more  tender  treatment  of  those  individuals  whom  chance  or 
war  had  put  in  your  power.  Nor  can  I  forbear  suggesting  its 
fatal  tendency  to  widen  that  unhappy  breach  which  you,  and 


336  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

those  ministers  under  whom  you  act,  have  repeatedly  declared 
your  wish  to  see  forever  closed.  My  duty  now  makes  it  neces- 
sary to  apprise  you  that,  for  the  future,  I  shall  regulate,  all  my 
conduct  toward  those  gentlemen  who  are,  or  may  be,  in  our 
possession,  exactly  by  the  rule  you  shall  observe  toward  those 
of  ours,  now  in  your  custody. 

' '  If  severity  and  hardships  mark  the  line  of  your  conduct, 
painful  as  it  may  be  to  me,  your  prisoners  will  feel  its  effects. 
But  if  kindness  and  humanity  are  shown  to  us  I  shall  with 
pleasure  consider  those  in  our  hands  only  as  unfortunate  and 
the}'  shall  receive  from  me  that  treatment  to  which  the  unfor- 
tunate are  ever  entitled." 

The  following  are  the  essential  parts  of  a  letter  from  Gen- 
eral Gage  in  reply. 

"  Sir,  —  To  the  glory  of  civilized  nations,  humanity  and  war 
have  been  compatible,  and  humanity  to  the  subdued  has  become 
almost  a  general  system.  Britons,  ever  pre-eminent  in  mercy, 
have  outgone  common  examples,  and  overlooked  the  criminal 
in  the  captive.  Upon  these  principles  your  prisoners,  whose 
lives  by  the  law  of  the  land  are  destined  to  the  cord,  have  hith- 
erto been  treated  with  care  and  kindness,  and  more  comfortably 
lodged  than  the  King's  troops  in  the  hospitals  ;  indiscriminately 
it  is  true,  for  I  acknowledge  no  rank  that  is  not  derived  from 
the  King. 

"  M}T  intelligence  from  your  army  would  justify  severe  re- 
criminations. I  understand  there  are  of  the  King's  faithful 
subjects,  taken  some  time  since  by  the  rebels,  laboring  like 
negro  slaves  to  gain  their  daily  subsistence,  or  reduced  to  the 
wretched  alternative  to  perish  by  famine  or  take  arms  against 
their  King  and  country.  Those  who  have  made  the  treatment 
of  the  prisoners  in  my  hands,  or  of  your  other  friends  in  Boston, 
a  pretence  for  such  measures,  found  barbarity  upon  falsehood. 

u  I  would  willingly  hope,  sir,  that  the  sentiments  of  liberality 
which  I  have  always  believed  you  to  possess,  will  be  exerted  to 
correct  these  misdoings.  Be  temperate  in  political  disquisition  ; 
give  free  operation  to  truth,  and  punish  those  who  deceive  and 
misrepresent ;  and  not  only  the  effects,  but  the  cause,  of  this 
unhappy  conflict  will  be  removed.  Should  those,  under  whose 
usurped  authority  you  act,  control  such  a  disposition,  and  dare 
to  call  severity  retaliation,  to  God,  who  knows  all  hearts,  be 
the  appeal  of  the  dreadful  consequences,"  etc. 

There  were  expressions  in  the  foregoing  letter  well  calculated 
to  rouse  indignant  feelings  in  the  most  temperate  bosom.  Had 
Washington  been  as  readily  moved  to  transports  of  passion  as 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  387 

some  are  pleased  to  represent  him,  the  rebel  and  the  cord  might 
readily  have  stung  him  to  fury  ;  but  with  him,  anger  was  checked 
in  its  impulses  by  higher  energies,  and  reined  in  to  give  a 
grander  effect  to  the  dictates  of  his  judgment.  The  following 
was  his  noble  and  dignified  reply  to  General  Gage : 

"I  addressed  you,  sir,  on  the  11th  instant,  in  terms  which 
gave  the  fairest  scope  for  that  humanity  and  politeness  which 
were  supposed  to  form  a  part  of  your  character.  I  remon- 
strated with  you  on  the  unworthy  treatment  shown  to  the  ofli- 
cers  and  citizens  of  America,  whom  the  fortune  of  war,  chance, 
or  a  mistaken  confidence  had  thrown  into  your  hands.  Whether 
British  or  American  mercy,  fortitude  and  patience,  are  most 
pre-eminent ;  whether  our  virtuous  citizens,  whom  the  hand  of 
tyranny  has  forced  into  arms  to  defend  their  wives,  their  chil- 
dren and  their  property,  or  the  merciless  instruments  of  lawless 
domination,  avarice,  and  revenge,  best  deserve  the  appellation 
of  rebels,  and  the  punishment  of  that  cord,  which  your  affected 
clemency  luis  forborne  to  inflict;  whether  the  authority  under 
which  I  act  is  usurped,  or  founded  upon  the  genuine  principles 
of  liberty,  were  altogether  foreign  to  the  subject.  I  purposely 
avoided  all  political  disquisition  ;  nor  shall  I  now  avail  nryself 
of  those  advantages  which  the  sacred  cause  of  my  country,  of 
liberty,  and  of  human  nature  give  me  over  you  ;  much  less  shall 
I  stoop  to  retort  and  invective ;  but  the  intelligence  you  say 
you  have  received  from  our  army  requires  a  reply.  I  have 
taken  time,  sir,  to  make  a  strict  inquiry,  and  find  it  has  not  the 
least  foundation  in  truth.  Not  only  your  officers  and  soldiers 
have  been  treated  with  the  tenderness  due  to  fellow-citizens 
and  brethren,  but  even  those  execrable  parricides,  whose  coun- 
sels and  aid  have  deluged  their  country  with  blood,  have  been 
protected  from  the  fury  of  a  justly  enraged  people.  Far  from 
compelling  or  permitting  their  assistance,  I  am  embarrassed 
with  the  numbers  who  crowd  to  our  camp,  animated  with  the 
purest  principles  of  virtue  and  love  to  their  country.  .  .   . 

"  You  affect,  sir,  to  despise  all  rank  not  derived  from  the 
same  source  with  your  own.  I  cannot  conceive  one  more  hon- 
orable, than  that  which  flows  from  the  uncorrupted  choice  of  a 
brave  and  free  people,  the  purest  source  and  original  fountain 
of  all  power.  Far  from  making  it  a  plea  for  cruelt}',  a  mind  of 
true  magnanimity  and  enlarged  ideas  would  comprehend  and 
respect 'it. 

"  What  may  have  been  the  ministerial  views  which  have 
precipitated  the  present  crisis,  Lexington,  Concord,  and 
Charlestown  can  best  declare.     May  that  God,  to  whom  you, 


338  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

too,  appeal,  judge  between  America  and  you.  Under  his  prov- 
idence, those  who  influence  the  councils  of  America,  and  all 
he  other  inhabitants  of  the  united  colonies,  at  the  hazard  of 
,heir  lives,  are  determined  to  hand  down  to  posterity  those 
just  and  invaluable  privileges  which  they  received  from  their 
ancestors. 

"  I  shall  now,  sir,  close  my  correspondence  with  you,  perhaps 
forever.  If  your  officers,  our  prisoners,  receive  a  treatment 
Prom  me  different  from  that  which  I  wished  to  show  them,  they 
and  you  will  remember  the  occasion  of  it." 

We  have  given  these  letters  of  Washington  almost  entire, 
for  they  contain  his  manifesto  as  commander-in-chief  of  the 
armies  of  the  Revolution  ;  setting  forth  the  opinions  and  mo- 
tives by  which  he  was  governed  and  the  principles  on  which 
hostilities  on  his  part  would  be  conducted.  It  was  planting, 
with  the  pen,  that  standard  which  was  to  be  maintained  by 
the  sword. 

In  conformity  with  the  threat  conveyed  in  the  latter  part 
of  his  letter,  Washington  issued  orders  that  British  officers 
at  Watertown  and  Cape  Ann,  who  were  at  large  on  parole, 
should  be  confined  in  Northampton  jail ;  explaining  to  them 
that  this  conduct,  which  might  appear  to  them  harsh  and 
cruel,  was  contrary  to  his  disposition,  but  according  to  the 
rule  of  treatment  observed  by  General  Gage  toward  the  Amer- 
ican prisoners  in  his  hands  ;  making  no  distinction  of  rank. 

Circumstances,  of  which  we  have  no  explanation,  induced 
subsequently  a  revocation  of  this  order ;  the  officers  were  per- 
mitted to  remain  as  before,  at  large  upon  parole,  experien- 
cing every  indulgence  and  civility  consistent  with  their  security. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  339 


CHAPTER  XLVI. 

DANGERS     IN     THE     INTERIOR MACHINATIONS     OF     THE     JOHNSON 

FAMILY RIVALRY    OF    ETHAN     ALLEN     AND     BENEDICT     ARNOLD 

GOVERNMENT  PERPLEXITIES  ABOUT  THE  TICONDEROGA  CAP- 
TURE   MEASURES    TO    SECURE    THE  PRIZE ALLEN  AND  ARNOLD 

AMBITIOUS  OF  FURTHER  LAURELS PROJECTS  FOR  THE  INVA- 
SION   OF    CANADA ETHAN    ALLEN    AND    SETII  WARNER  HONORED 

BY  CONGRESS  —  ARNOLD  DISPLACED  BY  A  COMMITTEE  OF  IN- 
QUIRY—  HIS  INDIGNATION  —  NEWS  FROM  CANADA  —  THE  REVO- 
LUTION  TO    BE    EXTENDED    INTO     THAT     PROVINCE ENLISTMENT 

OF     GREEN     MOUNTAIN     BOYS SCHUYLER     AT     TICONDEROGA 

STATE    OF     AFFAIRS    THERE ELECTION    FOR     OFFICERS     OF     THE 

GREEN    MOUNTAIN     BOYS ETHAN     ALLEN     DISMOUNTED JOINS 

THE  ARMY  AS  A  VOLUNTEER PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  INVA- 
SION    OF     CANADA GENERAL     MONTGOMERY INDIAN      CHIEFS 

AT     CAMBRIDGE COUNCIL     FIRE PLAN     FOR     AN     EXPEDITION 

AGAINST    QUEBEC DEPARTURE    OF    TROOPS    FROM    TICONDP:ROGA 

ARRIVAL    AT    ISLE    AUX    NOIX. 

We  must  interrupt  our  narrative  of  the  siege  of  Boston  to 
give  an  account  of  events  in  other  quarters,  requiring  the 
superintending  care  of  Washington  as  commander-in-chief. 
Letters  from  General  Schuyler,  received  in  the  course  of 
July,  had  awakened  apprehensions  of  danger  from  the  inte- 
rior. The  Johnsons  were  said  to  be  stirring  up  the  Indians 
in  the  western  parts  of  New  York  to  hostility,  and  preparing 
to  join  the  British  forces  in  Canada  ;  so  that,  while  the  pa- 
triots were  battling  for  their  rights  along  the  seaboard,  they 
were  menaced  by  a  powerful  combination  in  rear.  To  place 
this  matter  in  a  proper  light,  we  will  give  a  brief  statement  of 
occurrences  in  the  upper  part  of  New  York,  and  on  the 
frontiers  of  Canada,  since  the  exploits  of  Ethan  Allen  and 
Benedict  Arnold,  at  Ticonderoga  and  on  Lake  Champlain. 

Great  rivalry,  as  has  already  been  noted,  had  arisen  between 
these  doughty  leaders.  Both  had  sent  off  expresses  to  the 
provincial  authorities,  giving  an  account  of  their  recent 
triumphs.  Allen  claimed  command  at  Ticonderoga,  on  the 
authority  of  the  committee  from  the  Connecticut  Assembly, 
which  had  originated  the  enterprise.  Arnold  claimed  it  on 
the  strength  of  his  instructions  from  the  Massachusetts  com- 
mittee of  safety.     He  bore  a   commission,  too,  given  him  by 


340  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

that  committee  ;  whereas  Allen  had  no  other  commission  than 
that  given  him  before  the  war  by  the  committees  in  the 
Hampshire  Grants,  to  command  their  Green  Mountain  Boys 
against  the  encroachments  of  New  York. 

"  Colonel  Allen,"  said  Arnold,  "is  a  proper  man  to  head 
his  own  wild  people,  but  entirely  unacquainted  with  military 
service,  and  as  I  am  the  only  person  who  has  been  legally  au- 
thorized to  take  possession  of  this  place,  I  am  determined  to 
insist  on  my  right ;  .  .  .  and  shall  keep  it  [the  fort]  at  every 
hazard,  until  I  have  further  orders."  1 

The  public  bodies  themselves  seemed  perplexed  what  to  do 
with  the  prize,  so  bravely  seized  upon  by  these  bold  men. 
Allen  had  written  to  the  Albany  committee,  for  men  and  pro- 
visions, to  enable  him  to  maintain  his  conquest.  The  com- 
mittee feared  this  daring  enterprise  might  involve  the  northern 
part  of  the  province  in  the  horrors  of  war  and  desolation,  and 
asked  advice  of  the  New  York  committee.  The  New  York 
committee  did  not  think  themselves  authorized  to  give  an 
opinion  upon  a  matter  of  such  importance,  and  referred  it  to 
the  Continental  Congress. 

The  Massachusetts  committee  of  safety,  to  whom  Arnold 
had  written,  referred  the  affair  to  the  Massachusetts  Provincial 
Congress.  That  body,  as  the  enterprise  had  begun  in  Con- 
necticut, wrote  to  its  General  Assembly  to  take  the  whole 
matter  under  their  care  and  direction,  until  the  advice  of  the 
Continental  Congress  could  be  had. 

The  Continental  Congress  at  length  legitimated  the  ex- 
ploit, and,  as  it  were,  accepted  the  captured  fortress.  As  it 
was  situated  within  New  York,  the  custody  of  it  was  com- 
mitted to  that  province,  aided  if  necessary  by  the  New  Eng- 
land colonies,  on  whom  it  was  authorized  to  call  for  military 
assistance. 

The  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York  forthwith  invited 
the  "  Governor  and  Company  of  the  English  colony  of  Con- 
necticut" to  place  part  of  their  forces  in  these  captured  posts, 
until  relieved  by  New  York  troops ;  and  Trumbull,  the 
Governor  of  Connecticut,  soon  gave  notice  that  one  thousand 
men  under  Colonel  Hinman,  were  on  the  point  of  marching  for 
the  re-enforcement  of  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point. 

It  had  been  the  idea  of  the  Continental  Congress  to  have 
those  posts  dismantled,  and  the  cannon  and  stores  removed 
to  the  south  end  of  Lake  George,  where  a  strong  post  was 

1  Arnold  to  Mass.  Comm.  of  Safety.    Am.  Arch,  ii.,  557. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  341 

to  be  established.  But  both  Allen  and  Arnold  exclaimed 
against  such  a  measure  ;  vaunting,  and  with  reason,  the  im- 
portance of  those  forts. 

Both  Allen  and  Arnold  were  ambitious  of  further  laurels. 
Both  were  anxious  to  lead  an  expedition  into  Canada ; 
and  Ticonderoga  and  Crown  Point  would  open  the  way  to  it. 
"  The  Key  is  ours,"  writes  Allen  to  the  New  York  Congress. 
"  If  the  colonies  would  suddenly  push  an  army  of  two  or  three 
thousand  men  into  Canada,  they  might  make  an  easy  con- 
quest of  all  that  would  oppose  them,  in  the  extensive  province 
of  Quebec,  except  a  re-enforcement  from  England  should  pre- 
vent it.  Such  a  diversion  would  weaken  Gage,  and  insure  us 
Canada.  I  wish  to  God  America  would,  at  this  critical  junc- 
ture, exert  herself  agreeably  to  the  indignity  offered  her  by  a 
tyrannical  ministry.  She  might  rise  on  eagles'  wings,  and 
mount  up  to  glory,  freedom,  and  immortal  honor,  if  she  did 
but  know  and  exert  her  strength.  Fame  is  now  hovering 
over  her  head.  A  vast  continent  must  now  sink  to  slavery, 
poverty,  horror  and  bondage,  or  rise  to  unconquerable  free- 
dom, immense  wealth,  inexpressible  felicity,  and  immortal 
fame. 

"  I  will  lay  my  life  on  it,  that  with  fifteen  hundred  men, 
and  a  proper  train  of  artillery,  I  will  take  Montreal.  Pro- 
vided I  could  be  thus  furnished,  and  if  an  army  could  com- 
mand the  field,  it  would  be  no  insuperable  difficulty  to  take 
Quebec." 

A  letter  to  the  same  purport,  and  with  the  same  rhetorical 
flourish,  on  which  he  appeared  to  value  himself,  was  written  by 
Allen  to  Trumbull,  the  Governor  of  Connecticut.  Arnold 
urged  the  same  project,  but  in  less  magniloquent  language, 
upon  the  attention  of  the  Continental  Congress.  His  letter 
was  dated  from  Crown  Point;  where  he  had  a  little  squadron, 
composed  of  the  sloop  captured  at  St.  Johns,  a  schooner,  and 
a  flotilla  of  bateaux.  All  these  he  had  equipped,  armed, 
manned,  and  officered;  and  his  crews  were  devoted  to  him. 
In  his  letter  to  the  Continental  Congress  he  gave  information 
concerning  Canada,  collected  through  spies  and  agents. 
Carleton,  he  said,  had  not  six  hundred  effective  men  under 
him.  The  Canadians  and  Indians  were  disaffected  to  the 
British  Government,  and  Montreal  was  ready  to  throw  open 
its  gates  to  a  patriot  force.  Two  thousand  men,  he  was 
certain,  would  be  sufficient  to  get  possession  of  the  province. 

"  I  beg  leave  to  add,"  says  he,  "  that  if  no  person  appears 
who  will  undertake  to   carry  the  plan   into  execution,  I  will 


842  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

undertake,  and  with  the  smiles  of  Heaven,  answer  for  the 
success,  provided  I  am  supplied  with  men,  etc.,  to  carry  it  into 
execution  without  loss  of  time." 

In  a  postscript  of  his  letter,  he  specifies  the  forces  requisite 
for  his  suggested  invasion.  "In  order  to  give  satisfaction  to 
the  different  colonies,  I  propose  that  Colonel  Hinman's  regi- 
ment, now  on  their  march  from  Connecticut  to  Ticonderoga, 
should  form  part  of  the  army ;  say  one  thousand  men  ;  five 
hundred  men  to  be  sent  from  New  York,  five  hundred  of 
General  Arnold's  regiment,  including  the  seamen  and  marines 
on  board  the  vessels  (no  Green  Mountain  Boys)." 

Within  a  few  days  after  the  date  of  this  letter,  Colonel 
Hinman  with  the  Connecticut  troops  arrived.  The  greater 
part  of  the  Green  Mountain  Boys  now  returned  home,  their 
term  of  enlistment  having  expired.  Ethan  Allen  and  his 
brother  in  arms,  Seth  Warner,  repaired  to  Congress  to  get 
pay  for  their  men,  and  authority  to  raise  a  new  regiment. 
They  were  received  with  distinguished  honor  by  that  body. 
The  same  pay  was  awarded  to  the  men  who  had  served  under 
them  as  that  allowed  to  the  continental  troops ;  and  it  was 
recommended  to  the  New  York  Convention  that,  should  it 
meet  the  approbation  of  General  Schuyler,  a  fresh  corps  of 
Green  Mountain  Boys  about  to  be  raised,  should  be  employed 
in  the  army  under  such  officers  as  they  (the  Green  Mountain 
Boys)  should  choose. 

To  the  New  York  Convention,  Allen  and  Warner  now  re- 
paired. There  was  a  difficulty  about  admitting  them  to  the 
hall  of  Assembly,  for  their  attainder  of  outlawry  had  not 
been  repealed.  Patriotism,  however,  pleaded  in  their  behalf. 
They  obtained  an  audience.  A  regiment  of  Green  Mountain 
Boys,  five  hundred  strong,  was  decreed,  and  General  Schuyler 
notified  the  people  of  the  New  Hampshire  Grants  of  the  re- 
solve, and  requested  them  to  raise  the  regiment. 

Thus  prosperously  went  the  affairs  of  Ethan  Allen  and 
Seth  Warner.  As  to  Arnold,  difficulties  instantly  took  place 
between  him  and  Colonel  Hinman.  Arnold  refused  to  give 
up  to  him  the  command  of  either  post,  claiming  on  the  strength 
of  his  instructions  from  the  committee  of  safety  of  Massa- 
chusetts, a  right  to  the  command  of  all  the  posts  and  fortresses 
at  the  south  end  of  Lake  Champlain  and  Lake  George.  This 
threw  every  thing  into  confusion.  Colonel  Hinman  was  him- 
self perplexed  in  this  conflict  of  various  authorities ;  being, 
as  it  were,  but  a  locum  tenens  for  the  province  of  New  York. 

Arnold  was  at  Crown  Point,  acting  as  commander  of  the 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  343 

fort  and  admiral  of  the  fleet ;  and  having  about  a  hundred 
and  fifty  resolute  men  under  him,  was  expecting  with  confi- 
dence to  be  authorized  to  lead  an  expedition  into  Canada. 

At  this  juncture  arrived  a  committee  of  three  members  of 
the  Congress  of  Massachusetts,  sent  by  that  body  to  inquire 
into  the  manner  in  which  he  had  executed  his  instructions  ; 
complaints  having  been  made  of  his  arrogant  and  undue  as- 
sumption of  command. 

Arnold  was  thunderstruck  at  being  subjected  to  inquiry, 
when  he  had  expected  an  ovation.  He  requested  a  sight  of  the 
committee's  instructions.  The  sight  of  them  only  increased 
his  indignation.  They  were  to  acquaint  themselves  with  the 
manner  in  which  he  had  executed  his  commission  ;  with  his 
spirit,  capacity,  and  conduct.  Should  they  think  proper,  they 
might  order  him  to  return  to  Massachusetts,  to  render  account 
of  the  moneys,  ammunition  and  stores  he  had  received,  and 
the  debts  he  had  contracted  on  behalf  of  the  colony.  While 
at  Ticonderoga,  he  and  his  men  were  to  15e  under  command  of 
the  principal  officer  from  Connecticut. 

Arnold  was  furious.  He  swore  he  would  be  second  in 
command  to  no  one,  disbanded  his  men,  and  threw  up  his 
commission.  Quite  a  scene  ensued.  His  men  became  turbu- 
lent ;  some  refused  to  serve  under  any  other  leader ;  others 
clamored  for  their  pay,  which  was  in  arrears.  Part  joined 
Arnold  on  board  of  the  vessels  which  were  drawn  out  into 
the  lake ;  and  among  other  ebullitions  of  passion,  there  was  a 
threat  of  sailing  for  St.  Johns. 

At  length  the  storm  was  allayed  by  the  interference  of 
several  of  the  officers,  and  the  assurances  of  the  committee 
that  every  man  should  be  paid.  A  part  of  them  enlisted  under 
Colonel  Easton,  and  Arnold  set  off  for  Cambridge  to  settle  his 
accounts  with  the  committee  of  safety. 

The  project  of  an  invasion  of  Canada,  urged  by  Allen  and 
Arnold,  had  at  first  met  with  no  favor,  the  Continental  Con- 
gress having  formally  resolved  to  make  no  hostile  attempts 
upon  that  province.  Intelligence  subsequently  received,  in- 
duced it  to  change  its  plans.  Carleton  was  said  to  be  strength- 
ening the  fortifications  and  garrison  at  St.  Johns,  and  preparing 
to  launch  vessels  on  the  lake  wherewith  to  regain  command  of 
it,  and  retake  the  captured  posts.  Powerful  re-enforcements 
were  coming  from  England  and  elsewhere.  Guy  Johnson  was 
holding  councils  with  the  fierce  Cayugas  and  Senecas,  and 
stirring  up  the  Six  Nations  to  hostility.  On  the  other  hand, 
Canada  was  full  of  religious  and  political  dissensions.      The 


344  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

late  exploits  of  the  Americans  on  Lake  Champlain  had  pro- 
duced a  favorable  effect  on  the  Canadians,  who  would  flock  to 
the  patriot  standard  if  unfurled  among  them  by  an  imposing 
force.  Now  was  the  time  to  strike  a  blow  to  paralyze  all  hos- 
tility from  this  quarter ;  now,  while  Carleton's  regular  force 
was  weak,  and  before  the  arrival  of  additional  troops.  In- 
fluenced by  these  considerations,  Congress  now  determined  to 
extend  the  revolution  into  Canada,  but  it  was  an  enterprise  too 
important  to  be  intrusted  to  any  but  discreet  hands.  General 
Schuyler,  then  in  New  York,  was  accordingly  ordered,  on  the 
27th  of  June,  to  proceed  to  Ticonderoga,  and  "  should  he  find 
it  practicable,  and  not  disagreeable  to  the  Canadians,  imme- 
diately to  take  possession  of  St.  Johns  and  Montreal,  and 
pursue  such  other  measures  in  Canada  as  might  have  a  tendency 
to  promote  the  peace  and  security  of  these  provinces." 

It  behooved  General  Schuyler  to  be  on  the  alert,  lest  the 
enterprise  should  be  snatched  from  his  hands.  Ethan  Allen 
and  Seth  Warner  \£ere  at  Bennington,  among  the  Green 
Mountains.  Enlistments  were  going  on,  but  too  slow  for 
Allen's  impatience,  who  had  his  old  hankering  for  a  partisan 
foray.  In  a  letter  to  Governor  Trumbull  (Juty  12),  he 
writes,  "Were  it  not  that  the  grand  Continental  Congress 
had  totally  incorporated  the  Green  Mountain  Boys  into  a 
battalion  under  certain  regulations  and  command,  I  would 
forthwith  advance  them  into  Canada  and  invest  Montreal, 
exclusive  of  any  help  from  the  colonies;  though  under  present 
circumstances  I  would  not,  for  my  right  arm,  act  without  or 
contrary  to  order.  If  my  fond  zeal  for  reducing  the  King's 
fortresses  and  destroying  or  imprisoning  his  troops  in  Can- 
ada be  the  result  of  enthusiasm,  I  hope  and  expect  the  wisdom 
of  the  continent  will  treat  it  as  such ;  and  on  the  other 
hand,  if  it  proceed  from  sound  policy,  that  the  plan  will  be 
adopted."  1 

Schuyler  arrived  at  Ticonderoga  on  the  18th  of  July.  A 
letter  to  Washington,  to  whom,  as  commander-in-chief,  he 
made  constant  reports,  gives  a  striking  picture  of  a  frontier 
post  in  those  crude  days  of  the  Revolution. 

"You  will  expect  that  I  should  say  something  about  this 
place  and  the  troops  here.  Not  one  earthlj'  thing  for  offence 
or  defence  has  been  done ;  the  commanding  officer  has  no 
orders;  he  only  came  to  re-enforce  the  garrison,  and  he  ex- 
pected the  general.     About   ten   last   night   I   arrived   at  the 

1  Force's  Am.  Archives,  ii.  1649. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  345 

landing-place,  at  the  north  end  of  Lake  George  ;  a  post  oc- 
cupied by  a  captain  and  one  hundred  men.  A  sentinel,  on 
being  informed  that  I  was  in  the  boat,  quitted  his  post  to  go 
and  awaken  the  guard,  consisting  of  three  men,  in  which  lie 
had  no  success.  I  walked  up  and  came  to  another,  a  ser- 
geant's guard.  Here  the  sentinel  challenged,  but  suffered 
me  to  come  up  to  him  ;  the  whole  guard,  like  the  first,  in  the 
soundest  sleep.  With  a  penknife  only  I  could  have  cut  off 
both  guards,  and  then  have  set  fire  to  the  block  house,  de- 
stroyed the  stores,  and  starved  the  people  here.  At  this 
post  I  had  pointedly  recommended  vigilance  and  care,  as  all 
the  stores  from  Lake  George  must  necessarily  be  landed 
here.  But  I  hope  to  get  the  better  of  this  inattention.  The 
officers  and  men  are  all  good-looking  people,  and  decent  in 
their  deportment,  and  I  really  believe  will  make  good  soldiers 
as  soon  as  I  can  get  the  better  of  this  nonchalance  of  theirs. 
Bravery,  I  believe,  they  are  far  from  wanting." 

Colonel  Hinman,  it  will  be  recollected,  was  in  temporary 
command  at  Ticonderoga,  if  that  could  be  called  a  command 
where  none  seemed  to  obey.  The  garrison  was  about  twelve 
hundred  strong :  the  greater  part  Connecticut  men  brought 
by  himself ;  some  were  New  York  troops,  and  some  few  Green 
Mountain  Boys.  Schuyler,  on  taking  command,  despatched 
a  confidential  agent  into  Canada,  Major  John  Brown,  an 
American,  who  resided  on  the  Sorel  River,  and  was  popular 
among  the  Canadians.  He  was  to  collect  information  as  to 
the  British  forces  and  fortifications,  and  to  ascertain  how  an 
invasion  and  an  attack  on  St.  Johns  would  be  considered  by 
the  people  of  the  province  :  in  the  mean  time,  Schuyler  set 
diligently  to  work  to  build  boats  and  prepare  for  the  enterprise, 
should  it  ultimately  be  ordered  by  Congress. 

Schuyler  was  an  authoritative  man,  and  inherited  from  his 
Dutch  ancestry  a  great  love  of  order ;  he  was  excessively  an- 
noyed, therefore,  by  the  confusion  and  negligence  prevalent 
around  him,  and  the  difficulties  and  delays  thereby  occa- 
sioned. He  chafed  in  spirit  at  the  disregard  of  discipline 
among  his  yeoman  soldiery,  and  their  opposition  to  all  system 
and  regularity.  This  was  especially  the  case  with  the  troops 
from  Connecticut,  officered  generally  by  their  own  neighbors 
and  familiar  companions,  and  unwilling  to  acknowledge  the 
authority  of  a  commander  from  a  different  province.  He 
poured  out  his  complaints  in  a  friendly  letter  to  Washington  ; 
the  latter  consoled  him  by  stating  his  own  troubles  and  griev- 
ances in  the  camp  at   Cambridge,  and   the  spirit   with  which 


346  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

he  coped  with  them.  "  From  my  own  experience,"  writes  he 
(July  28),  "I  can  easily  judge  of  your  difficulties  in  intro- 
ducing order  and  discipliue  into  troops  who  have  from  their 
infancy  imbibed  ideas  of  the  most  contrary  kind.  It  would 
be  far  beyond  the  compass  of  a  letter,  for  me  to  describe  the 
situation  of  things  here  [at  Cambridge],  on  my  arrival. 
Perhaps  you  will  onty  be  able  to  judge  of  it,  from  my  assur- 
ing you,  that  mine  must  be  a  portrait  at  full  length  of  what 
you  have  had  in  miniature.  Confusion  and  discord  reigned 
in  every  department,  which,  in  a  little  time,  must  have  ended 
either  in  the  separation  of  the  army,  or  fatal  contests  with  one 
another.  The  better  genius  of  America  has  prevailed,  and 
most  happily,  the  ministerial  troops  have  not  availed  them- 
selves of  these  advantages,  till,  I  trust,  the  opportunity  is  in  a 
great  measure  passed  over.  .  .  .  We  mend  every  day,  and,  I 
flatter  myself,  that  in  a  little  time  we  shall  work  up  these  raw 
materials  into  a  good  manufacture.  I  must  recommend  to 
you,  what  I  endeavor  to  practise  myself,  patience  and  perse- 
verance." 

Schuyler  took  the  friendly  admonition  in  the  spirit  in 
which  it  was  given.  "  I  can  easily  conceive,"  writes  he  (August 
6),  that  my  difficulties  are  only  a  faint  semblance  of  yours. 
Yes,  my  general,  I  will  strive  to  copy  your  bright  example, 
and  patiently  and  steadily  persevere  in  that  line  which  only 
can  promise  the  wished-for  reformation." 

He  had  calculated  on  being  joined  by  this  time  by  the  regi- 
ment of  Green  Mountain  Boys  which  Ethan  Allen  and  Seth 
Warner  had  undertaken  to  raise  in  the  New  Hampshire 
Grants.  Unfortunately,  a  quarrel  had  arisen  between  those 
brothers  in  arms,  which  filled  the  Green  Mountains  with  dis- 
cord and  party  feuds.  The  election  of  officers  took  place  on 
the  27th  of  July.  It  was  made  by  committees  from  the  dif- 
ferent townships.  Ethan  Allen  was  entirely  passed  by,  and 
Seth  Warner  nominated  as  lieutenant-colonel  of  the  regi- 
ment. Allen  was  thunderstruck  at  finding  himself  thus  sud- 
denly dismounted.  His  patriotism  and  love  of  adventure, 
however,  were  not  quelled :  and  he  forthwith  repaired  to  the 
army  at  Ticonderoga  to  offer  himself  as  a  volunteer. 

Schuyler,  at  first,  hesitated  to  accept  his  services.  He  was 
aware  of  his  aspiring  notions,  and  feared  there  would  be  a 
difficulty  in  keeping  him  within  due  bounds,  but  was  at  length 
persuaded  by  his  officers  to  retain  him,  to  act  as  a  pioneer  on 
the  Canadian  frontier. 

In  a  letter  from  camp,  Allen  gave  Governor  Trumbull  an 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  347 

account  of  the  downfall  of  his  towering  hopes.  "  Notwith- 
standing my  zeal  and  success  in  my  country's  cause,  the  old 
farmers  on  the  New  Hampshire  Grants,  who  do  not  incline 
to  go  to  war,  have  met  in  a  committee  meeting,  and  in  their 
nomination  of  officers  for  the  regiment  of  Green  Mountain 
Boys,  have  wholly  omitted  me." 

His  letter  has  a  consolatory  postscript.  "  I  find  myself  in  the 
favor  of  the  officers  of  the  army  and  the  young  Green  Mountain 
Boys.  How  the  old  men  came  to  reject  me  I  cannot  conceive, 
inasmuch  as  I  saved  them  from  the  encroachments  of  New 
York."  x  —  The  old  men  probably  doubted  his  discretion. 

Schuyler  was  on  the  alert  with  respect  to  the  expedition 
against  Canada.  From  his  agent  Major  Brown,  and  from 
other  sources,  he  had  learned  that  there  were  but  about  seven 
hundred  king's  troops  in  that  province ;  three  hundred  of 
them  at  St.  Johns,  about  fifty  at  Quebec,  the  remainder  at 
Montreal,  Chamblee,  and  the  upper  posts.  Colonel  Guy 
Johnson  was  at  Montreal  with  three  hundred  men,  mostly  his 
tenants,  and  with  a  number  of  Indians.  Two  batteries  had 
been  finished  at  St.  Johns,  mounting  nine  guns  each :  other 
works  were  intrenched  and  picketed.  Two  large  row  galleys 
were  on  the  stocks,  and  would  soon  be  finished.  Now  was 
the  time,  according  to  his  informants,  to  carry  Canada.  It 
might  be  done  with  great  ease  and  little  cost.  The  Cana- 
dians were  disaffected  to  British  rule,  and  would  join  the 
Americans,  and  so  would  many  of  the  Indians. 

"I  am  prepared,"  writes  he  to  Washington,  "to  move 
against  the  enemy,  unless  your  Excellency  and  Congress 
should  direct  otherwise.  In  the  course  of  a  few  days  I  expect 
to  receive  the  ultimate  determination.  Whatever  it  may  be, 
I  shall  try  to  execute  it  in  such  a  manner  as  will  promote  the 
just  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged." 

While  awaiting  orders  on  this  head,  he  repaired  to  Albany,  to 
hold  a  conference  and  negotiate  a  treaty  with  the  Caughna- 
wagas,  and  the  warriors  of  the  Six  Nations,  whom,  as  one  of 
the  commissioners  of  Indian  affairs,  he  had  invited  to  meet 
him  at  that  place.  General  Richard  Montgomery  was  to  re- 
main in  command  at  Ticonderoga,  during  his  absence,  and  to 
urge  forward  the  military  preparations.  As  the  subsequent 
fortunes  of  this  gallant  officer  are  inseparably  connected  with 
the  Canadian  campaign,  and  have  endeared  his  name  to  Amer- 
icans, we  pause  to  give  a  few  particulars  concerning  him. 

1  Am.  Archives,  4th  Series,  Hi.,  17. 


348  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

General  Richard  Montgomery  was  of  a  good  family  in  the 
north  of  Ireland,  where  he  was  born  in  1736.  He  entered 
the  army  when  about  eighteen  years  of  age  ;  served  in  Amer- 
ica in  the  French  war ;  won  a  lieutenancy  by  gallant  conduct 
at  Louisburg ;  followed  General  Amherst  to  Lake  Champlain, 
and,  after  the  conquest  of  Canada,  was  promoted  to  a  cap- 
taincy for  his  services  in  the  West  Indies. 

After  the  peace  of  Versailles  he  resided  in  England ;  but, 
about  three  }*ears  before  the  breaking  out  of  the  Revolution, 
lie  sold  out  his  commission  in  the  army  and  emigrated  to 
New  York.  Here  he  married  the  eldest  daughter  of  Judge 
Robert  R.  Livingston,  of  the  Clermont  branch  of  that  family  ; 
and  took  up  his  residence  on  an  estate  which  he  had  purchased 
in  Dutchess  County  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson. 

Being  known  to  be  in  favor  of  the  popular  cause,  he  was 
drawn  reluctantly  from  his  rural  abode,  to  represent  his 
county  in  the  first  convention  of  the  province ;  and  on  the 
recent  organization  of  the  army,  his  military  reputation 
gained  him  the  unsought  commission  of  brigadier-general. 
"It  is  an  event,"  writes  he  to  a  friend,  "  which  must  put 
an  end  for  a  while,  perhaps  forever,  to  the  quiet  scheme  of 
life  I  had  prescribed  for  myself ;  for,  though  entirely  unex- 
pected and  undesired  by  me,  the  will  of  an  oppressed  people, 
compelled  to  choose  between  liberty  and  slavery,  must  be 
obeyed." 

At  the  time  of  receiving  his  commission,  Montgomery  was 
about  thirty-nine  years  of  age,  and  the  beau  ideal  of  a  soldier. 
His  form  was  well  proportioned  and  vigorous ;  his  counte- 
nance expressive  and  prepossessing :  he  was  cool  and  dis- 
criminating in  council,  energetic  and  fearless  in  action.  His 
principles  commanded  the  respect  of  friends  and  foes,  and  he 
was  noted  for  winning  the  affections  of  the  soldiery. 

While  these  things  were  occurring  at  Ticonderoga,  several 
Indian  chiefs  made  their  appearance  in  the  camp  at  Cam- 
bridge. They  came  in  savage  state  and  costume,  as  ambas- 
sadors from  their  respective  tribes,  to  have  a  talk  about  the 
impending  invasion  of  Canada.  One  was  chief  of  the  Caugh- 
nawaga  tribe,  whose  residence  was  on  the  banks  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  six  miles  above  Montreal.  Others  were  from 
St.  Francis,  about  forty-five  leagues  above  Quebec,  and  were 
of  a  warlike  tribe,  from  which  hostilities  had  been  especially 
apprehended. 

Washington,  accustomed  to  deal  with  the  red  warriors  of  the 
wilderness,  received  them  with  great  ceremonial.     They  dined 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  349 

at  head-quarters  among  his  officers,  and  it  is  observed  that  to 
some  of  the  latter  they  might  have  served  as  models  ;  such  was 
their  grave  dignity  and  decorum. 

A  council  fire  was  held.  The  sachems  all  offered,  on  behalf 
of  their  tribes,  to  take  up  the  hatchet  for  the  Americans,  should 
the  latter  invade  Canada.  The  offer  was  embarrassing.  Con- 
gress had  publicly  resolved  to  seek  nothing  but  neutrality  from 
the  Indian  nations,  unless  the  ministerial  agents  should  make 
an  offensive  alliance  with  them.  The  chief  of  the  St.  Francis 
tribe  declared  that  Governor  Carleton  had  endeavored  to  per- 
suade him  to  take  up  the  hatchet  against  the  Americans,  but 
in  vain.  "  As  our  ancestors  gave  this  country  to  you,"  added 
he  grandly,  "  we  would  not  have  you  destroyed  by  England ; 
but  are  ready  to  afford  you  our  assistance." 

Washington  wished  to  be  certain  of  the  conduct  of  the 
enemy,  before  he  gave  a  reply  to  these  Indian  overtures.  He 
wrote  by  express,  therefore,  to  General  Schuyler,  requesting 
him  to  ascertain  the  intentions  of  the  British  governor  with 
respect  to  the  native  tribes. 

By  the  same  express,  he  communicated  a  plan  which  had 
occupied  his  thoughts  for  several  days.  As  the  contemplated 
movement  of  Schuyler  would  probably  cause  all  the  British 
force  in  Canada  to  be  concentrated  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Montreal  and  St.  Johns,  he  proposed  to  send  off  an  expedition 
of  ten  or  twelve  hundred  men,  to  penetrate  to  Quebec  by  the 
way  of  the  Kennebec  River.  u  If  you  are  resolved  to  pro- 
ceed," writes  he  to  Schuyler,  u  which  I  gathered  from  your 
last  letter  is  your  intention,  it  would  make  a  diversion  that 
would  distract  Carleton.  He  must  either  break  up,  and  follow 
this  party  to  Quebec,  by  which  he  would  leave  you  a  free 
passage,  or  he  must  suffer  that  important  place  to  fall  into 
other  hands ;  an  event  that  would  have  a  decisive  effect  and 
influence  on  the  public  interest.  .  .  .  The  few  whom  I  have 
consulted  on  the  project  approve  it  much,  but  the  final  deter- 
mination is  deferred  until  I  hear  from  you.  Not  a  moment's 
time  is  to  be  lost  in  the  preparations  for  this  enterprise,  if  the 
advices  from  you  favor  it.  With  the  utmost  expedition  the 
season  will  be  considerably  advanced,  so  that  you  will  dismiss 
the  express  as  soon  as  possible." 

The  express  found  Schuyler  in  Albany,  where  he  had  been 
attending  the  conference  with  the  Six  Nations.  He  had  just 
received  intelligence  which  convinced  him  of  the  propriety  of 
an  expedition  into  Canada ;  had  sent  word  to  General  Mont- 
gomery to  get  every  thing  ready  for  it,  and  was  on  the  point  of 


350  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

departing  for  Ticonderoga  to  carry  it  into  effect.  In  reply  to 
Washington,  he  declared  his  conviction,  from  various  accounts 
which  he  had  received,  that  Carleton  and  his  agents  were 
exciting  the  Indian  tribes  to  hostilitj'.  "I  should,  therefore, 
not  hesitate  one  moment,"  adds  he,  "to  employ  any  savages 
that  might  be  willing  to  join  us." 

He  expressed  himself  delighted  with  Washington's  project 
of  sending  off  an  expedition  to  Quebec,  regretting  only  that  it 
had  not  been  thought  of  earlier.  "  Should  the  detachment 
from  your  body  penetrate  into  Canada,"  added  he,  "and  we 
meet  with  success,  Canada  must  inevitably  fall  into  our 
hands." 

Having  sent  off  these  despatches,  Schuyler  hastened  back 
to  Ticonderoga.  Before  he  reached  there,  Montgomeiy  had 
received  intelligence  that  Carleton  had  completed  his  armed 
vessels  at  St.  Johns,  and  was  about  to  send  them  into  Lake 
Cham  plain  by  the  Sorel  River.  No  time,  therefore,  was  to 
be  lost  in  getting  possession  of  the  Isle  aux  Noix,  which  com- 
manded the  entrance  to  that  river.  Montgomery  hastened, 
therefore,  to  embark  with  about  a  thousand  men,  which  were 
as  many  as  the  boats  now  ready  could  hold,  taking  with  him 
two  pieces  of  artillery  ;  with  this  force  he  set  off  down  the 
lake.  A  letter  to  General  Schuyler  explained  the  cause  of 
his  sudden  departure,  and  entreated  him  to  follow  on  in  a 
whale-boat,  leaving  the  residue  of  the  artillery  to  come  on  as 
soon  as  conveyances  could  be  procured. 

Schuyler  arrived  at  Ticonderoga  on  the  night  of  the  30th 
of  August,  but  too  ill  of  a  bilious  fever  to  push  on  in  a  whale- 
boat.  He  caused,  however,  a  bed  to  be  prepared  for  him  in  a 
covered  bateau,  and,  ill  as  he  was,  continued  forward  on  the 
following  day.  On  the  4th  of  September  he  overtook  Mont- 
gomery at  the  Isle  la  Motte,  where  he  had  been  detained  by 
contrary  weather,  and,  assuming  command  of  the  little  army, 
kept  on  the  same  day  to  the  Isle  aux  Noix  about  twelve  miles 
south  of  St.  Johns  —  where  for  the  present  we  shall  leave  him, 
and  return  to  the  head-quarters  of  the  commander-in-chief. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  351 


CHAPTER  XLVII. 

A     CHALLENGE     DECLINED  A     BLOW     MEDITATED A     CAUTIOUS 

COUNCIL  OF  WAR PREPARATIONS  FOR  THE  QUEBEC  EXPEDI- 
TION  BENEDICT  ARNOLD  THE  LEADER ADVICE  AND  IN- 
STRUCTIONS  DEPARTURE GENERAL    SCHUYLER  ON    THE    SOREL 

RECONNOITRES  ST.  JOHNS CAMP  AT  ISLE  AUX  NOIX ILL- 
NESS   OF    SCHUYLER RETURNS    TO    TICONDEROGA EXPEDITION 

OF      MONTGOMERY      AGAINST     ST.     JOHNS    LETTER      OF      ETHAN 

ALLEN HIS    DASH    AGAINST    MONTREAL ITS    CATASTROPHE 

A    HERO    IN     IRONS CORRESPONDENCE     OF     WASHINGTON     WITH 

SCHUYLER   AND    ARNOLD  —  HIS    ANXIETY   ABOUT   THEM. 

The  siege  of  Boston  had  been  kept  up  for  several  weeks 
without  any  remarkable  occurrence.  The  British  remained 
within  their  lines,  diligently  strengthening  them  ;  the  besiegers, 
having  received  further  supplies  of  ammunition,  were  growing 
impatient  of  a  state  of  inactivity.  Toward  the  latter  part  of 
August  there  were  rumors  from  Boston,  that  the  enemy  were 
preparing  for  a  sortie.  Washington  was  resolved  to  provoke 
it  by  a  kind  of  challenge.  He  accordingly  detached  fourteen 
hundred  men  to  seize  at  night  upon  a  height  within  musket 
shot  of  the  enemy's  line  on  Charlestown  Neck,  presuming  that 
the  latter  would  sally  forth  on  the  following  day  to  dispute 
possession  of  it,  and  thus  be  drawn  into  a  general  battle.  The 
task  was  executed  with  silence  and  celerity,  and  by  daybreak 
the  hill  presented  to  the  astonished  foe  the  aspect  of  a  fortified 
post. 

The  challenge  was  not  accepted.  The  British  opened  a 
heavy  cannonade  from  Bunker's  Hill,  but  kept  within  their 
works.  The  Americans,  scant  of  ammunition,  could  only 
reply  with  a  single  nine-pounder ;  this,  however,  sank  one  of 
the  floating  batteries  which  guarded  the  neck.  They  went  on 
to  complete  and  strengthen  this  advanced  post,  exposed  to 
daily  cannonade  and  bombardment,  which,  however,  did  but 
little  injury.  They  continued  to  answer  from  time  to  time 
with  a  single  gun ;  reserving  their  ammunition  for  a  general 
action.  "We  are  just  in  the  situation  of  a  man  with  little 
money  in  his  pocket,"  writes  Secretary  Reed;  "he  will  do 
twenty  mean  things  to  prevent  his  breaking  in  upon  his  little 
stock.  We  are  obliged  to  bear  with  the  rascals  on  Bunker's 
Hill,  when  a  few  shots  now  and  then  in  return,  would  keep 


352  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

our   men    attentive    to    their   business    and    give    the    enemy 
alarms."1 

The  evident  unwillingness  of  the  latter  to  come  forth  was 
perplexing.  "Unless  the  ministerial  troops  in  Boston  are 
waiting  for  re-enforcements,"  writes  Washington,  "  I  cannot 
devise  what  they  are  staying  there  for,  nor  why,  as  they  affect 
to  despise  the  Americans,  they  do  not  come  forth  and  put  an 
end  to  the  contest  at  once." 

Perhaps  the}7  persuaded  themselves  that  his  army,  composed 
of  crude,  half-disciplined  levies  from  different  and  distant 
quarters,  would  gradually  fall  asunder  and  disperse,  or  that 
its  means  of  subsistence  would  be  exhausted.  He  had  his  own 
fears  on  the  subject,  and  looked  forward  with  doubt  and 
anxiety  to  a  winter's  campaign  ;  the  heavy  expense  that  would 
be  incurred  in  providing  barracks,  fuel  and  warm  clothing ; 
the  difficulty  there  would  be  of  keeping  together,  through  the 
rigorous  season,  troops  unaccustomed  to  military  hardships, 
and  none  of  whose  terms  of  enlistment  extended  beyond  the 
1st  of  January:  the  supplies  of  ammunition,  too,  that  would 
be  required  for  protracted  operations  ;  the  stock  of  powder  on 
hand,  notwithstanding  the  most  careful  husbandry,  being  fear- 
fully small.  Revolving  these  circumstances  in  his  mind,  he 
rode  thoughtfully  about  the  commanding  points  in  the  vicinity 
of  Boston,  considering  how  he  might  strike  a  decisive  blow 
that  would  put  an  end  to  the  murmuring  inactivity  of  the  army, 
and  relieve  the  country  from  the  consuming  expense  of  main- 
taining it.  The  result  was,  a  letter  to  the  major  and  brigadier- 
generals,  summoning  them  to  a  council  of  war  to  be  held  at 
the  distance  of  three  days,  and  giving  them  previous  intimation 
of  its  purpose.  It  was  to  know  whether,  in  their  judgment,  • 
a  successful  attack  might  not  be  made  upon  the  troops  at 
Boston  by  means  of  boats,  in  co-operation  with  an  attempt 
upon  their  lines  at  Roxbury.  "  The  success  of  such  an  enter- 
prise," adds  he,  "depends,  I  well  know,  upon  the  Allwise 
Disposer  of  events,  and  it  is  not  within  the  reach  of  human 
wisdom  to  foretell  the  issue  ;  but  if  the  prospect  is  fair,  the 
undertaking  is  justifiable." 

He  proceeded  to  state  the  considerations  already  cited, 
which  appeared  to  justify  it.  The  council  having  thus  had 
time  for  previous  deliberation,  met  on  the  11th  of  September. 
It  was  composed  of  Major-Generals  Ward,  Lee,  Putnam,  and 
Brigadier-Generals   Thomas,    Heath,    Sullivan,    Spencer,    and 

i  Life  of  Reed,  vol.  i.,  119. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  353 

Greene.  They  unanimously  pronounced  the  suggested  attempt 
inexpedient,  at  least  for  the  present. 

It  certainly  was  bold  and  hazardous,  yet  it  seems  to  have 
taken  strong  hold  on  the  mind  of  the  commander-in-chief, 
usually  so  cautious.  "I  cannot  say,"  writes  he  to  the  Presi- 
dent of  Congress,  "that  I  have  wholly  laid  it  aside;  but  new 
events  may  occasion  new  measures.  Of  this  I  hope  the  honor- 
able Congress  can  need  no  assurance,  that  there  is  not  a  man  in 
America  who  more  earnestly  wishes  such  a  termination  of  the 
campaign,  as  to  make  the  army  no  longer  necessary." 

In  the  mean  time,  as  it  was  evident  the  enemy  did  not  intend 
to  come  out,  but  were  only  strengthening  their  defences  and 
preparing  for  winter,  Washington  was  enabled  to  turn  his  atten- 
tion to  the  expedition  to  be  sent  into  Canada  by  the  way  of  the 
Kennebec  River. 

A  detachment  of  about  eleven  hundred  men,  chosen  for  the 
purpose,  was  soon  encamped  on  Cambridge  Common.  There 
were  ten  companies  of  New  England  infantry,  some  of  them 
from  General  Greene's  Rhode  Island  regiments ;  three  rifle 
companies  from  Pennsylvania  and  Virginia,  one  of  them 
Captain  Daniel  Morgan's  famous  company  ;  and  a  number  of 
volunteers ;  among  whom  was  Aaron  Burr,  then  but  twenty 
years  of  age,  and  just  commencing  his  varied,  brilliant,  but 
ultimately  unfortunate  career. 

The  proposed  expedition  was  wild  and  perilous,  and  required 
a  hardy,  skilful  and  intrepid  leader.  Such  a  one  was  at  hand. 
Benedict  Arnold  was  at  Cambridge,  occupied  in  settling  his 
accounts  with  the  Massachusetts  committee  of  safety.  These 
were  nearly  adjusted.  Whatever  faults  may  have  been  found 
with  his  conduct  in  some  particulars,  his  exploits  on  Lake 
Cham  plain  had  atoned  for  them  ;  for  valor  in  time  of  war  covers 
a  multitude  of  sins.  It  was  thought  too,  by  some,  that  he  had 
been  treated  harshly,  and  there  was  a  disposition  to  soothe  his 
irritated  pride.  Washington  had  given  him  an  honorable 
reception  at  head-quarters,  and  now  considered  him  the  very 
man  for  the  present  enterprise.  He  had  shown  aptness  for 
military  service,  whether  on  land  or  water.  He  was  acquainted, 
too,  with  Canada,  and  especially  with  Quebec,  having,  in  the 
course  of  his  checkered  life  traded  in  horses  between  that  place 
and  the  West  Indies.  With  these  considerations  he  intrusted 
him  with  the  command  of  the  expedition,  giving  him  the  com- 
mission of  lieutenant-colonel  in  the  continental  army. 

As  he  would  be  intrusted  with  dangerous  powers,  Washington, 
beside  a  general  letter  of  instructions,  addressed  a  special  one 


354  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

to  him  individually,  full  of  cautious  and  considerate  advice. 
"  Upon  your  conduct  and  courage,  and  that  of  the  officers  and 
soldiers  detailed  on  this  expedition,  not  only  the  success  of  the 
present  enterprise,  and  your  own  honor,  but  the  safety  and 
welfare  of  the  whole  continent,  ma3r  depend.  I  charge  you, 
therefore,  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  under  }*our  command,  as 
you  value  your  own  safety  and  honor,  and  the  favor  and  esteem 
of  your  country,  that  you  consider  yourselves  as  marching,  not 
through  the  country  of  an  enemy,  but  of  our  friends  and 
brethren  ;  for  such  the  inhabitants  of  Canada  and  the  Indian 
nations  have  approved  themselves,  in  this  unhappy  contest 
between  Great  Britain  and  America ;  and  that  you  check  by 
every  motive  of  duty  and  fear  of  punishment  every  attempt  to 
plunder  or  iusult  the  inhabitants  of  Canada.  Should  any  Ameri- 
can soldier  be  so  base  and  infamous  as  to  injure  any  Canadian  or 
Indian  in  his  person  or  property,  I  do  most  earnestly  enjoin  you 
to  bring  him  to  such  severe  and  exemplary  punishment  as  the 
enormity  of  the  crime  may  require.  Should  it  extend  to  death 
itself,  it  will  not  be  disproportioned  to  its  guilt  at  such  a  time 
and  in  such  a  cause.  ...  I  also  give  in  charge  to  you,  to  avoid 
all  disrespect  to  the  religion  of  the  country  and  its  ceremonies. 
.  .  .  While  we  are  contending  for  our  own  liberty,  we  should 
be  very  cautious  not  to  violate  the  rights  of  conscience  in  others, 
ever  considering  that  God  alone  is  the  judge  of  the  hearts  of 
men,  and  to  him  only,  in  this  case,  are  they  answerable." 

In  the  general  letter  of  instructions,  Washington  inserted  the 
following  clause.  4i  If  Lord  Chatham's  son  should  be  in  Canada, 
and  in  any  way  fall  into  your  power,  you  are  enjoined  to  treat 
him  with  all  possible  deference  and  respect.  You  cannot  err  in 
paying  too  much  honor  to  the  son  of  so  illustrious  a  character 
and  so  true  a  friend  to  America." 

Arnold  was,  moreover,  furnished  with  hand-bills  for  distribu- 
tion in  Canada,  setting  forth  the  friendly  objects  of  the  present 
expedition,  as  well  as  of  that  under  General  Schuyler  ;  and  calling 
on  the  Canadians  to  furnish  necessaries  and  accommodations  of 
every  kind  ;  for  which  they  were  assured  ample  compensation. 

On  the  13th  of  September,  Arnold  struck  his  tents,  and  set 
out  in  high  spirits.  More  fortunate  than  his  rival,  Ethan  Allen, 
he  had  attained  the  object  of  his  ambition,  the  command  of  an 
expedition  into  Canada ;  and  trusted,  in  the  capture  of  Quebec, 
to  eclipse  even  the  surprise  of  Ticonderoga. 

Washington  enjoined  upon  him  to  push  forward  as  rapidly  as 
possible,  success  depending  upon  celerity  ;  and  counted  the  days 
as  they  elapsed  after  his  departure,  impatient  to  receive  tidings 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  355 

of  his  progress  up  the  Kennebec,  and  expecting  that  the  expe- 
dition would  reach  Quebec  about  the  middle  of  October.  In 
the  interim  came  letters  from' General  Schuyler,  giving  particu- 
lars of  the  main  expedition. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  we  left  the  general  and  his  little 
army  at  the  Isle  aux  Noix,  near  the  Sorel  River,  the  outlet  of 
the  lake.  Thence,  on  the  5th  of  September,  he  sent  Colonel 
Ethan  Allen  and  Major  Brown  to  reconnoitre  the  country  between 
that  river  and  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  distribute  friendly  addresses 
among  the  people  and  ascertain  their  feelings.  This  done,  and 
having  landed  his  baggage  and  provisions,  the  general  pro- 
ceeded along  the  Sorel  River  the  next  day  with  his  boats,  until 
within  two  miles  of  St.  Johns,  when  a  cannonade  was  opened 
from  the  fort.  Keeping  on  for  half  a  mile  further,  he  landed 
his  troops  in  a  deep,  close  swamp,  where  they  had  a  sharp 
skirmish  with  an  ambuscade  of  tories  and  Indians,  whom  they 
beat  off  with  some  loss  on  both  sides.  Night  coming  on,  they 
cast  up  a  small  intrenchment,  and  encamped,  disturbed  occa- 
sionally by  shells  from  the  fort,  which,  however,  did  no  other 
mischief  than  slightly  wounding  a  lieutenant. 

In  the  night  the  camp  was  visited  secretly  by  a  person,  who 
informed  General  Schuyler  of  the  state  of  the  fort.  The  works 
were  completed,  and  furnished  with  cannon.  A  vessel  pierced 
for  sixteen  guns  was  launched,  and  would  be  ready  to  sail  in 
three  or  four  days.  It  was  not  probable  that  any  Canadians 
would  join  the  army,  being  disposed  to  remain  neutral.  This 
intelligence  being  discussed  in  a  council  of  war  in  the  morning, 
it  was  determined  that  they  had  neither  men  nor  artillery  suffi- 
cient to  undertake  a  siege.  They  returned,  therefore,  to  the 
Isle  aux  Noix,  cast  up  fortifications,  and  threw  a  boom  across 
the  channel  of  the  river  to  prevent  the  passage  of  the  enemy's 
vessels  into  the  lake,  and  awaited  the  arrival  of  artillery  and 
re-enforcements  from  Ticoncleroga. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  days  the  expected  re-enforcements 
arrived,  and  with  them  a  small  train  of  artillery.  Ethan  Allen 
also  returned  from  his  reconnoitring  expedition,  of  which  he 
made  a  most  encouraging  report.  The  Canadian  captains 
of  militia  were  ready,  he  said,  to  join  the  Americans,  whenever 
they  should  appear  with  sufficient  force.  He  had  held  talks, 
too,  with  the  Indians,  and  found  them  well  disposed.  In  a 
word,  he  was  convinced  that  an  attack  on  St.  Johns,  and  an 
inroad  into  the  province,  would  meet  with  hearty  co-operation. 

Preparations  were  now  made  for  the  investment  of  St.  Johns 
by  land  and  water.     Major  Brown,  who  had  already  acted  as  a 


S56  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

scout,  was  sent  with  one  hundred  Americans,  and  about  thirty 
Canadians  toward  Chamblee,  to  make  friends  in  that  quarter, 
and  to  join  the  army  as  soon  as  it  should  arrive  at  St.  Johns. 

To  quiet  the  restless  activity  of  Ethan  Allen,  who  had  no 
command  in  the  army,  he  was  sent  with  an  escort  of  thirty 
men  to  retrace  his  steps,  penetrate  to  La  Prairie,  and  beat  up 
for  recruits  among  the  people  whom  he  had  recently  visited. 

For  some  time  past,  General  Settler  had  been  struggling 
with  a  complication  of  maladies,  but  exerting  himself  to  the 
utmost  in  the  harassing  business  of  the  camp,  still  hoping  to 
be  able  to  move  with  the  army.  When  every  thing  was  nearly 
ready,  he  was  attacked  in  the  night  by  a  severe  access  of  his 
disorder,  which  confined  him  to  his  bed,  and  compelled  him 
to  surrender  the  conduct  of  the  expedition  to  General  Mont- 
gomery. Since  he  could  be  of  no  further  use,  therefore,  in 
this  quarter,  he  caused  his  bed,  as  before,  to  be  placed  on 
board  a  covered  bateau,  and  set  off  for  Ticonderoga,  to  hasten 
forward  re-enforcements  and  supplies.  An  hour  after  his 
departure,  he  met  Colonel  Seth  Warner,  with  one  hundred  and 
seventy  Green  Mountain  Boys,  steering  for  the  camp,  "being 
the  first,"  adds  he,  "  that  have  appeared  of  that  boasted  corps." 
Some  had  mutinied  and  deserted  the  colonel,  and  the  remainder 
were  at  Crown  Point ;  whence  they  were  about  to  embark. 

Such  was  the  purport  of  different  letters  received  from 
Schuyler :  the  last  bearing  date  September  20.  Washington 
was  deeply  concerned  when  informed  that  he  had  quitted  the 
army,  supposing  that  General  Wooster,  as  the  eldest  brigadier, 
would  take  rank  and  command  of  Montgomery,  and  consider- 
ing him  deficient  in  the  activity  and  energy  required  by  the 
difficult  service  in  which  he  was  engaged.  "I  am,  therefore," 
writes  he  to  Schuyler,  "  much  alarmed  for  Arnold,  whose  expe- 
dition was  built  upon  yours,  and  who  will  infallibly  perish,  if 
the  invasion  and  entry  into  Canada  are  abandoned  by  your 
successor.  I  hope  by  this  time  the  penetration  into  Canada  by 
your  army  is  effected ;  but  if  it  is  not,  and  there  are  any  inten- 
tions to  lay  it  aside,  I  beg  it  may  be  done  in  such  a  manner 
that  Arnold  may  be  saved,  by  giving  him  notice  ;  and  in  the 
mean  time,  your  army  may  keep  such  appearances  as  to  fix 
Carleton,  and  to  prevent  the  force  of  Canada  being  turned 
wholly  upon  Arnold. 

"  Should  this  find  you  at  Albany,  and  General  Wooster  about 
taking  the  command,  I  entreat  you  to  impress  him  strongly  with 
the  importance  and  necessity  of  proceeding,  or  so  to  conduct, 
that  Arnold  may  have  time  to  retreat." 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  357 

What  caused  this  immediate  solicitude  about  Arnold,  was  a 
letter  received  from  him,  dated  ten  days  previously  from  Fort 
Western,  on  the  Kennebec  River.  He  had  sent  reconnoitring 
parties  ahead  in  light  canoes,  to  gain  intelligence  from  the 
Indians,  and  take  the  courses  and  distances  to  Dead  River,  a 
branch  of  the  Kennebec,  and  he  was  now  forwarding  his  troops 
in  bateaux  in  five  divisions,  one  day's  march  apart ;  Morgan 
with  his  riflemen  in  the  first  division,  Lieutenant-Colonel  Roger 
Enos  commanding  the  last.  As  soon  as  the  last  division  should 
be  under  way,  Arnold  was  to  set  off  in  a  light  skiff  to  overtake 
the  advance.  Chaudiere  Pond  on  the  Chaudiere  River,  was  the 
appointed  rendezvous,  whence  they  were  to  march  in  a  body 
toward  Quebec. 

Judging  from  the  date  of  the  letter,  Arnold  must  at  this  time 
be  making  his  way,  by  land  and  water,  through  an  uninhabited 
and  unexplored  wilderness  ;  and  beyond  the  reach  of  recall ; 
his  situation,  therefore,  would  be  desperate  should  General 
Wooster  fail  to  follow  up  the  campaign  against  St.  Johns.  The 
solicitude  of  Washington  on  his  account  was  heightened  by  the 
consciousness  that  the  hazardous  enterprise  in  which  he  was 
engaged  had  chiefly  been  set  on  foot  by  himself,  and  he  felt  in 
some  degree  responsible  for  the  safety  of  the  resolute  partisan 
and  his  companions. 

Fortunately,  Wooster  was  not  the  successor  to  Schuyler  in 
the  command  of  the  expedition.  Washington  was  mistaken  as 
to  the  rank  of  his  commission,  which  was  one  degree  lower  than 
that  of  Montgomery.  The  veteran  himself,  who  was  a  gallant 
soldier,  and  had  seen  service  in  two  wars,  expressed  himself 
nobly  in  the  matter,  in  repty  to  some  inquiry  made  by  Schuyler. 
"  I  have  the  cause  of  my  country  too  much  at  heart,"  said  he, 
"  to  attempt  to  make  any  difficulty  or  uneasiness  in  the  army, 
upon  whom  the  success  of  an  enterprise  of  almost  infinite  im- 
portance to  the  country  is  now  depending.  I  shall  consider  my 
rank  in  the  army  what  my  commission  from  the  Continental 
Congress  makes  it,  and  shall  not  attempt  to  dispute  the  com- 
mand with  General  Montgomery  ;at  St.  Johns."  We  shall  give 
some  further  particulars  concerning  this  expedition  against 
St.  Johns,  toward  which  Washington  was  turning  so  anxious 
an  eye. 

On  the  16th  of  September,  the  day  after  Schuyler's  depart- 
ure for  Ticonderoga,  Montgomery  proceeded  to  carry  out  the 
plans  which  had  been  concerted  between  them.  Landing  on 
the  17th  at  the  place  where  they  had  formerly  encamped,  within 
a  mile  and  a  half  of  the  fort,  he  detached  a  force  of  five  hun- 


358  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

dred  men,  among  whom  were  three  hundred  Green  Mountain 
Boys  under  Colonel  Seth  Warner,  to  take  a  position  at  the 
junction  of  two  roads  leading  to  Montreal  and  Chamblee,  so  as 
to  intercept  relief  from  those  points.  He  now  proceeded  to  in- 
vest St.  Johns.  A  battery  was  erected  on  a  point  of  land  com- 
manding the  fort,  the  ship-yards  and  the  armed  schooner, 
Another  was  thrown  up  in  the  woods  on  the  east  side  of  the 
fort,  at  six  hundred  yards  distance,  and  furnished  with  two 
small  mortars.  All  this  was  done  under  an  incessant  lire  from 
the  enemy,  which,  as  yet,  was  but  feebly  returned. 

St.  Johns  had  a  garrison  of  five  or  six  hundred  regulars  and 
two  hundred  Canadian  militia.  Its  commander,  Major  Preston, 
made  a  brave  resistance.  Montgomery  had  not  proper  batter- 
ing cannon  ;  his  mortars  were  defective ;  his  artillerists  un- 
practised, and  the  engineer  ignorant  of  the  first  principles  of 
his  art.  The  siege  went  on  slowly,  until  the  arrival  of  an  artil- 
lery company  under  Captain  Lamb,  expedited  from  Saratoga  by 
General  Schuyler.  Lamb,  who  was  an  able  officer,  immediately 
bedded  a  thirteen-inch  mortar,  and  commenced  a  fire  of  shot 
and  shells  upon  the  fort.  The  distance,  however,  was  too 
great,  and  the  positions  of  the  batteries  were  ill  chosen. 

A  flourishing  letter  was  received  by  the  general  from  Colonel 
Ethan  Allen,  giving  hope  of  further  re-enforcement.  "I  am 
now,"  writes  he,  "  at  the  Parish  of  St.  Ours,  four  leagues  from 
Sorel  to  the  south.  I  have  two  hundred  and  fifty  Canadians 
under  arms.  As  I  march,  they  gather  fast.  You  may  rely  on 
it,  that  I  shall  join  you  in  about  three  days,  with  five  hundred 
or  more  Canadian  volunteers.  I  could  raise  one  or  two  thou- 
sand in  a  week's  time  ;  but  I  will  first  visit  the  army  with  a  less 
number,  and,  if  necessary,  go  again  recruiting.  Those  that 
used  to  be  enemies  to  our  cause,  come  cap  in  hand  to  me  ;  and 
I  swear  by  the  Lord,  I  can  raise  three  times  the  number  of  our 
army  in  Canada,  provided  you  continue  the  siege.  .  .  .  The 
eyes  of  all  America,  nay,  of  Europe,  are  or  will  be  on  the 
economy  of  this  army  and  the  consequences  attending  it."  * 

Allen  was  actually  on  his  way  toward  St.  Johns,  when, 
between  Longueil  and  La  Prairie,  he  met  Colonel  Brown  with 
his  party  of  Americans  and  Canadians.  A  conversation  took 
place  between  them.  Brown  assured  him  that  the  garrison  at 
Montreal  did  not  exceed  thirty  men,  and  might  easily  be  sur- 
prised. Allen's  partisan  spirit  was  instantly  excited.  Here  was 
a  chance  for  another  bold  stroke  equal  to  that  at  Ticonderoga. 

1  Am.  Archives,  4th  Series,  iii.,  7;"»4. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  359 

A  plan  was  forthwith  agreed  upon.  Allen  was  to  return  to 
Longueil,  which  is  nearly  opposite  Montreal,  and  cross  the  St. 
Lawrence  in  canoes  in  the  night,  so  as  to  land  a  little  below  the 
town.  Brown,  with  two  hundred  men,  was  to  cross  above, 
and  Montreal  was  to  be  attacked  simultaneously  at  opposite 
points. 

All  this  was  arranged  and  put  in  action  without  the  consent 
or  knowledge  of  General  Montgomery ;  Allen  was  again  the 
partisan  leader,  acting  from  individual  impulse.  His  late  let- 
ter also  to  General  Montgomery,  would  seem  to  have  partaken 
of  fanfaronade  ;  for  the  whole  force  with  which  he  undertook 
his  part  of  this  inconsiderate  enterprise,  was  thirty  Americans, 
and  eighty  Canadians.  With  these  he  crossed  the  river  on  the 
night  of  the  24th  of  September,  the  few  canoes  found  at  Lon- 
gueil having  to  pass  to  and  fro  repeatedly,  before  his  petty  force 
could  be  landed.  Guards  were  stationed  on  the  roads  to  pre- 
vent any  one  passing  and  giving  the  alarm  in  Montreal.  Day 
dawned,  but  there  was  no  signal  of  Major  Brown  having  per- 
formed his  part  of  the  scheme.  The  enterprise  seems  to  have 
been  as  ill  concerted,  as  it  was  ill  advised.  The  day  advanced, 
but  still  no  signal ;  it  was  evident  Major  Brown  had  not  crossed. 
Allen  would  gladly  have  recrossed  the  river,  but  it  was  too  late. 
An  alarm  had  been  given  to  the  town,  and  he  soon  found  him- 
self encountered  by  about  forty  regular  soldiers,  and  a  hasty 
levy  of  Canadians  and  Indians.  A  smart  action  ensued  ;  most 
of  Allen's  Canadian  recruits  gave  way  and  fled,  a  number  of 
Americans  were  slain,  and  he  at  length  surrendered  to  the 
British  officer,  Major  Campbell,  being  promised  honorable  terms 
for  himself  and  thirty-eight  of  his  men,  who  remained  with  him, 
seven  of  whom  were  wounded.  The  prisoners  were  marched 
into  the  town  and  delivered  over  to  General  Prescott,  the  com- 
mandant. Their  rough  appearance,  and  rude  equipments,  were 
not  likely  to  gain  them  favor  in  the  eyes  of  the  military  tacti- 
cian, who  doubtless  considered  them  as  little  better  than  a  band 
of  freebooters  on  a  maraud.  Their  leader,  albeit  a  colonel, 
must  have  seemed  worthy  of  the  band  ;  for  Allen  was  arrayed 
in  rough  frontier  style ;  a  deerskin  jacket,  a  vest  and  breeches 
of  coarse  serge,  worsted  stockings,  stout  shoes,  and  a  red 
woollen  cap. 

We  give  Allen's  own  account  of  his  reception  by  the  British 
officer.  "  He  asked  me  my  name,  which  I  told  him.  He  then 
asked  me  whether  I  was  that  Colonel  Allen  who  took  Ticonde- 
roga.  I  told  him  I  was  the  very  man.  Then  he  shook  his  cane 
over  my  head,  cnlling  me  many  hard  names,  among  which,  he 


360  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

frequently  used  the  word  rebel,  and  put  himself  in  a  great 
rage."  1 

Ethan  Allen,  according  to  his  own  account,  answered  with 
becoming  spirit.  Indeed  he  gives  somewhat  of  a  melodramatic 
scene,  which  ended  by  his  being  sent  on  board  of  the  Gaspee 
schooner  of  war,  heavily  ironed,  to  be  transported  to  England 
for  trial ;  Prescott  giving  him  the  parting  assurance,  sealed 
with  an  emphatic  oath,  that  he  would  grace  a  halter  at  Tyburn. 

Neither  Allen's  courage  nor  his  rhetorical  vein  deserted  him 
on  this  trying  occasion.  From  his  place  of  confinement,  he 
indited  the  following  epistle  to  the  general :  — 

"  Honorable  Sir,  — In  the  wheel  of  transitory  events  I  find 
myself  prisoner,  and  in  irons.  Probably  your  honor  has  cer- 
tain reasons  to  me  inconceivable,  though  I  challenge  an  instance 
of  this  sort  of  economy  of  the  Americans  during  the  late  war  to 
any  officers  of  the  crown.  On  my  part,  I  have  to  assure  your 
honor,  that  when  I  had  the  command  and  took  Captain  Dela- 
place  and  Lieutenant  Fulton,  with  the  garrison  of  Ticonderoga, 
I  treated  them  with  every  mark  of  friendship  and  generosity, 
the  evidence  of  which  is  notorious,  even  in  Canada.  I  have 
only  to  add,  that  I  expect  an  honorable  and  humane  treatment, 
as  an  officer  of  my  rank  and  merit  should  have,  and  subscribe 
myself  your  honor's  most  obedient  servant, 

"  Ethan  Allen." 

In  the  British  publication  from  which  we  cite  the  above, 
the  following  note  is  appended  to  the  letter,  probably  on  the 
authority  of  General  Prescott:  "  N.  B. — The  author  of  the 
above  letter  is  an  outlaw,  and  a  reward  is  offered  by  the  New 
York  Assembly  for  apprehending  him."  2 

The  reckless  dash  at  Montreal  was  viewed  with  concern  by 
the  American  commander.  "I  am  apprehensive  of  disagree- 
able consequences  arising  from  Mr.  Allen's  imprudence,"  writes 
General  Schuyler.  "  I  always  dreaded  his  impatience  of  sub- 
ordination, and  it  was  not  until  after  a  solemn  promise  made 
me  in  the  presence  of  several  officers,  that  he  would  demean 
himself  with  propriety,  that  I  would  permit  him  to  attend  the 
army  ;  nor  would  I  have  consented  then,  had  not  his  solicitations 
been  backed  by  several  officers."  The  conduct  of  Allen  was 
also  severely  censured  by  Washington.  "  His  misfortune," 
said  he,  "  will,  I  hope,  teach  a  lesson  of  prudence  and  subordi- 

1  Am.  Archives,  in.,  800.  '-  Remembrancer,  ii.,  51. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  361 

nation  to  others  who  may  be  ambitious  to  outshine  their  general 
officers,  and,  regardless  of  order  and  duty,  rush  into  enterprises 
which  have  unfavorable  effects  on  the  public,  and  are  destruc- 
tive to  themselves." 

Partisan  exploit  had,  in  fact,  inflated  the  vanity  and  bewil- 
dered the  imagination  of  Allen,  and  unfitted  him  for  regular 
warfare.  Still  his  name  will  ever  be  a  favorite  one  with  his 
countrymen.  Even  his  occasional  rhodomontade  will  be  toler- 
ated with  a  good-humored  smile,  backed  as  it  was  by  deeds  of 
daring  courage  ;  and  among  the  hardy  pioneers  of  our  Revolution 
whose  untutored  valor  gave  the  first  earnests  of  its  triumphs, 
will  be  remembered,  with  honor,  the  rough,  Green  Mountain 
partisan,  who  seized  upon  the  "  Keys  of  Champlain." 

In  the  letters  of  Schuyler,  which  gave  Washington  accounts, 
from  time  to  time,  of  the  preceding  events,  were  sad  rcpinings 
at  his  own  illness,  and  the  multiplied  annoyances  which  beset 
him.  "  The  vexation  of  spirit  under  which  I  labor,"  writes  he, 
"  that  a  barbarous  complication  of  disorders  should  prevent  me 
from  reaping  those  laurels  for  which  I  have  unweariedly  wrought 
since  I  was  honored  with  this  command ;  the  anxiety  I  have 
suffered  since  my  arrival  here  (at  Ticonderoga) ,  lest  the  army 
should  starve,  occasioned  by  a  scandalous  want  of  subordination 
and  inattention  to  my  orders,  in  some  of  the  officers  that  I  left 
to  command  at  the  different  posts  ;  the  vast  variety  of  disagree- 
able and  vexatious  incidents  that  almost  every  hour  arise  in 
some  department  or  other  —  not  only  retard  my  cure,  but  have 
put  me  considerably  back  for  some  clays  past.  If  Job  had  been 
a  general  in  my  situation,  his  memory  had  not  been  so  famous 
for  patience.  But  the  glorious  end  we  have  in  view,  and  which 
I  have  confident  hope  will  be  attained,  will  atone  for  all." 
Washington  replied  in  that  spirit  of  friendship  which  existed 
between  them.  "  You  do  me  justice  in  believing  that  I  feel  the 
utmost  anxiety  for  your  situation,  that  I  sympathize  with  you  in 
all  your  distresses,  and  shall  most  heartily  share  in  the  joy  of 
your  success.  My  anxiety  extends  itself  to  poor  Arnold,  whose 
fate  depends  upon  the  issue  of  your  campaign.  .  .  .  The  more 
I  reflect  upon  the  importance  of  your  expedition,  the  greater  is 
my  concern,  lest  it  should  sink  under  insuperable  difficulties.  I 
look  upon  the  interests  and  salvation  of  our  bleeding  country  in 
a  great  degree  as  depending  upon  your  success." 

Shortly  after  writing  the  above,  and  while  he  was  still  full  of 
solicitude  about  the  fate  of  Arnold,  he  received  a  despatch  from 
the  latter,  dated  October  13,  from  the  great  portage  or  carry- 
ing-place between  the  Kennebec  and  Dead  River. 


362  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

"  Your  Excellency,"  writes  Arnold,  "  may  possibly  think  we 
have  been  tardy  in  our  march,  as  we  have  gained  so  little  ;  but 
when  you  consider  the  badness  and  weight  of  the  bateaux,  and 
large  quantities  of  provisions,  etc.,  we  have  been  obliged  to 
force  up  against  a  very  rapid  stream,  where  you  would  have 
taken  the  men  for  amphibious  animals,  as  they  were  a  great 
part  of  the  time  under  water :  add  to  this  the  great  fatigue  in 
the  portage,  you  will  think  I  have  pushed  the  men  as  fast  as  they 
could  possibly  bear." 

The  toils  of  the  expedition  up  the  Kennebec  River  had  indeed 
been  excessive.  Part  of  the  men  of  each  division  managed  the 
boats  —  part  marched  along  the  banks.  Those  on  board  had  to 
labor  against  swift  currents  ;  to  unload  at  rapids,  transport  the 
cargoes,  and  sometimes  the  boats  themselves,  for  some  distance 
on  their  shoulders,  and  then  to  reload.  The}r  were  days  in 
making  their  way  round  stupendous  cataracts  ;  several  times 
their  boats  were  upset  and  filled  with  water,  to  the  loss  or 
damage  of  arms,  ammunition,  and  provisions. 

Those  on  land  had  to  scramble  over  rocks  and  precipices,  to 
struggle  through  swamps  and  fenny  streams ;  or  cut  their  way 
through  tangled  thickets,  which  reduced  their  clothes  to  rags. 
With  all  their  efforts,  their  progress  was  but  from  four  to  ten 
miles  a  day.  At  night  the  men  of  each  division  encamped 
together. 

By  the  time  they  arrived  at  the  place  whence  the  letter  was 
written,  fatigue,  swamp  fevers  and  desertion  had  reduced  their 
numbers  to  about  nine  hundred  and  fifty  effective  men.  Arnold, 
however,  wrote  in  good  heart.  "The  last  division,"  said  he, 
"  is  just  arrived  ;  three  divisions  are  over  the  first  carrying- 
place,  and  as  the  men  are  in  high  spirits,  I  make  no  doubt  of 
reaching  the  river  Chaudiere  in  eight  or  ten  days,  the  greatest 
difficulty  being,  I  hope,  already  past." 

He  had  some  days  previously  despatched  an  Indian,  whom 
he  considered  trusty,  with  a  letter  for  General  Schuyler,  ap- 
prising him  of  his  whereabouts,  but  as  yet  had  received  no 
intelligence  either  of,  or  from  the  general,  nor  did  he  expect 
to  receive  any  until  he  should  reach  Chaudiere  Pond.  There  he 
calculated  to  meet  the  return  of  his  express,  and  then  to  deter- 
mine his  plan  of  operations. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  363 


CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

BRITISH     IN     BOSTON      SEND     OUT     CRUISERS DEPREDATIONS     OF 

CAPTAIN   WALLACE   ALONG   THE    COAST TREASON    IN  THE  CAMP 

—  ARREST     OF     DR.     CHURCH HIS     TRIAL     AND      FATE CON- 
FLAGRATION     OF      FALMOUTH IRRITATION      THROUGHOUT      THE 

COUNTRY FITTING    OUT    OF    VESSELS     OF    WAR EMBARKATION 

OF     GENERAL     GAGE     FOR     ENGLAND  —  COMMITTEE     FROM     CON- 
GRESS  CONFERENCES     WITH     WASHINGTON RESOLUTIONS     OF 

CONGRESS     TO     CARRY    ON     THE    WAR — RETURN     OF     SECRETARY 
REED   TO    PHILADELPHIA. 

While  the  two  expeditions  were  threatening  Canada  from 
different  quarters,  the  war  was  going  on  along  the  seaboard. 
The  British  in  Boston,  cut  off  from  supplies  by  land,  fitted 
out  small  armed  vessels  to  seek  them  along  the  coast  of  New 
England.  The  inhabitants  drove  their  cattle  into  the  interior, 
or  boldly  resisted  the  aggressors.  Parties  landing  to  forage 
were  often  repulsed  by  hasty  levies  of  the  yeomanry.  Scenes 
of  ravage  and  violence  occurred.  Stonington  was  cannonaded, 
and  further  measures  of  vengeance  were  threatened  by  Captain 
Wallace  of  the  Rose  man-of  war,  a  naval  officer,  who  had  ac- 
quired an  almost  piratical  reputation  along  the  coast,  and  had 
his  rendezvous  in  the  harbor  of  Newport,  domineering  over  the 
waters  of  Rhode  Island.1 

About  this  time  there  was  an  occurrence,  which  caused 
great  excitement  in  the  armies.  A  woman,  coming  from  the 
camp  at  Cambridge,  applied  to  a  Mr.  Wainwood  of  Newport, 
Rhode  Island,  to  aid  her  in  gaining  access  to  Captain  Wallace, 
or  Mr.  Dudley,  the  collector.  Wainwood,  who  was  a  patriot, 
drew  from  her  the  object  of  her  errand.  She  was  the  bearer 
of  a  letter  from  some  one  in  camp,  directed  to  Major  Kane  in 
Boston  ;  but  which  she  was  to  deliver  either  to  the  captain  or 
the  collector.  Suspecting  something  wrong,  he  prevailed  upon 
her  to  leave  it  with  him  for  delivery.  After  her  departure  he 
opened  the  letter.  It  was  written  in  cipher,  which  he  could  not 
read.  He  took  it  to  Mr.  Henry  Ward,  secretary  of  the  colony. 
The  latter,  apprehending  it  might  contain  treasonable  infor- 
mation to  the  enemy,  transmitted  it  to  General  Greene,  who 
laid  it  before  Washington. 


1  Governor  Trumbull  to  Washington.    Sparks'  Corresp.  of  the  Rev.,  1.,  27. 


364  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON, 

A  letter  in  cipher,  to  a  person  in  Boston  hostile  to  the 
cause,  and  to  be  delivered  into  the  hands  of  Captain  Wallace 
the  nautical  marauder !  —  there  evidently  was  treason  in  the 
camp ;  but  how  was  the  traitor  to  be  detected  ?  The  first 
step  was  to  secure  the  woman,  the  bearer  of  the  letter,  who 
had  returned  to  Cambridge.  Tradition  gives  us  a  graphic 
scene  connected  with  her  arrest.  Washington  was  in  his 
chamber  at  head-quarters,  when  he  beheld  from  his  window, 
General  Putnam  approaching  on  horseback,  with  a  stout 
woman  en  croupe  behind  him.  He  had  pounced  upon  the 
culprit.  The  group  presented  by  the  old  general  and  his 
prize,  overpowered  even  Washington's  gravity.  It  was  the 
only  occasion  throughout  the  whole  campaign,  on  which  he 
was  known  to  laugh  heartily.  He  had  recovered  his  gravity 
by  the  time  the  delinquent  was  brought  to  the  foot  of  the 
broad  staircase  in  head-quarters,  and  assured  her  in  a  severe 
tone  from  the  head  of  it,  that,  unless  she  confessed  every 
thing  before  the  next  morning,  a  halter  would  be  in  readiness 
for  her. 

So  far  the  tradition ;  —  his  own  letter  to  the  President  of 
Congress  states  that,  for  a  long  time,  the  woman  was  proof 
against  every  threat  and  persuasion  to  discover  the  author, 
but  at  length  named  Dr.  Benjamin  Church.  It  seemed 
incredible.  He  had  borne  the  character  of  a  distinguished 
patriot ;  he  was  the  author  of  various  patriotic  writings  ;  a 
member  of  the  Massachusetts  House  of  Representatives  ;  one 
of  the  committee  deputed  to  conduct  Washington  to  the 
army,  and  at  present  he  discharged  the  functions  of  surgeon- 
general  and  director  of  the  hospitals.  That  such  a  man 
should  be  in  traitorous  correspondence  with  the  enemy,  was 
a  thunderstroke.  Orders  were  given  to  secure  him  and  his 
papers.  On  his  arrest  he  was  extremely  agitated,  but  ac- 
knowledged the  letter,  and  said  it  would  be  found,  when 
deciphered,  to  contain  nothing  criminal.  His  papers  were 
searched,  but  nothing  of  a  treasonable  nature  discovered. 
"  It  appeared,  however,  on  inquiry,"  says  Washington,  tkthat 
a  confidant  had  been  among  the  papers  before  my  messenger 
arrived." 

The  letter  was  deciphered.  It  gave  a  description  of  the 
army.  The  doctor  made  an  awkward  defence,  protesting 
that  he  had  given  an  exaggerated  account  of  the  American 
force,  for  the  purpose  of  deterring  the  enemy  from  attacking 
the  American  lines  in  their  present  defenceless  condition 
from  the  want  of  powder.     His  explanations  were  not  satis- 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  365 

factory.  The  army  and  country  were  exceedingly  irritated. 
In  a  council  of  war  he  was  convicted  of  criminal  correspond- 
ence ;  he  was  expelled  from  the  Massachusetts  House  of 
Representatives,  and  the  Continental  Congress  ultimately 
resolved  that  he  should  be  confined  in  some  secure  jail  in 
Connecticut,  without  the  use  of  pen,  ink,  or  paper;  "  and 
that  no  person  be  allowed  to  converse  with  him,  except  in 
the  presence  and  hearing  of  a  magistrate  or  the  sheriff  of  the 
county." 

His  sentence  was  afterward  mitigated  on  account  of  his 
health,  and  he  was  permitted  to  leave  the  country.  He  em- 
barked for  the  West  Indies,  and  is  supposed  to  have  perished 
at  sea. 

What  had  caused  especial  irritation  in  the  case  of  Dr.  Church, 
was  the  kind  of  warfare  already  mentioned,  carried  on  along  the 
coast  by  British  cruisers,  and  notoriously  by  Captain  Wallace. 
To  check  these  maraudings,  and  to  capture  the  enemy's  trans- 
ports laden  with  supplies,  the  provinces  of  Massachusetts, 
Rhode  Island  and  Connecticut,  fitted  out  two  armed  vessels 
each,  at  their  own  expense,  without  seeking  the  sanction  or  aid 
of  Congress.  Washington,  also,  on  his  own  responsibility,  or- 
dered several  to  be  equipped  for  like  purpose,  which  were  to  be 
manned  by  hardy  mariners,  and  commanded  by  able  sea  cap- 
tains, actually  serving  in  the  army.  One  of  these  vessels  was 
despatched  as  soon  as  ready,  to  cruise  between  Cape  Ann  and 
Cape  Cod.  Two  others  were  fitted  out  with  all  haste,  and  sent 
to  cruise  in  the  waters  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  intercept  two 
unarmed  brigantines  which  Congress  had  been  informed  had 
sailed  from  England  for  Quebec,  with  ammunition  and  military 
stores.  Among  the  sturdy  little  New  England  seaports,  which 
had  become  obnoxious  to  punishment  by  resistance  to  nautical 
exactions,  was  Falmouth  (now  Portland),  in  Maine. 

On  the  evening  of  the  11th  of  October,  Lieutenant  Mowat,  of 
the  royal  navy,  appeared  before  it  with  several  armed  vessels, 
and  sent  a  letter  on  shore,  apprising  the  inhabitants  that  he  was 
come  to  execute  a  just  punishment  on  tliem  for  their  "  premed- 
itated attacks  on  the  legal  prerogatives  of  the  best  of  sover- 
eigns." Two  hours  were  given  them,  "to  remove  the  human 
species  out  of  the  town,"  at  the  period  of  which,  a  red  pendant 
hoisted  at  the  main-topgallant  mast-head,  and  a  gun,  would  be 
the  signal  for  destruction. 

The  letter  brought  a  deputation  of  three  persons  on  board. 
The  lieutenant  informed  them  verbally,  that  he  had  orders  from 
Admiral  Graves   to  set  fire  to  all  the  seaport  towns  between 


366  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Boston  and  Halifax  ;  and  he  expected  New  York,  at  the  present 
moment,  was  in  ashes. 

With  much  difficulty,  and  on  the  surrendering  of  some  arms, 
the  committee  obtained  a  respite  until  nine  o'clock  the  next 
morning,  and  the  inhabitants  employed  the  interval  in  removing 
their  families  and  effects.  The  next  morning  the  committee  re- 
turned on  board  before  nine  o'clock.  The  lieutenant  now  offered 
to  spare  the  town  on  certain  conditions,  which  were  refused. 
About  half-past  nine  o'clock  the  red  pendant  was  run  up  to  the 
mast-head,  and  the  signal  gun  fired.  Within  five  minutes  sev- 
eral houses  were  in  flames,  from  a  discharge  of  carcasses  and 
bombshells,  which  continued  throughout  the  day.  The  inhabit- 
ants, "standing  on  the  heights,  were  spectators  of  the  confla- 
gration, which  reduced  many  of  them  to  penury  and  despair." 
One  hundred  and  thirty-nine  dwelling  houses,  and  two  hundred 
and  twenty-eight  stores,  are  said  to  have  been  burned.1  All 
the  vessels  in  the  harbor,  likewise,  were  destroyed  or  carried 
away  as  prizes. 

Having  satisfied  his  sense  of  justice  with  respect  to  Falmouth, 
the  gallant  lieutenant  left  it  a  smoking  ruin,  and  made  sail,  as 
was  said,  for  Boston,  to  supply  himself  with  more  ammunition, 
having  the  intention  to  destroy  Portsmouth  also.2 

The  conflagration  of  Falmouth  was  as  a  bale  fire  throughout 
the  country.  Lieutenant  Mowat  was  said  to  have  informed  the 
committee  at  that  place,  that  orders  had  come  from  England  to 
burn  all  the  seaport  towns  that  would  not  lay  down  and  deliver 
up  their  arms,  and  give  hostages  for  their  good  behavior.3 

Washington  himself  supposed  such  to  be  the  case.  "  The 
desolation  and  misery,''  writes  he,  "  which  ministerial  ven- 
geance had  planned,  in  contempt  of  every  principle  of  humanity, 
and  so  lately  brought  on  the  town  of  Falmouth,  I  know  not  how 
sufficiently  to  commiserate,  nor  can  my  compassion  for  the  gen- 
eral suffering  be  conceived  beyond  the  true  measure  of  my 
feelings." 

General  Greene,  too,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  expresses  him- 
self with  equal  warmth.  "O,  could  the  Congress  behold 
the  distresses  and  wretched  condition  of  the  poor  inhabitants 
driven  from  the  seaport  towns,  it  must,  it  would,  kindle  a  blaze 
of  indignation  against  the  commissioned  pirates  and  licensed 
robbers.  .  .  .  People  begin  heartily  to  wish  a  declaration  of 
independence."  4 

1  Holmes's  Annals,  ii.,    220.  2  Letter  of  P.  Jones. 

s  Letter  from  General  Greene  to  Governor  Cooke. 
*  Letter  to  the  President  of  Congress. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  367 

General  Sullivan  was  sent  to  Portsmouth,  where  there  was  a 
fortification  of  some  strength,  to  give  the  inhabitants  his  advice 
and  assistance  in  warding  off  the  menaced  blow.  Newport,  also, 
was  put  on  the  alert,  and  recommended  to  fortify  itself.  "I 
expect  every  hour,"  writes  Washington,  "  to  hear  that  Newport 
has  shared  the  same  fate  of  unhappy  Falmouth."  1  Under  the 
feeling  roused  by  these  reports,  the  General  Court  of  Massa- 
chusetts, exercising  a  sovereign  power,  passed  an  act  for 
encouraging  the  fitting  out  of  armed  vessels  to  defend  the  sea- 
coast  of  America,  and  for  erecting  a  court  to  try  and  condemn 
all  vessels  that  should  be  found  infesting  the  same.  This  act, 
granting  letters  of  marque  and  reprisal,  anticipated  any  measure 
of  the  kind  on  the  part  of  the  General  Government,  and  was 
pronounced  by  John  Adams,  "  one  of  the  most  important  docu- 
ments in  history."  2 

The  British  ministry  have,  in  later  days,  been  exculpated  from 
the  charge  of  issuing  such  a  desolating  order  as  that  said  to 
have  been  reported  by  Lieutenant  Mowat.  The  order  under 
which  that  officer  acted,  we  are  told,  emanated  from  General 
Gage  and  Admiral  Graves.  The  former  intended  merely  the 
annoyance  and  destruction  of  rebel  shipping,  whether  on  the 
coast  or  in  the  harbors  to  the  eastward  of  Boston  ;  the  burning 
of  the  town  is  surmised  to  have  been  an  additional  thought  of 
Admiral  Graves.  Naval  officers  have  a  passion  for  bombard- 
ments. 

Whatever  part  General  Gage  may  have  had  in  this  most  ill- 
advised  and  discreditable  measure,  it  was  the  last  of  his  military 
government,  and  he  did  not  remain  long  enough  in  the  country 
to  see  it  carried  into  effect.  He  sailed  for  England  on  the  10th 
of  October.  The  tidings  of  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill  had 
withered  his  laurels  as  a  commander.  Still  he  was  not  abso- 
lutely superseded,  but  called  home,  "  in  order,"  as  it  was  con- 
siderately said,  "  to  give  his  majesty  exact  information  of 
every  thing,  and  suggest  such  matters  as  his  knowledge 
and  experience  of  the  service  might  enable  him  to  furnish." 
During  his  absence,  Major-General  Howe  would  act  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  colonies  on  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and 
Major-General  Carle  ton  of  the  British  forces  in  Canada  and 
on  the  frontiers.  Gage  fully  expected  to  return  and  resume 
the  command.  In  a  letter  written  to  the  minister,  Lord  Dart- 
mouth, the  day  before  sailing,  he  urged  the  arrival,  early  in  the 
spring,  of  re-enforcements  which  had  been  ordered,  anticipating 

1  Am.  Archives,  iii.,  1145.  *  See  Life  of  Gerry,  109. 


368  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

great  hazard  at  the  opening  of  the  campaign.  In  the  mean 
time  he  trusted  that  two  thousand  troops,  shortly  expected  from 
Ireland,  would  enable  him  "  to  distress  the  rebels  by  incursions 
along  the  coast,"  —  and — "he  hoped  Portsmouth  in  New 
Hampshire  would  feel  the  weight  of  his  majesty's  arms." 
"  Poor  Gage,"  writes  Horace  Waipole,  "  is  to  be  the  scapegoat 
for  what  was  a  reason  against  employing  him  —  incapacity." 
He  never  returned  to  America. 

On  the  Xoth  of  October  a  committee  from  Congress  arrived 
in  camp,  sent  to  hold  a  conference  with  Washington,  and  with 
delegates  from  the  governments  of  Connecticut,  Rhode  Island, 
Massachusetts  and  New  Hampshire,  on  the  subject  of  a  new 
organization  of  the  army.  The  committee  consisted  of  Benja- 
min Franklin,  Thomas  Lynch  of  Carolina,  and  Colonel  Harrison 
of  Virginia.  It  was  just  twenty  years  since  Washington  had 
met  Franklin  in  Braddock's  camp,  aiding  that  unwary  general 
by  his  sagacious  counsels  and  prompt  expedients.  Franklin 
was  regarded  with  especial  deference  in  the  camp  at  Cambridge. 
Greene,  who  had  never  met  with  him  before,  listened  to  him  as 
to  an  oracle. 

Washington  was  president  of  the  board  of  conference,  and 
Mr.  Joseph  Reed  secretary.  The  committee  brought  an  intima- 
tion from  Congress  that  an  attack  upon  Boston  was  much 
desired,  if  practicable. 

Washington  called  a  council  of  war  of  his  generals  on  the 
subject ;  they  were  unanimously  of  the  opinion  that  an  attack 
would  not  be  prudent  at  present. 

Another  question  now  arose.  An  attack  upon  the  British 
forces  in  Boston,  whenever  it  should  take  place,  might  require 
a  bombardment ;  Washington  inquired  of  the  delegates  how  far 
it  might  be  pushed  to  the  destruction  of  houses  and  property. 
They  considered  it  a  question  of  too  much  importance  to  be 
decided  by  them,  and  said  it  must  be  referred  to  Congress. 
But  though  they  declined  taking  upon  themselves  the  responsi- 
bility, the  majority  of  them  were  strongly  in  favor  of  it;  and 
expressed  themselves  so,  when  the  matter  was  discussed 
informally  in  camp.  Two  of  the  committee,  Lynch  and  Harri- 
son, as  well  as  Judge  Wales,  delegate  from  Connecticut,  when 
the  possible  effects  of  a  bombardment  were  suggested  at  a 
dinner  table,  declared  that  they  would  be  willing  to  see  Boston 
in  flames.  Lee,  who  was  present,  observed  that  it  was  impos- 
sible to  burn  it  unless  they  sent  in  men  with  bundles  of  straw 
to  do  it.  "  It  could  not  be  done  with  carcasses  and  red-hot 
shot.     Isle  Royal,"  he  added,  "  in  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  had 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  369 

been  fired  at  for  a  long  time  in  1760,  with  a  fine  train  of  artillery, 
hot-shot  and  carcasses,  without  effect."  1 

The  board  of  conference  was  repeatedly  in  session,  for  three 
or  four  days.  The  report  of  its  deliberations  rendered  by  the 
committee,  produced  a  resolution  of  Congress,  that  a  new  army 
of  twenty-two  thousand  two  hundred  and  seventy-two  men  and 
officers,  should  be  formed,  to  be  recruited  as  much  as  possible 
from  the  troops  actually  in  service.  Unfortunately  the  term  for 
which  they  were  to  be  enlisted  was  to  be  but  for  one  year.  It 
formed  a  precedent  which  became  a  recurring  cause  of  embar- 
rassment throughout  the  war. 

Washington's  secretary,  Mr.  Reed,  had,  after  the  close  of 
the  conference,  signified  to  him  his  intention  to  return  to  Phila- 
delphia, where  his  private  concerns  required  his  presence.  His 
departure  was  deeply  regretted.  His  fluent  pen  had  been  of 
great  assistance  to  Washington  in  the  despatch  of  his  multifa- 
rious correspondence,  and  his  judicious  counsels  and  cordial 
sympathies  had  been  still  more  appreciated  by  the  commander- 
in-chief,  amid  the  multiplied  difficulties  of  his  situation.  On 
the  departure  of  Mr.  Reed,  his  place  as  secretary  was  tem- 
porarily supplied  by  Mr.  Robert  Harrison  of  Maryland,  and 
subsequently  by  Colonel  Mifflin  ;  neither  however,  attained  to 
the  affectionate  confidence  reposed  in  their  predecessor. 

We  shall  have  occasion  to  quote  the  correspondence  kept  up 
between  Washington  and  Reed,  during  the  absence  of  the  latter. 
The  letters  of  the  former  are  peculiarly  interesting,  as  giving 
views  of  what  was  passing,  not  merely  around  him,  but  in  the 
recesses  of  his  own  heart.  No  greater  proof  need  be  given  of 
the  rectitude  of  that  heart,  than  the  clearness  and  fulness  with 
which,  in  these  truthful  documents,  every  thought  and  feeling 
is  laid  open. 


1  Life  of  Dr.  Belknap,  p.  96.    The  doctor  was  present  at  the  above-cited  conversation. 


370  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XLIX. 

MEASURES     OF     GENERAL     HOWE DESECRATION     OF     CHURCHES 

THREE    PROCLAMATIONS SEIZURE    OF    TORIES WANT     OF     AR- 
TILLERY  HENRY     KNOX,    THE     ARTILLERIST HIS     MISSION     TO 

TICONDEROGA RE-ENLISTMENT    OF     TROOPS LACK    OF    PUBLIC 

SPIRIT COMMENTS    OF    GENERAL    GREENE. 

The  measures  which  General  Howe  had  adopted  after  taking 
command  in  Boston  rejoiced  the  ro3Talists,  seeming  to  justify 
their  anticipations.  He  proceeded  to  strengthen  the  works  on 
Bunker's  Hill  and  Boston  Neck,  and  to  clear  away  houses  and 
throw  up  redoubts  on  eminences  within  the  town.  The  patriot 
inhabitants  were  shocked  by  the  desecration  of  the  Old  South 
Church,  which  for  more  than  a  hundred  years  had  been  a  favor- 
ite place  of  worship,  where  some  of  the  most  eminent  divines 
had  officiated.  The  pulpit  and  pews  were  now  removed,  the 
floor  was  covered  with  earth,  and  the  sacred  edifice  was  con- 
verted into  a  riding-school  for  Burgoyne's  light  dragoons.  To 
excuse  its  desecration,  it  was  spoken  of  scoffingly  as  a  "  meet- 
ing-house, where  sedition  had  often  been  preached." 

The  North  Church,  another  "  meeting-house,"  was  entirely 
demolished  and  used  for  fuel.  "Thus,"  says  a  chronicler  of 
the  day,  "thus  are  our  houses  devoted  to  religious  worship,  pro- 
faned and  destroyed  by  the  subjects  of  his  royal  majesty."  l 

About  the  last  of  October,  Howe  issued  three  proclamations. 
The  first  forbade  all  persons  to  leave  Boston  without  his  per- 
mission under  pain  of  military  execution  ;  the  second  forbade 
any  one,  so  permitted,  to  take  with  him  more  than  five  pounds 
sterling,  under  pain  of  forfeiting  all  the  money  found  upon  his 
person  and  being  subject  to  fine  and  imprisonment;  the  third 
called  upon  the  inhabitants  to  arm  themselves  for  the  preserva- 
tion of  order  within  the  town  ;  they  to  be  commanded  by  officers 
of  his  appointment. 

Washington  had  recently  been  incensed  by  the  conflagration 
of  Falmouth  ;  the  conduct  of  Governor  Dunmore,  who  had  pro- 
claimed martial  law  in  Virginia,  and  threatened  ruin  to  the  pa- 
triots, had  added  to  his  provocation ;  the  measures  of  General 
Howe  seemed  of  the  same  harsh  character,  and  he  determined 
to  retaliate. 

1  Thacher's  Military  Journal,  p.  50. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  371 

"Would  it  not  be  prudent,' '  writes  he  to  Governor  Trum- 
bull of  Connecticut,  "  to  seize  those  tories  who  have  been,  are, 
and  we  know  will  be  active  against  us?  Why  should  persons 
who  are  preying  upon  the  vitals  of  their  country,  be  suffered  to 
stalk  at  large,  whilst  we  know  they  will  do  us  every  mischief  in 
their  power?  " 

In  this  spirit  he  ordered  General  Sullivan,  who  was  fortify- 
ing Portsmouth,  "to  seize  upon  such  persons  as  held  coin- 
missions  under  the  crown,  and  were  acting  as  open  and  avowed 
enemies  to  their  country,  and  hold  them  as  hostages  for  the 
security  of  the  town."  Still  he  was  moderate  in  his  retaliation, 
and  stopped  short  of  private  individuals.  "  For  the  present," 
said  he,  "  I  shall  avoid  giving  the  like  order  with  regard  to  the 
tories  of  Portsmouth  ;  but  the  day  is  not  far  off  when  they  will 
meet  with  this,  or  a  worse  fate,  if  there  is  not  a  considerable 
reformation  in  their  conduct."  l 

The  season  was  fast  approaching  when  the  bay  between  the 
camp  and  Boston  would  be  frozen  over,  and  military  opera- 
tions might  be  conducted  upon  the  ice.  General  Howe,  if 
re-enforced,  would  then  very  probably  "  endeavor  to  relieve 
himself  from  the  disgraceful  confinement  in  which  the  min- 
isterial troops  had  been  all  summer."  Washington  felt  the 
necessity,  therefore,  of  guarding  the  camps  wherever  they 
were  most  assailable  ;  and  of  throwing  up  batteries  for  the 
purpose.  He  had  been  embarrassed  throughout  the  siege  by 
the  want  of  artillery  and  ordnance  stores  ;  but  never  more  so 
than  at  the  present  moment.  In  this  juncture,  Mr.  Henry 
Knox  stepped  forward,  and  offered  to  proceed  to  the  frontier 
forts  on  Champlain  in  quest  of  a  supply. 

Knox  was  one  of  those  providential  characters  which  spring 
up  in  emergencies,  as  if  they  were  formed  by  and  for  the  occa- 
sion. A  thriving  bookseller  in  Boston,  he  had  thrown  up  busi- 
ness to  take  up  arms  for  the  liberties  of  his  country.  He  was 
one  of  the  patriots  who  had  fought  on  Bunker's  Hill,  since 
when  he  had  aided  in  planning  the  defences  of  the  camp  before 
Boston.  The  aptness  and  talent  here  displayed  by  him  as  an 
artillerist,  had  recently  induced  Washington  to  recommend  him 
to  Congress  for  the  command  of  the  regiment  of  artillery  in 
place  of  the  veteran  Gridley,  who  was  considered  by  all  the 
officers  of  the  camp  too  old  for  active  employment.  Congress 
had  not  }'et  acted  on  that  recommendation  ;  in  the  mean  time 
Washington  availed  himself  of   the  offered  services   of   Knox 


Letter  to  William  Palfrey.    Sparks,  ill-,  158. 

f  •-.■•"■  QtrTHE     ^r 


372  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

in  the  present  instance.  He  was,  accordingly,  instructed  to 
examine  into  the  state  of  the  artillery  in  camp,  and  take  an 
account  of  the  cannon,  mortars,  shells,  lead  and  ammunition 
that  were  wanting.  He  was  then  to  hasten  to  New  York,  pro- 
cure and  forward  all  that  could  be  had  there ;  and  thence 
proceed  to  the  head-quarters  of  General  Schuyler,  who  was 
requested  by  letter  to  aid  him  in  obtaining  what  further  sup- 
plies of  the  kind  were  wanting  from  the  forts  at  Ticonderoga, 
Crown  Point,  St.  John's,  and  even  Quebec,  should  it  be  in  the 
hands  of  the  Americans.  Knox  set  off  on  his  errand  with 
promptness  and  alacrity,  and  shortly  afterward  the  commission 
of  colonel  of  the  regiment  of  artillery  which  Washington  had 
advised,  was  forwarded  to  him  by  Congress. 

The  re-enlistment  of  troops  actually  in  service  was  now 
attempted,  and  proved  a  fruitful  source  of  perplexity.  In  a 
letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  Washington  observes  that 
half  of  the  officers  of  the  rank  of  captain  were  inclined  to 
retire ;  and  it  was  probable  their  example  would  influence  their 
men.  Of  those  who  were  disposed  to  remain,  the  officers  of 
one  colony  were  unwilling  to  mix  in  the  same  regiment  witli 
those  of  another.  Many  sent  in  their  names,  to  serve  in  ex- 
pectation of  promotion  ;  others  stood  aloof,  to  see  what  advan- 
tages they  could  make  for  themselves ;  while  those  who  had 
declined  sent  in  their  names  again  to  serve.1  The  difficulties 
were  greater,  if  possible,  with  the  soldiers  than  with  the  offi- 
cers. They  would  not  enlist  unless  they  knew  their  colonel, 
lieutenant-colonel  and  captain  ;  Connecticut  men  being  unwill- 
ing to  serve  under  officers  from  Massachusetts,  and  Massachu- 
setts men  under  officers  from  Rhode  Island ;  so  that  it  was 
necessary  to  appoint  the  officers  first. 

Twenty  days  later  he  again  writes  to  the  President  of  Con- 
gress:  "I  am  sorry  to  be  necessitated  to  mention  to  you  the 
egregious  want  of  public  spirit  which  prevails  here.  Instead 
of  pressing  to  be  engaged  in  the  cause  of  their  country,  which 
I  vainly  flattered  myself  would  be  the  case,  I  find  we  are 
likely  to  be  deserted  in  a  most  critical  time.  .  .  .  Our  situation 
is  truly  alarming,  and  of  this  General  Howe  is  well  apprised. 
No  doubt  when  he  is  re-enforced  he  will  avail  himself  of  the 
information." 

In  a  letter  to  Reed  he  disburdened  his  heart  more  com- 
pletely. "  Such  dearth  of  public  spirit,  and  such  want  of 
virtue ;  such  stock-jobbing,  and  fertility  in  all  the  low  arts  to 

1  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  November  8. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  373 

obtain  advantage  of  one  kind  or  another  in  this  great  change 
of  military  arrangement,  I  never  saw  before,  and  I  pray  God's 
mercy  that  I  may  never  be  witness  to  again.  What  will  be  the 
end  of  these  manoeuvres  is  beyond  my  scan.  I  tremble  at  the 
prospect.  We  have  been  till  this  time  (November  28)  enlisting 
about  three  thousand  five  hundred  men.  To  engage  these,  I 
have  been  obliged  to  allow  furloughs  as  far  as  fifty  men  to  a 
regiment,  and  the  officers  I  am  persuaded  indulge  many  more. 
The  Connecticut  troops  will  not  be  prevailed  upon  to  stay 
longer  than  their  term,  saving  those  who  have  enlisted  for  the- 
next  campaign,  and  are  mostly  on  furlough  ;  and  such  a  mer- 
cenary spirit  pervades  the  whole  that  I  should  not  be  surprised 
at  any  disaster  that  may  happen.  .  .  .  Could  I  have  foreseen 
what  I  have  experienced  and  am  likely  to  experience,  no  con- 
sideration upon  earth  should  have  induced  me  to  accept  this 
command." 

No  one  drew  closer  to  Washington  in  this  time  of  his  troubles 
and  perplexities  than  General  Greene.  He  had  a  real  venera- 
tion for  his  character,  and  thought  himself  "  happy  in  an  op- 
portunity to  serve  under  so  good  a  general."  He  grieved  at 
Washington's  annoyances,  but  attributed  them  in  part  to  his 
being  somewhat  of  a  stranger  in  New  England.  "  He  has  not 
had  time,"  writes  he,  tk  to  make  himself  acquainted  with  the 
genius  of  this  people ;  they  are  naturally  as  brave  and  spirited 
as  the  peasantry  of  any  other  country,  but  you  cannot  expect 
veterans  of  a  raw  militia  from  only  a  few  months'  service.  The 
common  people  are  exceedingly  avaricious  ;  the  genius  of  the 
people  is  commercial,  from  their  long  intercourse  with  trade. 
The  sentiment  of  honor,  the  true  characteristic  of  a  soldier,  has 
not  yet  got  the  better  of  interest.  His  Excellency  has  been 
taught  to  believe  the  people  here  a  superior  race  of  mortals ; 
and  finding  them  of  the  same  temper  and  dispositions,  passions 
and  prejudices,  virtues  and  vices  of  the  common  people  of 
other  governments,  they  sank  in  his  esteem."  l 

1  Greene  to  Dep.  Gov.  Ward.    Am.  Arch.,  4th  Series,  iii.,  1145. 


374  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  L. 

AFFAIRS    IN    CANADA CAPTURE    OF    FORT    CHAMBLEE SIEGE     OF 

ST.    JOHNS  MACLEAN   AND    HIS    HIGHLANDERS MONTGOMERY 

ON    THE    TREATMENT    OF    ETHAN  ALLEN  REPULSE  OF  CARLETON 

CAPITULATION  OF    THE    GARRISON  OF     ST.    JOHNS GENEROl  S 

CONDUCT  OF  MONTGOMERY MACLEAN  RE-EMBARKS  FOR  QUEBEC 

WEARY    STRUGGLE    OF    ARNOLD  THROUGH  THE   WILDERNESS 

DEFECTION    OF    COLONEL    ENOS    ARNOLD    IN    THE     VALLEY     OF 

THE  CHAUDIERE HIS  ARRIVAL  OPPOSITE  QUEBEC SURRENDER 

OF    MONTREAL  ESCAPE     OF     CARLETON  HOME-SICKNESS     OF 

THE    AMERICAN   TROOPS. 

Despatches  from  Schuyler  dated  October  26,  gave  Wash- 
ington another  chapter  of  the  Canada  expedition.  Chamblee, 
an  inferior  fort,  within  five  miles  of  St.  Johns,  had  been  taken 
by  Majors  Brown  and  Livingston  at  the  head  of  fifty  Americans 
and  three  hundred  Canadians.  A  large  quantity  of  gunpowder 
and  other  military  stores  found  there  was  a  seasonable  supply 
to  the  army  before  St.  Johns,  and  consoled  General  Montgom- 
ery for  his  disappointment  in  regard  to  the  aid  promised  by 
Colonel  Ethan  Allen.  He  now  pressed  the  siege  of  St.  Johns 
with  vigor.  The  garrison,  cut  off  from  supplies,  were  suffering 
from  want  of  provisions ;  but  the  brave  commander,  Major 
Preston,  still  held  out  manfully,  hoping  speedy  relief  from 
General  Carleton,  who  was  assembling  troops  for  that  purpose 
at  Montreal. 

Carleton,  it  is  true,  had  but  about  one  hundred  regulars,  sev- 
eral hundred  Canadians,  and  a  number  of  Indians  with  him  ; 
but  he  calculated  greatly  on  the  co-operation  of  Colonel  Mac- 
lean, a  veteran  Scot,  brave  and  bitterly  loyal,  who  had  enlisted 
three  hundred  of  his  countrymen  at  Quebec,  and  formed  them 
into  a  regiment  called  "  The  Royal  Highland  Emigrants." 
This  doughty  Highlander  was  to  land  at  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel, 
where  it  empties  into  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  proceed  along  the 
former  river  to  St.  Johns,  to  join  Carleton,  who  would  repair 
thither  by  the  way  of  Longueil. 

In  the  mean  time  Montgomery  received  accounts  from  vari- 
ous quarters  that  Colonel  Ethan  Allen  and  his  men,  captured  in 
the  ill-advised  attack  upon  Montreal,  were  treated  with  cruel 
and  unnecessary  severity,  being  loaded  with  irons ;  and  that 
even  the  colonel  himself  was  subjected  to  this  "  shocking  in- 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  375 


dignity."  Montgomery  addressed  a  letter  to  Carleton  on  the 
subject,  strong  and  decided  in  its  purport,  but  written  in  the 
spirit  of  a  courteous  and  high-minded  gentleman,  and  ending 
with  an  expression  of  that  sad  feeling  which  gallant  officers 
must  often  have  experienced  in  this  revolutionary  conflict,  on 
being  brought  into  collision  with  former  brothers  in  arms. 

"  Your  character,  sir,"  writes  he,  "  induces  me  to  hope  I  am 
ill  informed.  Nevertheless,  the  duty  I  owe  the  troops  com- 
mitted to  my  charge,  lays  me  under  the  necessity  of  acquainting 
your  Excellency,  that,  if  you  allow  this  conduct  and  persist  in 
it,  I  shall,  though  with  the  most  painful  regret,  execute  with 
rigor  the  just  and  necessary  law  of  retaliation  upon  the  garri- 
son of  Chamblee,  now  in  my  possession,  and  upon  all  others 
who  may  hereafter  fall  into  my  hands.  ...  I  shall  expect 
your  Excellency's  answer  in  six  days.  Should  the  bearer  not 
return  in  that  time,  I  must  interpret  your  silence  into  a  declara- 
tion of  a  barbarous  war.  I  cannot  pass  this  opportunity  with- 
out lamenting  the  melancholy  and  fatal  necessity,  which  obliges 
the  firmest  friends  of  the  constitution  to  oppose  one  of  the  most 
respectable  officers  of  the  crown."  While  waiting  for  a  reply, 
Montgomery  pressed  the  siege  of  St.  Johns,  though  thwarted 
continually  by  the  want  of  subordination  and  discipline  among 
his  troops ;  hasty  levies  from  various  colonies,  who,  said  he, 
'"  carry  the  spirit  of  freedom  into  the  field,  and  think  for  them- 
selves." Accustomed  as  he  had  been,  in  his  former  military 
experience,  to  the  implicit  obedience  of  European  troops,  the 
insubordination  of  these  j-eoman  soldiery  was  intolerable  to 
him.  "  Were  I  not  afraid,"  writes  he,  "  the  example  would  be 
too  generally  followed,  and  that  the  public  service  might  suffer, 
I  would  not  stay  an  hour  at  the  head  of  troops  whose  operations 
I  cannot  direct.  I  must  say  I  have  no  hopes  of  success,  unless 
from  the  garrison's  wanting  provisions." 

He  had  advanced  his  lines  and  played  from  his  batteries  on 
two  sides  of  the  fort  for  some  hours,  when  tidings  brought  by 
four  prisoners  caused  him  to  cease  his  fire. 

General  Carleton,  on  the  30th  of  September,  had  embarked 
his  motley  force  at  Montreal  in  thirty-four  boats,  to  cross  the 
St.  Lawrence,  land  at  Longueil,  and  push  on  for  St.  Johns, 
where,  as  concerted,  he  was  to  be  joined  by  Maclean  and  his 
Highlanders.  As  the  boats  approached  the  right  bank  of  the 
river  at  Longueil,  a  terrible  fire  of  artillery  and  musketry  was 
unexpectedly  opened  upon  them,  and  threw  them  into  confu- 
sion. It  was  from  Colonel  Seth  Warner's  detachment  of  Green 
Mountain  Boys  and  New  Yorkers.     Some  of  the  boats  were 


376  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

disabled,  some  were  driven  on  shore  on  an  island ;  Carleton 
retreated  with  the  rest  to  Montreal,  with  some  loss  in  killed  and 
wounded.  The  Americans  captured  two  Canadians  and  two 
Indians ;  and  it  was  these  prisoners  who  brought  tidings  to  the 
camp  of  Carleton 's  signal  repulse. 

Aware  that  the  garrison  held  out  merely  in  expectation  of  the 
relief  thus  intercepted,  Montgomery  ceased  his  fire,  and  sent  a 
flag  by  one  of  the  Canadian  prisoners  with  a  letter  informing 
Major  Preston  of  the  event,  and  inviting  a  surrender  to  spare 
the  effusion  of  blood. 

Preston  in  reply  expressed  a  doubt  of  the  truth  of  the  report 
brought  by  the  prisoners,  but  offered  to  surrender  if  not  relieved 
in  four  days.  The  condition  was  refused  and  the  gallant  major 
was  obliged  to  capitulate.  His  garrison  consisted  of  five  hun- 
dred regulars  and  one  hundred  Canadians ;  among  the  latter 
were  several  of  the  provincial  noblesse. 

Montgomery  treated  Preston  and  his  garrison  with  the  cour- 
tesy inspired  by  their  gallant  resistance.  He  had  been  a  British 
officer  himself,  and  his  old  associations  with  the  service  made 
him  sympathize  with  the  brave  men  whom  the  fortune  of  war 
had  thrown  into  his  hands.  Perhaps  their  high-bred  and  aris- 
tocratic tone  contrasted  favorably  in  his  eyes  with  the  rough 
demeanor  of  the  crude  swordsmen  with  whom  he  had  recently 
associated,  and  brought  back  the  feelings  of  early  days,  when 
war  with  him  was  a  ga}r  profession,  not  a  melancholy  duty. 
According  to  capitulation,  the  baggage  of  both  officers  and  men 
was  secured  to  them,  and  each  of  the  latter  received  a  new  suit 
of  clothing  from  the  captured  stores.  This  caused  a  murmur 
among  the  American  soldiery,  many  of  whom  were  nearly 
naked,  and  the  best  but  scantily  provided.  Even  some  of  the 
officers  were  indignant  that  all  the  articles  of  clothing  had  not 
been  treated  as  lawful  spoil.  "I  would  not  have  sullied  my 
own  reputation,  nor  disgraced  the  Continental  arms  by  such  a 
breach  of  capitulation  for  the  universe,"  said  Montgomery. 
Having  sent  his  prisoners  up  Lake  Champlain  to  Ticonderoga, 
he  prepared  to  proceed  immediately  to  Montreal ;  requesting 
General  Schuyler  to  forward  all  the  men  he  could  possibly 
spare. 

The  royal  Highland  Emigrants,  who  were  to  have  co-operated 
with  General  Carleton,  met  with  no  better  fortune  than  that 
commander.  Maclean  landed  at  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel,  and 
added  to  his  force  by  recruiting  a  number  of  Canadians  in  the 
neighborhood,  at  the  point  of  the  bayonet.  He  was  in  full 
march  for  St.  Johns  when  he  was  encountered  by  Majors  Brown 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  377 

and  Livingston  with  their  party,  fresh  from  the  capture  of 
Chamblee,  and  re-enforced  by  a  number  of  Green  Mountain 
Boys.  These  pressed  him  back  to  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel, 
where,  hearing  of  the  repulse  of  Carleton,  and  being  deserted 
by  his  Canadian  recruits,  he  embarked  the  residue  of  his  troops, 
and  set  off  down  the  St.  Lawrence  to  Quebec.  The  Americans 
now  took  post  at  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel,  where  they  erected 
batteries  so  as  to  command  the  St.  Lawrence,  and  prevent  the 
descent  of  any  armed  vessels  from  Montreal. 

Thus  closed  another  chapter  of  the  invasion  of  Canada. 
u  Not  a  word  of  Arnold  yet,"  said  Montgomery,  in  his  last 
despatch.  "  I  have  sent  two  expresses  to  him  lately,  one  by  an 
Indian  who  promised  to  return  with  expedition.  The  instant 
I  have  any  news  of  him,  I  will  acquaint  you  b}7  express." 

We  will  anticipate  his  express,  by  giving  the  reader  the  pur- 
port of  letters  received  by  Washington  direct  from  Arnold 
himself,  bringing  forward  the  collateral  branch  of  this  eventful 
enterprise. 

The  transportation  of  troops  and  effects  across  the  carrying- 
place  between  the  Kennebec  and  Dead  rivers  had  been  a  work 
of  severe  toil  and  difficulty  to  Arnold  and  his  men,  but  per- 
formed with  admirable  spirit.  There  were  ponds  and  streams 
full  of  trout  and  salmon,  which  furnished  them  with  fresh  pro- 
visions. Launching  their  boats  on  the  sluggish  waters  of  the 
Dead  River,  they  navigated  it  in  divisions,  as  before,  to  the  foot 
of  snow-crowned  mountains  ;  a  part  of  the  great  granite  chain 
which  extends  from  south-west  to  north-east  throughout  our 
continent.  Here,  while  Arnold  and  the  first  division  were  en- 
camped to  repose  themselves,  heavy  rains  set  in,  and  they  came 
near  being  swept  away  by  sudden  torrents  from  the  mountains. 
Several  of  their  boats  were  overturned,  much  of  their  provis- 
ions was  lost,  the  sick  list  increased,  and  the  good  spirits  which 
had  hitherto  sustained  them  began  to  give  way.  They  were  on 
scanty  allowance,  with  a  prospect  of  harder  times,  for  there 
were  still  twelve  or  fifteen  days  of  wilderness  before  them, 
where  no  supplies  were  to  be  had.  A  council  of  war  was  now 
held,  in  which  it  was  determined  to  send  back  the  sick  and  dis- 
abled, who  were  mere  encumbrances.  Arnold,  accordingly, 
wrote  to  the  commanders  of  the  other  divisions,  to  press  on 
with  as  many  of  their  men  as  they  could  furnish  with  provisions 
for  fifteen  days,  and  to  send  the  rest  back  to  a  place  on  the 
route  called  Norridgewock.  This  order  was  misunderstood,  or 
misinterpreted  by  Colonel  Enos,  who  commanded  the  rear  divis- 
ion ;    he  gave  all   the  provisions   he   could    spare   to   Colonel 


878  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Greene  of  the  third  division,  retaining  merely  enough  to  supply 
his  own  corps  of  three  hundred  men  on  their  way  back  to  Nor- 
ridgewock,  whither  he  immediately  returned. 

Letters  from  Arnold  and  Enos  apprised  Washington  of  this 
grievous  flaw  in  the  enterprise.  He  regarded  it,  however,  as 
usual,  with  a  hopeful  eye.  "  Notwithstanding  this  great  defec- 
tion," said  he,  "I  do  not  despair  of  Colonel  Arnold's  success. 
He  will  have,  in  all  probability,  many  more  difficulties  to  en- 
counter, than  if  he  had  been  a  fortnight  sooner ;  as  it  is  likely 
that  Governor  Carleton  will,  with  what  forces  he  can  collect 
after  the  surrender  of  the  rest  of  Canada,  throw  himself  into 
Quebec,  and  there  make  his  last  effort."  * 

Washington  was  not  mistaken  in  the  confidence  he  had 
placed  in  the  energy  of  Arnold.  Though  the  latter  found  his 
petty  force  greatly  reduced  by  the  retrograde  move  of  Enos 
and  his  party,  and  although  snow  and  ice  rendered  his  march 
still  more  bleak  among  the  mountains,  he  kept  on  with  unflinch- 
ing spirit  until  he  arrived  at  the  ridge  which  divides  the  streams 
of  New  England  and  Canada.  Here,  at  Lake  Megantic,  the 
source  of  the  Chaudiere,  he  met  an  emissary  whom  he  had  sent 
in  advance  to  ascertain  the  feelings  of  the  habitans,  or  French 
yeomanry,  in  the  fertile  valley  of  that  stream.  His  report 
being  favorable,  Arnold  shared  out  among  the  different  com- 
panies the  scanty  provisions  which  remained,  directing  them  to 
make  the  best  of  their  way  for  the  Chaudiere  settlements ; 
while  he,  with  a  light  foraging  party,  would  push  rapidly  ahead, 
to  procure  and  send  back  supplies. 

He  accordingly  embarked  with  his  little  party  in  five  bateaux 
and  a  birch  canoe,  and  launched  forth  without  a  guide  on  the 
swift  current  of  the  Chaudiere.  It  was  little  better  than  a 
mountain  torrent,  full  of  rocks  and  rapids.  Three  of  their 
boats  were  clashed  to  pieces,  the  cargoes  lost,  and  the  crews 
saved  with  difficulty.  At  one  time,  the  whole  party  came  near 
being  precipitated  over  a  cataract,  where  all  might  have  per- 
ished ;  at  length  they  reached  Sertigan,  the  first  French  settle- 
ment, where  they  were  cordially  received.  Here  Arnold  bought 
provisions,  which  he  sent  back  by  the  Canadians  and  Indians 
to  his  troops.  The  latter  were  in  a  state  of  starvation.  Some 
had  not  tasted  food  for  eight  and  forty  hours ;  others  had 
cooked  two  dogs,  followers  of  the  camp ;  and  others  had  boiled 
their  moccasins,  cartouch  boxes,  and  other  articles  of  leather, 
in  the  hope  of  rendering  them  eatable. 

1  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  November  19. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  379 

Arnold  halted  for  a  short  time  in  the  hospitable  valley  of  the 
Chaudiere,  to  give  his  troops  repose,  and  distributed  among 
the  inhabitants  the  .printed  manifesto  with  which  he  had  been 
furnished  by  Washington.  Here  he  was  joined  by  about  forty 
Norridgewock  Indians.  On  the  9th  of  November,  the  little 
army  emerged  from  the  woods  at  Point  Levi,  on  the  St.  Law- 
rence, opposite  to  Quebec.  A  letter  written  by  an  inhabitant 
of  that  place,  speaks  of  their  sudden  apparition. 

41  There  are  about  500  Provincials  arrived  at  Point  Levi, 
opposite  to  the  town,  by  the  way  of  Chaudiere  across  the  woods. 
Surely  a  miracle  must  have  been  wrought  in  their  favor.  It  is 
an  undertaking  above  the  common  race  of  men  in  this  debauched 
age.  They  have  travelled  through  woods  and  bogs,  and  over 
precipices,  for  the  space  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  miles,  at- 
tended with  every  inconvenience  and  difficulty,  to  be  surmounted 
only  by  men  of  indefatigable  zeal  and  industry." 

Leaving  Arnold  in  full  sight  of  Quebec,  which,  after  his  long 
struggle  through  the  wilderness,  must  have  appeared  like  a  land 
of  promise ;  we  turn  to  narrate  the  events  of  the  upper  expedi- 
tion into  Canada,  of  which  the  letters  of  Schuyler  kept  Washing- 
ton faithfully  informed.  Montgomery  appeared  before  Montreal 
on  the  12th  of  November.  General  Carletou  had  embarked  with 
his  little  garrison,  and  several  of  the  civil  officers  of  the 
place,  on  board  of  a  flotilla  of  ten  or  eleven  small  vessels,  and 
made  sail  in  the  night,  with  a  favorable  breeze,  carrying  away 
with  him  the  powder  and  other  important  stores.  The  town 
capitulated,  of  course  ;  and  Montgomery  took  quiet  possession. 
His  urbanity  and  kindness  soon  won  the  good  will  of  the  inhab- 
itants, both  English  and  French,  and  made  the  Canadians  sensi- 
ble that  he  really  came  to  secure  their  rights,  not  to  molest  them. 
Intercepted  letters  acquainted  him  with  Arnold's  arrival  in  the 
neighborhood  of  Quebec,  and  the  great  alarm  of  "  the  king's 
friends,"  who  expected  to  be  besieged  :  "  which,  with  the  bless- 
ing of  God,  they  shall  be,"  said  Montgomery,  i;  if  the  severe  sea- 
son holds  off,  and  I  can  prevail  on  the  troops  to  accompany  me." 

His  great  immediate  object  was  the  capture  of  Carleton ; 
which  would  form  a  triumphal  close  to  the  enterprise,  and  might 
decide  the  fate  of  Canada.  The  flotilla  in  which  the  general  was 
embarked  had  made  repeated  attempts  to  escape  down  the  St. 
Lawrence ;  but  had  as  often  been  driven  back  by  the  batteries 
thrown  up  by  the  Americans  at  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel.  It  now 
lay  anchored  about  fifteen  miles  above  that  river ;  and  Mont- 
gomery prepared  to  attack  it  with  bateaux  and  light  artillery,  so 
as  to  force  it  down  upon  the  batteries. 


380  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Carleton  saw  his  imminent  peril.  Disguising  himself  as  a 
Canadian  voyager,  he  set  off  on  a  dark  night  accompanied  by  six 
peasants,  in  a  boat  with  muffled  oars,  which  he  assisted  to  pull ; 
slipped  quietly  and  silently  past  all  the  batteries  and  guard- 
boats,  and  effected  his  escape  to  Three  Rivers,  where  he  em- 
barked in  a  vessel  for  Quebec.  After  his  departure  the  flotilla 
surrendered,  and  all  those  who  had  taken  refuge  on  board  were 
made  prisoners  of  war.  Among  them  was  General  Prescott, 
late  commander  of  Montreal. 

Montgomery  now  placed  garrisons  in  Montreal,  St.  Johns  and 
Chamblee,  and  made  final  preparations  for  descending  the  St. 
Lawrence,  and  co-operating  with  Arnold  against  Quebec.  To 
his  disappointment  and  deep  chagrin,  he  found  but  a  handful  of 
his  troops  disposed  to  accompany  him.  Some  pleaded  ill  health  ; 
the  term  of  enlistment  of  many  had  expired,  and  they  were  bent 
on  returning  home;  and  others,  who  had  no  such  excuses  to 
make,  became  exceedingly  turbulent,  and  indeed  mutinous. 
Nothing  but  a  sense  of  public  duty,  and  gratitude  to  Congress 
for  an  unsought  commission,  had  induced  Montgomery  to  engage 
in  the  service ;  wearied  by  the  continual  vexations  which  beset 
it,  be  avowed,  in  a  letter  to  Schuyler,  his  determination  to  retire 
as  soon  as  the  intended  expedition  against  Quebec  was  finished. 
"Will  not  your  health  permit  you  to  reside  at  Montreal  this 
winter?"  writes  he  to  Schuyler;  "I  must  go  home,  if  I  walk 
by  the  side  of  the  lake.  I  am  weary  of  power,  and  totally  want 
that  patience  and  temper  so  requisite  for  such  a  command." 
Much  of  the  insubordination  of  the  troops  he  attributed  to  the 
want  of  tact  and  cultivation  in  their  officers  ;  who  had  been  sud- 
denly advanced  from  inferior  stations  and  coarse  employments. 
u  An  affair  happened  yesterday,"  writes  he  to  Schuyler  on  the 
24th  of  November,  "  which  had  very  near  sent  me  home.  A 
number  of  officers  presumed  to  remonstrate  against  the  indul- 
gence I  had  given  some  of  the  king's  troops.  Such  an  insult  I 
could  not  bear,  and  immediately  resigned.  To-day  they  qualified 
it  by  such  an  apology,  as  put  it  in  my  power  to  resume  the  com- 
mand." In  the  same  spirit  he  writes:  "I  wish  some  method 
could  be  fallen  upon  for  engaging  gentlemen  to  serve.  A  point 
of  honor  and  more  knowledge  of  the  world,  to  be  found  in  that 
class  of  men,  would  greatly  reform  discipline,  and  render  the 
troops  much  more  tractable." 

The  troops  which  had  given  Montgomery  so  much  annoy- 
ance and  refused  to  continue  with  him  in  Canada,  soon  began  to 
arrive  at  Ticonderoga.  Schuyler,  in  a  letter  to  Congress,  gives 
a  half    querulous,   half    humorous    account   of    their  conduct 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  381 

"  About  three  hundred  of  the  troops  raised  in  Connecticut 
passed  here  within  a  few  days.  An  unhappy  home-sickness 
prevails.  These  all  came  down  as  invalids,  not  one  willing 
to  re-engage  for  the  winter's  service  ;  and,  unable  to  get  any 
work  done  by  them,  I  discharged  them  en  groupe.  Of  all  the 
specifics  ever  invented  for  any,  there  is  none  so  efficacious 
as  a  discharge  for  this  prevailing  disorder.  No  sooner  was  it 
administered  but  it  perfected  the  cure  of  nine  out  of  ten  ;  who, 
refusing  to  wait  for  boats  to  go  by  the  way  of  Lake  George, 
slung  their  heavy  packs,  crossed  the  lake  at  this  place,  and 
undertook  a  march  of  two  hundred  miles  with  the  greatest  good- 
will and  alacrity." 

This  home-sickness  in  rustic  soldiers  after  a  rough  campaign, 
was  natural  enough,  and  seems  only  to  have  provoked  the  testy 
and  subacid  humor  of  Schiryler ;  but  other  instances  of  con- 
duct roused  his  indignation. 

A  schooner  and  tow  galley  arrived  at  Crown  Point,  with 
upward  of  a  hundred  persons.  They  were  destitute  of  pro- 
visions ;  none  were  to  be*  had  at  the  Point,  and  the  ice  pre- 
vented them  from  penetrating  to  Ticonderoga.  In  starving 
condition  they  sent  an  express  to  General  Schuyler,  imploring 
relief.  He  immediately  ordered  three  captains  of  General 
Wooster's  regiment,  with  a  considerable  body  of  men  in  ba- 
teaux, to  "attempt  a  relief  for  the  unhappy  sufferers."  To  his 
surprise  and  disgust,  they  manifested  the  utmost  unwillingness 
to  comply,  and  made  a  variety  of  excuses,  which  he  spurned  at 
as  frivolous,  and  as  evincing  the  greatest  want  of  humanity. 
He  expressed  himself  to  that  effect  the  next  day,  in  a  general 
order,  adding  the  following  stinging  words:  "The  general, 
therefore,  not  daring  to  trust  a  matter  of  so  much  importance 
to  men  of  so  little  feeling,  has  ordered  Lieutenant  Hiker,  of 
Colonel  Holmes's  regiment,  to  make  the  attempt.  He  received 
the  order  with  the  alacrity  becoming  a  gentleman,  an  officer, 
and  a  Christian." 

This  high-minded  rebuke,  given  in  so  public  a  manner, 
rankled  in  the  breasts  of  those  whose  conduct  had  merited  it, 
and  insured  to  Schuyler  that  persevering  hostility  with  which 
mean  minds  revenge  the  exposure  of  their  meanness. 


E82  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER   LI. 

Washington's   anticipations    of    success    at    Quebec  —  his 

eulogium   of   arnold schuyler   and   montgomery   talk 

of   resigning  expostulations   of    washington  their 

effect — schuyler's  conduct  to  a  captive  foe. 

We  have  endeavored  to  compress  into  a  succinct  account 
various  events  of  the  invasion  of  Canada,  furnished  to  Wash- 
ington by  letters  from  Schuyler  and  Arnold.  The  tidings  of 
the  capture  of  Montreal  had  given  him  the  liveliest  satisfaction. 
He  now  looked  forward  to  equal  success  in  the  expedition 
against  Quebec.  In  a  letter  to  Schuyler,  he  passed  a  high 
eulogium  on  Arnold.  "The  merit  of  this  gentleman  is  cer- 
tainly great,"  writes  he,  "  and  I  heartily  wish  that  fortune  may 
distinguish  him  as  one  of  her  favorites.  I  am  convinced  that 
he  will  do  every  thing  that  prudence  and  valor  shall  suggest  to 
add  to  the  success  of  our  arms,  and  for  reducing  Quebec  to  our 
possession.  Should  he  not  be  able  to  accomplish  so  desirable 
a  work  with  the  forces  he  has,  I  flatter  myself  that  it  will  be 
effected  when  General  Montgomery  joins  him,  and  our  conquest 
of  Canada  will  be  complete." 

Certain  passages  of  Schuyler's  letters,  however,  gave  him 
deep  concern,  wherein  that  general  complained  of  the  embar- 
rassments and  annoyances  he  had  experienced  from  the  insubor- 
dination of  the  army.  "Habituated  to  order,"  said  he,  "I 
cannot  without  pain  see  that  disregard  of  discipline,  confusion 
and  inattention,  which  reign  so  generally  in  this  quarter,  and 
I  am  determined  to  retire.  Of  this  resolution  I  have  advised 
Congress." 

He  had  indeed  done  so.  In  communicating  to  the  President 
of  Congress  the  complaints  of  General  Montgomery,  and  his 
intention  to  retire,  "my  sentiments,"  said  he,  "exactly  coin- 
2ide  with  his.  I  shall,  with  him,  do  every  thing  in  my  power  to 
put  a  finishing  stroke  to  the  campaign,  and  make  the  best  ar- 
rangement in  my  power,  in  order  to  insure  success  to  the  next. 
This  done,  I  must  beg  leave  to  retire." 

Congress,  however,  was  too  well  aware  of  his  value,  readily 
to  dispense  with  his  services.  His  letter  produced  a  prompt 
resolution  expressive  of  their  high  sense  of  his  attention  and 
perseverance,  "  which  merited  the  thanks  of  the  United  Col- 
onies."    He  had  alleged  his  impaired  health — they  regretted 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  383 

the  injuries  it  had  sustained  in  the  service,  but  begged  he  would 
not  insist  on  a  measure  u  which  would  deprive  America  of  the 
benefits  of  his  zeal  and  abilities,  and  rob  him  of  the  honor  of 
completing  the  work  he  had  so  happily  begun." 

What,  however,  produced  a  greater  effect  upon  Schuyler 
than  any  encomium  or  entreaty  on  the  part  of  Congress,  were 
the  expostulations  of  Washington,  inspired  by  strong  friend- 
ship and  kindred  sympathies.  "I  am  exceedingly  sorry," 
writes  the  latter,  uto  find  you  so  much  embarrassed  by  the 
disregard  of  discipline,  confusion,  and  want  of  order  among 
the  troops,  as  to  have  occasioned  you  to  mention  to  Congress 
an  inclination  to  retire.  I  know  that  your  complaints  are  too 
well  founded,  but  would  willingly  hope  that  nothing  will  induce 
you  to  quit  the  service.  ...  I  have  met  with  difficulties  of 
the  same  sort,  and  such  as  I  never  expected ;  but  they  must 
be  borne  with.  The  cause  we  are  engaged  in  is  so  just  and 
righteous,  that  we  must  try  to  rise  superior  to  every  obstacle 
in  its  support ;  and,  therefore,  I  beg  that  you  will  not  think  of 
resigning,  unless  3'ou  have  carried  your  application  to  Congress 
too  far  to  recede." 

And  in  another  letter  he  makes  a  still  stronger  appeal  to 
his  patriotism.  "I  am  sorry  that  you,  and  General  Mont- 
gomery, incline  to  quit  the  service.  Let  me  ask  you,  sir,  when 
is  the  time  for  brave  men  to  exert  themselves  in  the  cause  of 
liberty  and  their  country,  if  this  is  not?  Should  any  difficulties 
that  they  may  have  to  encounter  at  this  important  crisis  deter 
them?  God  knows  there  is  not  a  difficulty  that  you  both  very 
justly  complain  of,  that  I  have  not  in  an  eminent  degree  ex- 
perienced, that  I  am  not  every  day  experiencing  ;  but  we  must 
bear  up  against  them,  and  make  the  best  of  mankind,  as  they 
are,  since  we  cannot  have  them  as  we  wish.  Let  me,  there- 
fore, conjure  you,  and  Mr.  Montgomery,  to  lay  aside  such 
thoughts  —  as  thoughts  injurious  to  yourselves,  and  extremely 
so  to  your  country,  which  calls  aloud  for  gentlemen  of  your 
ability." 

This  noble  appeal  went  straight  to  the  heart  of  Schuyler,  and 
brought  out  a  magnanimous  reply.  "I do  not  hesitate,"  writes 
he,  "  to  answer  my  dear  general's  question  in  the  affirmative, 
by  declaring  that  now  or  never  is  the  time  for  every  virtuous 
American  to  exert  himself  in  the  cause  of  libert}'  and  his 
country  ;  and  that  it  is  become  a  duty  cheerfully  to  sacrifice  the 
sweets  of  domestic  felicity  to  attain  the  honest  and  glorious  end 
America  has  in  view." 

In  the  same  letter  he  reveals  in  confidence  the  true  cause  of 


384  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

his  wish  to  retire  from  an  official  station  ;  it  was  the  annoyance 
he  had  suffered  throughout  the  campaign  from  sectional  preju» 
dice  and  jealousy.  "I  could  point  out  particular  persons  of 
rank  in  the  army,"  writes  he,  "who  have  frequently  declared 
that  the  general  commanding  in  this  quarter,  ought  to  be  of  the 
colony  from  whence  the  majority  of  the  troops  came.  But  it 
is  not  from  opinions  or  principles  of  individuals  that  I  hav^ 
drawn  the  following  conclusion  :  that  troops  from  the  colony 
of  Connecticut  will  not  bear  with  a  general  from  another 
colony  ;  it  is  from  the  daily  and  common  conversation  of  all 
ranks  of  people  from  that  colony,  both  in  and  out  of  the 
army ;  and  I  assure  you  that  I  sincerely  lament  that  people  of 
so  much  public  virtue  should  be  actuated  by  such  an  unbecom- 
ing jealousy,  founded  on  such  a  narrow  principle."  Having 
made  this  declaration,  he  adds,  "  although  I  frankly  own  that 
I  feel  a  resentment,  yet  I  shall  continue  to  sacrifice  it  to  a 
nobler  object,  the  weal  of  that  country  in  which  I  have  drawn 
the  breath  of  life,  resolved  ever  to  seek,  with  unwearied  as- 
siduity, for  opportunities  to  fulfil  my  duty  to  it." 

It  is  with  pride  we  have  quoted  so  frequently  the  correspond- 
ence of  these  two  champions  of  our  Revolution,  as  it  lays 
open  their  hearts,  and  shows  the  lofty  patriotism  by  which 
they  were  animated. 

A  letter  from  John  Adams  to  General  Thomas,  alleges  as 
one  cause  of  Schuyler's  unpopularity  with  the  eastern  troops, 
the  "politeness"  shown  by  him  to  Canadian  and  British 
prisoners;  which  "enabled  them  and  their  ministerial  friends 
to  impose  upon  him."1 

The  "  politeness,"  in  fact,  was  that  noble  courtesy  which  a 
high-minded  soldier  extends  toward  a  captive  foe.  If  his 
courtesy  was  imposed  upon,  it  only  proved  that,  incapable  of 
double-dealing  himself,  he  suspected  it  not  in  others.  All 
generous  natures  are  liable  to  imposition ;  their  warm  im- 
pulses being  too  quick  for  selfish  caution.  It  is  the  cold,  the 
calculating  and  the  mean,  whose  distrustful  wariness  is  never 
taken  in. 

1  Letter  Book  of  General  Thomas.    MS. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  385 


CHAPTER  LII. 

DIFFICULTIES  IN  FILLING  UP  THE  ARMY THE  CONNECTICUT  TROOPS 

PERSIST    IN    GOING    HOME THEIR    RECEPTION    THERE TIMELY 

ARRIVAL    OF    SPOILS    IN    THE     CAMP PUTNAM    AND    THE    PRIZE 

MORTAR A    MARAUD    BY    AMERICANS REBUKED    BY    WASHING- 
TON  CORRESPONDENCE  OF   WASHINGTON  WITH   GENERAL   HOWE 

ABOUT  THE  TREATMENT  OF  ETHAN  ALLEN FRATERNAL    ZEAL   OF 

LEVI    ALLEN TREATMENT    OF    GENERAL    PRESCOTT PREPARA- 
TIONS TO  BOMBARD  BOSTON BATTERY  AT   LECIIMERE's   POINT 

PRAYER  OF  PUTNAM  FOR  POWDER. 

The  forming  even  of  the  skeleton  of  an  army  under  the  new 
regulations,  had  been  a  work  of  infinite  difficulty ;  to  fill  it  up 
was  still  more  difficult.  The  first  burst  of  revolutionary  zeal 
had  passed  away ;  enthusiasm  had  been  chilled  by  the  inaction 
and  monotony  of  a  long  encampment ;  an  encampment,  more- 
over, destitute  of  those  comforts  which,  in  experienced  warfare, 
are  provided  by  a  well-regulated  commissariat.  The  troops  had 
suffered  privations  of  every  kind,  want  of  fuel,  clothing,  pro- 
visions. They  looked  forward  with  dismay  to  the  rigors  of 
winter,  and  longed  for  their  rustic  homes  and  their  family  fire- 
sides. 

Apprehending  that  some  of  them  would  incline  to  go  home 
when  the  time  of  their  enlistment  expired,  Washington  sum- 
moned the  general  officers  at  head-quarters,  and  invited  a  dele- 
gation of  the  General  Court  to  be  present,  to  adopt  measures 
for  the  defence  and  support  of  the  lines.  The  result  of  their 
deliberations  was  an  order  that  three  thousand  of  the  minute 
men  and  militia  of  Massachusetts,  and  two  thousand  from  New 
Hampshire,  should  be  at  Cambridge  by  the  10th  of  December, 
to  relieve  the  Connecticut  regiments,  and  supply  the  deficiency 
that  would  be  caused  by  their  departure,  and  by  the  absence  of 
others  on  furlough. 

With  this  arrangement  the  Connecticut  troops  were  made 
acquainted,  and,  as  the  time  of  most  of  them  would  not  be  out 
before  the  10th,  the}'  were  ordered  to  remain  in  camp  until  re- 
lieved. Their  officers  assured  Washington  that  he  need  appre- 
hend no  defection  on  the  part  of  their  men  ;  they  would  not 
leave  the  lines.  The  officers  themselves  were  probably  mistaken 
in  their  opinion  of  their  men,  for  on  the  1st  of  December,  many 
of  the  latter,  some  of  whom  belonged  to  Putnam's  regiment. 


386  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

resolved  to  go  home  immediately.  Efforts  were  made  to  prevent 
them,  but  in  vain  ;  several  carried  off  with  them  their  arms  and 
ammunition.  Washington  sent  a  list  of  their  names  to  Gov- 
ernor Trumbull.  "I  submit  it  to  your  judgment,"  writes  he, 
''whether  an  example  should  not  be  made  of  these  men  who 
have  deserted  the  cause  of  their  country  at  this  critical  juncture, 
when  the  enemy  are  receiving  re-enforcements?" 

We  anticipate  the  reply  of  Governor  Trumbull,  received  sev- 
eral days  subsequently.  "The  late  extraordinary  and  repre- 
hensible conduct  of  some  of  the  troops  of  this  colony,"  writes 
he,  "  impresses  me,  and  the  minds  of  many  of  our  people,  with 
great  surprise  and  indignation,  since  the  treatment  tliey  met 
with,  and  the  order  and  request  made  to  them,  were  so  reason- 
able, and  apparently  necessary  for  the  defence  of  our  common 
cause,  and  safety  of  our  rights  and  privileges,  for  which  they 
freely  engaged." 

We  will  here  add,  that  the  homeward-bound  warriors  seem  to 
have  run  the  gauntlet  along  the  road  ;  for  their  conduct  on  quit- 
ting the  army  drew  upon  them  such  indignation,  that  they  could 
hardly  get  any  thing  to  eat  on  their  journey,  and  when  they 
arrived  at  home  they  met  with  such  a  reception  (to  the  credit 
of  the  Connecticut  women  be  it  recorded) ,  that  many  were  soon 
disposed  to  return  again  to  the  camp.1 

On  the  very  clay  after  the  departure  homeward  of  these 
troops,  and  while  it  was  feared  their  example  would  be  conta- 
gious, a  long,  lumbering  train  of  wagons,  laden  with  ordnance 
and  military  stores,  and  decorated  with  flags,  came  wheeling 
into  the  camp,  escorted  by  continental  troops  and  country  mili- 
tia. They  were  part  of  the  cargo  of  a  large  brigantine  laden 
with  munitions  of  war,  captured  and  sent  in  to  Cape  Ann  by  the 
schooner  Lee,  Captain  Manty,  one  of  the  cruisers  sent  out  by 
Washington.  "  Such  universal  joy  ran  through  the  whole 
camp,"  writes  an  officer,  "as  if  each  one  grasped  a  victory  in 
his  own  hands." 

Beside  the  ordnance  captured,  there  were  two  thousand 
stand  of  arms,  one  hundred  thousand  flints,  thirty  thousand 
round  shot,  and  thirt}'-two  tons  of  musket  balls. 

"Surely  nothing,"  writes  Washington,  "ever  came  more 
apropos." 

It  was  indeed  a  cheering  incident  and  was  eagerly  turned  to 
account.  Among  the  ordnance  was  a  huge  brass  mortar  of  a 
new   construction,  weighing  near  three  thousand  pounds.     It 

1  See  letter  of  General  Greene  to  Samuel  Ward.     Am.  Arch.,  4th  Series,  vol.  iv. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  387 

was  considered  a  glorious  trophy,  and  there  was  a  resolve  to 
christen  it.  Mifflin,  Washington's  secretary,  suggested  the 
name.  The  mortar  was  fixed  in  a  bed ;  old  Putnam  mounted 
it,  dashed  on  it  a  bottle  of  rum,  and  gave  it  the  name  of  Con- 
gress. The  shouts  which  rent  the  air  were  heard  in  Boston. 
When  the  meaning  of  them  was  explained  to  the  British,  they 
observed,  that  "  should  their  expected  re-enforcements  arrive  in 
time,  the  rebels  would  pay  dear  in  the  spring  for  all  their  petty 
triumphs." 

With  Washington,  this  transient  gleam  of  nautical  success 
was  soon  overshadowed  by  the  conduct  of  the  cruisers  he  had 
sent  to  the  St.  Lawrence.  Failing  to  intercept  the  brigantines, 
the  objects  of  their  cruise,  they  landed  on  the  island  of  St. 
Johns,  plundered  the  house  of  the  governor  and  several  private 
dwellings,  and  brought  off  three  of  the  principal  inhabitants 
prisoners ;  one  of  whom,  Mr.  Callbeck,  was  president  of  the 
council,  and  acted  as  governor. 

These  gentlemen  made  a  memorial  to  Washington  of  this 
scandalous  maraud.  He  instantly  ordered  the  restoration  of 
the  effects  which  had  been  pillaged ;  —  of  his  conduct  toward 
the  gentlemen  personally,  we  may  judge  by  the  following  note 
addressed  to  him  by  Mr.  Callbeck. 

"I  should  ill  deserve  the  generous  treatment  which  your 
Excellency  has  been  pleased  to  show  me,  had  I  not  the  grati- 
tude to  acknowledge  so  great  a  favor.  I  cannot  ascribe  any 
part  of  it  to  my  own  merit,  but  must  impute  the  whole  to  the 
philanthropy  and  humane  disposition  that  so  truly  characterize 
General  Washington.  Be  so  obliging,  therefore,  as  to  accept 
the  only  return  in  my  power,  that  of  my  most  grateful  thanks."  1 

Shortly  after  the  foregoing  occurrence,  information  was 
received  of  the  indignities  which  had  been  heaped  upon 
Colonel  Ethan  Allen,  when  captured  at  Montreal  by  General 
Prescott,  who,  himself,  was  now  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of 
the  Americans.  It  touched  Washington  on  a  point  on  which  he 
was  most  sensitive  and  tenacious,  the  treatment  of  American 
officers  when  captured  ;  and  produced  the  following  letter  from 
him  to  General  Howe  : 

"  Sir, — We  have  just  been  informed  of  a  circumstance 
which,  were  it  not  so  well  authenticated,  I  should  scarcely 
think  credible.  It  is  that  Colonel  Allen,  who,  with  his  small 
party,  was  defeated  and  made  prisoner  near  Montreal,  has  been 
treated  without  regard  to  decency,  humanity,  or  the  rules  of 

1  Sparks.    "Washington's  Writings,  vol.  iii.,  p.  194. 


388  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

war;  that  he  has  been  thrown  into  irons,  and  suffers  all  the 
hardships  inflicted  upon  common  felons. 

"I  think  it  my  duty,  sir,  to  demand,  and  do  expect  from 
you,  an  eclaircissement  on  this  subject.  At  the  same  time,  I 
flatter  myself,  from  the  character  which  Mr.  Howe  bears  as  a 
man  of  honor,  gentleman  and  soldier,  that  my  demand  will  meet 
with  his  approbation.  I  must  take  the  liberty,  also,  of  inform- 
ing you  that  I  shall  consider  your  silence  as  a  confirmation  of 
the  report,  and  further  assuring  you,  that  whatever  treatment 
Colonel  Allen  receives,  whatever  fate  he  undergoes,  such 
exactly  shall  be  the  treatment  and  fate  of  Brigadier  Prescott, 
now  in  our  hands.  The  law  of  retaliation  is  not  only  justifiable 
in  the  eyes  of  God  and  man,  but  absolutely  a  duty,  which  in 
our  present  circumstances  we  owe  to  our  relations,  friends  and 
fellow-citizens. 

"  Permit  me  to  add,  sir,  that  we  have  all  here  the  highest 
regard  and  reverence  for  your  great  personal  qualities  and  attain- 
ments, and  the  Americans  in  general  esteem  it  as  not  the  least 
of  their  misfortunes,  that  the  name  of  Howe,  a  name  so  dear  to 
them,  should  appear  at  the  head  of  the  catalogue  of  the  instru- 
ments employed  by  a  wicked  ministry  for  their  destruction." 

General  Howe  felt  acutely  the  sorrowful  reproach  in  the  lat- 
ter part  of  the  letter.  It  was  a  reiteration  of  what  had  already 
been  expressed  by  Congress ;  in  the  present  instance  it  pro- 
duced irritation,  if  we  may  judge  from  the  repty. 

"  Sir,  —  In  answer  to  your  letter,  I  am  to  acquaint  you  that 
my  command  does  not  extend  to  Canada.  Not  having  any 
accounts  wherein  the  name  of  Allen  is  mentioned,  I  cannot  give 
you  the  smallest  satisfaction  upon  the  subject  of  your  letter. 
But  trusting  Major-General  Carleton's  conduct  will  never  incur 
censure  upon  any  occasion,  I  am  to  conclude  in  the  instance  of 
your  inquiry,  that  he  has  not  forfeited  his  past  pretensions 
to  decency  and  humanity. 

"  It  is  with  regret,  considering  the  character  you  have  always 
maintained  among  }*our  friends  as  a  gentleman  of  the  strictest 
honor  and  delicacy,  that  I  find  cause  to  resent  a  sentence  in  the 
conclusion  of  your  letter,  big  with  invective  against  my  supe- 
riors, and  insulting  to  myself,  which  should  obstruct  any  fur- 
ther intercourse  between  us.     I  am,  sir,  etc." 

In  transmitting  a  copy  of  his  letter  to  the  President  of  Con- 
gress, Washington  observed:  "My  reason  for  pointing  out 
Brigadier-General  Prescott  as  the  object  who  is  to  suffer  for 
Mr.  Allen's  fate,  is,  that  by  letters  from  General  Schuyler  and 
copies  of  letters  from  General  Montgomery  to  Schuyler,  I  am 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  389 

given  to  understand  that  Prescott  is  the  cause  of  Allen's  suffer- 
ings. I  thought  it  best  to  be  decisive  on  the  occasion,  as  did 
the  generals  whom  I  consulted  thereon." 

For  the  sake  of  continuity  we  will  anticipate  a  few  facts  con- 
nected with  the  story  of  Ethan  Allen.  Within  a  few  weeks 
after  the  preceding  correspondence,  Washington  received  a  let- 
ter from  Levi  Allen,  a  brother  to  the  colonel,  and  of  like  enter- 
prising and  enthusiastic  character.  It  was  dated  from  Salisbury 
in  Connecticut ;  and  enclosed  affidavits  of  the  harsh  treatment 
his  brother  had  experienced,  and  of  his  being  confined  on  board 
of  the  Gaspee,  "  with  a  bar  of  iron  fixed  to  one  of  his  legs  and 
iron  to  his  hands."  Levi  was  bent  upon  effecting  his  deliver- 
ance, and  the  mode  proposed  was  in  unison  with  the  bold,  but 
wild  schemes  of  the  colonel.  We  quote  his  crude,  but  charac- 
teristic letter. 

"  Have  some  thoughts  of  going  to  England,  incognito,  after 
my  brother ;  but  am  not  positively  certain  he  is  sent  there, 
though  believe  he  is.  Beg  your  excellency  will  favor  me  with  a 
line,  and  acquaint  me  if  any  intelligence  concerning  him,  and  if 
your  excellency  please,  your  opinion  of  the  expediency  of  going 
after  him,  and  whether  your  excellency  would  think  proper  to 
advance  any  money  for  that  purpose,  as  my  brother  was  a  man 
blessed  with  more  fortitude  than  fortune.  Your  excellency  may 
think,  at  first  thought,  I  can  do  nothing  by  going  to  England  ; 
I  feel  as  if  I  could  do  a  great  deal,  by  raising  a  mob  in  London, 
bribing  the  jailer,  or  by  getting  into  some  servile  employment 
with  the  jailer,  and  over-faithfulness  make  myself  master  of 
the  key,  or  at  least  be  able  to  lay  my  hand  on  it  some  night.  I 
beg  your  excellency  will  countenance  my  going ;  can  muster 
more  than  one  hundred  pounds,  my  own  property ;  shall  regard 
spending  that  no  more  than  one  copper.  Your  excellency  must 
know  Allen  was  not  only  a  brother,  but  a  real  friend  that 
sticketh  closer  than  a  brother."  In  a  postscript  he  adds, 
"  cannot  live  without  going  to  England,  if  my  brother  is  sent 
there." 

In  reply,  Washington  intimated  a  belief  that  the  colonel  had 
been  sent  to  England,  but  discountenanced  Levi's  wild  project 
of  following  him  thither ;  as  there  was  no  probability  of  its 
success,  and  he  would  be  running  himself  into  danger  without 
a  prospect  of  rendering  service  to  his  brother. 

The  measure  of  retaliation  mentioned  in  Washington's  letter 
to  Howe,  was  actually  meted  out  by  Congress  on  the  arrival  of 
General  Prescott  in  Philadelphia.  He  was  ordered  into  close 
confinement  in  the  jail ;  though  not  put  in  irons.     He  was  sub- 


390  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON'. 

sequently  released  from  confinement,  on  account  of  ill  health, 
and  was  treated  by  some  Philadelphia  families  with  unmerited 
hospitality.1 

At  the  time  of  the  foregoing  correspondence  with  Howe,  Wash- 
ington was  earnestly  occupied  preparing  works  for  the  bom- 
bardment of  Boston,  should  that  measure  be  resolved  upon  by 
Congress.  General  Putnam,  in  the  preceding  month,  had  taken 
possession  in  the  night  of  Cobble  Hill  without  molestation  from 
the  enemy,  though  a  commanding  eminence ;  and  in  two  days 
had  constructed  a  work,  which,  from  its  strength,  was  named 
Putnam's  impregnable  fortress. 

He  was  now  engaged  on  another  work  on  Lechmere  Point,  to 
be  connected  with  the  works  at  Cobble  Hill  by  a  bridge  thrown 
across  Willis's  Creek,  and  a  covered  way.  Lechmere  Point  is 
immediately  opposite  the  west  part  of  Boston  ;  and  the  Scar- 
borough ship-of-war  was  anchored  near  it.  Putnam  availed  him- 
self of  a  dark  and  foggy  day  (December  17),  to  commence  oper- 
ations, and  broke  ground  with  four  hundred  men,  at  ten  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  on  a  hill  at  the  Point.  "The  mist,"  says  a 
contemporary  account,  "  was  so  great  as  to  prevent  the  enemy 
from  discovering  what  he  was  about  until  near  twelve  o'clock, 
when  it  cleared  up,  and  opened  to  their  view  our  whole  party 
at  the  Point,  and  another  at  the  causeway  throwing  a  bridge 
over  the  Creek.  The  Scarborough,  anchored  off  the  Point, 
poured  in  a  broadside.  The  enemy  from  Boston  threw  shells. 
The  garrison  at  Cobble  Hill  returned  fire.  Our  men  were 
obliged  to  decamp  from  the  Point,  but  the  work  was  resumed 
by  the  brave  old  general  at  night." 

On  the  next  morning,  a  cannonade  from  Cobble  Hill  obliged 
the  Scarborough  to  weigh  anchor,  and  drop  down  below  the 
ferry  ;  and  General  Heath  was  detached  with  a  party  of  men  to 
carry  on  the  work  which  Putnam  had  commenced. 

The  enemy  resumed  their  fire.  Sentinels  were  placed  to  give 
notice  of  a  shot  or  shell ;  the  men  would  crouch  down  or  dodge 
it,  and  continue  on  with  their  work.  The  fire  ceased  in  the 
afternoon,    and  Washington  visited   the  hill  accompanied   by 

1  Thomas  "Walker,  a  merchant  of  Montreal,  who,  accused  of  traitorous  dealings  with 
the  Americans,  had  been  thrown  iirto  prison  during  Prescott's  sway,  and  his  country- 
house  burned  down,  undertook  a  journey  to  Philadelphia  in  the  depth  of  winter,  when 
he  understood  the  General  was  a  captive  there,  trusting  to  obtain  satisfaction  for  his  ill- 
treatment.  To  his  great  surprise,  he  found  Mr.  Prescott  lodged  in  the  best  tavern  of  the 
place,  walking  or  riding  at  large  through  Philadelphia  and  Bucks  Counties,  feasting  with 
gentlemen  of  the  first  rank  in  the  province,  and  keeping  a  levee  for  the  reception  of 
the  grandees.  In  consequence  of  which  unaccountable  phenomena,  and  the  little  pros- 
pect of  his  obtaining  any  adequate  redress  in  the  present  unsettled  state  of  public  affaire,. 
Mr.  Walker  has  returned  to  Montreal.  —  Am.  Archives,  4th  Series,  vol.  iv.,  1178. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  391 

several  officers,  and  inspected  the  progress  of  the  work.  It  was 
to  consist  of  two  redoubts,  on  one  of  which  was  to  be  a  mortar 
battery.  There  was,  as  yet,  a  deficiency  of  ordnance  ;  but  the 
prize  mortar  was  to  be  mounted  which  Putnam  had  recently 
christened,  "  The  Congress."  From  the  spirit  with  which  the 
work  was  carried  on,  Washington  trusted  that  it  would  soon  be 
completed,  "  and  then,"  said  he,  "  if  we  have  powder  to  sport 
with,  and  Congress  gives  the  word,  Boston  can  be  bombarded 
from  this  point." 

For  several  days  the  labor  at  the  works  was  continued  ;  the 
redoubts  were  thrown  up,  and  a  covered  way  was  constructed 
leading  down  to  the  bridge.  All  this  was  done  notwithstand- 
ing the  continual  fire  of  the  enemy.  The  letter  of  a  British 
officer  gives  his  idea  of  the  efficiency  of  the  work. 

"  The  rebels  for  some  days  past  have  been  erecting  a  bat- 
tery on  Phipps'  Farm.  The  new  constructed  mortar  taken  on 
board  the  ordnance  brig,  we  are  told,  will  be  mounted  upon  it, 
and  we  expect  a  warm  salute  from  the  shells,  another  part  of 
that  vessel's  cargo ;  so  that,  in  spite  of  her  capture,  we  are 
likely  to  be  complimented  with  the  contents  of  her  lading." 

"  If  the  rebels  can  complete  their  battery,  this  town  will  be 
on  fire  about  our  ears  a  few  hours  after  ;  all  our  buildings  being 
of  wood,  or  a  mixture  of  brick  and  wood- work.  Had  the 
rebels  erected  their  battery  on  the  other  side  of  the  town,  at 
Dorchester,  the  admiral  and  all  his  booms  would  have  made 
the  first  blaze,  and  the  burning  of  the  town  would  have  fol- 
lowed. If  we  cannot  destroy  the  rebel  battery  by  our  guns,  we 
must  march  out  and  take  it  sword  in  hand." 

Putnam  anticipated  great  effects  from  this  work,  and  espe- 
cially from  his  grand  mortar,  "The  Congress."  Shells  there 
were  in  abundance  for  a  bombardment ;  the  only  thing  wanting 
was  a  supply  of  powder.  One  of  the  officers,  writing  of  the 
unusual  mildness  of  the  winter,  observes  :  "  Every  thing  thaws 
here  except  old  Put.  He  is  still  as  hard  as  ever,  crying  out 
for  powder  —  powder  —  powder.     Ye  gods,  give  us  powder!  " 


392  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER   Lin. 

MOUNT     VERNON     IN      DANGER MRS.      WASHINGTON      INVITED      TO 

THE     CAMP LUND     WASHINGTON,     THE     GENERAL'S      AGENT 

TERMS    ON    WHICH    HE    SERVES INSTRUCTED    TO    KEEP    UP    THE 

HOSPITALITY    OF    THE    HOUSE JOURNEY    OF    MRS.     WASHINGTON 

TO    CAMP HER    EQUIPAGE    AND    LIVERIES ARRIVAL    AT    CAMP 

DOMESTIC    AFFAIRS    AT    HEAD-QUARTERS GAYETIES    IN    CAMP 

A    BRAWL    BETWEEN    ROUND    JACKETS    AND    RIFLE    SHIRTS. 

Amid  the  various  concerns  of  the  war,  and  the  multiplied 
perplexities  of  the  camp,  the  thoughts  of  Washington  continu- 
ally reverted  to  his  home  on  the  banks  of  the  Potomac.  A 
constant  correspondence  was  kept  up  between  him  and  his 
agent,  Mr.  Lund  Washington,  who  had  charge  of  his  various 
estates.  The  general  gave  clear  and  minute  directions  as  to 
their  management,  and  the  agent  rendered  as  clear  and  minute 
returns  of  every  thing  that  had  been  done  in  consequence. 

According  to  recent  accounts,  Mount  Vernon  had  been  con- 
sidered in  danger.  Lord  Dunmore  was  exercising  martial  law  in 
the  Ancient  Dominion  and  it  was  feared  that  the  favorite  abode 
of  the  "rebel  commander-in-chief"  would  be  marked  out  for 
hostility,  and  that  the  enemy  might  land  from  their  ships  in  the 
Potomac,  and  lay  it  waste.  Washington's  brother,  John  Au- 
gustine, had  entreated  Mrs.  Washington  to  leave  it.  The  peo- 
ple of  Loudoun  had  advised  her  to  seek  refuge  beyond  the  Blue 
Ridge  and  had  offered  to  send  a  guard  to  escort  her.  She  had 
declined  the  offer,  not  considering  herself  in  danger.  Lund 
Washington  was  equally  free  from  apprehensions  on  the  sub- 
ject. "  Lord  Dunmore,"  writes  he,  "  will  hardly  himself  ven- 
ture up  this  river,  nor  do  I  believe  he  will  send  on  that  errand. 
You  may  depend  I  will  be  watchful,  and  upon  the  least  alarm 
persuade  her  to  move." 

Though  alive  to  every  thing  concerning  Mount  Vernon, 
Washington  agreed  with  them  in  deeming  it  in  no  present  dan- 
ger of  molestation  by  the  enemy.  Still  he  felt  for  the  loneli- 
ness of  Mrs.  Washington's  situation,  heightened  as  it  must  be 
by  anxiety  on  his  own  account.  On  taking  command  of  the 
army,  he  had  held  out  a  prospect  to  her,  that  he  would  rejoin 
her  at  home  in  the  autumn  ;  there  was  now  a  probability  of  his 
being  detained  before  Boston  all  winter.  He  wrote  to  her, 
therefore,  by  express,  in  November,  inviting  her  to  join  him  at 


MRS.    MARTHA  WASHINGTON. 


LIFE   OF    WASHING  TON.  393 

the  camp.  He  at  the  same  time  wrote  to  Lund  Washington, 
engaging  his  continued  services  as  an  agent.  This  person, 
though  bearing  the  same  name,  and  probably  of  the  same  stock, 
does  not  appear  to  have  been  in  any  near  degree  of  relation- 
ship. Washington's  letter  to  him  gives  a  picture  of  his  do- 
mestic policy. 

"  I  will  engage  for  the  year  coming,  and  the  year  following, 
if  these  troubles  and  my  absence  continue,  that  your  wages 
shall  be  standing  and  certain  at  the  highest  amount  that  any 
one  year's  crops  has  produced  you  yet.  I  do  not  offer  this  as 
any  temptation  to  induce  you  to  go  on  more  cheerfully  in  prose- 
cuting those  schemes  of  mine.  I  should  do  injustice  to  you 
were  I  not  to  acknowledge,  that  your  conduct  has  ever  appeared 
to  me  above  every  thing  sordid  ;  but  I  offer  it  in  consideration 
of  the  great  charge  you  have  upon  your  hands,  and  my  entire 
dependence  upon  your  fidelity  and  industry. 

iC  It  is  the  greatest,  indeed  it  is  the  only  comfortable  reflec- 
tion I  enjoy  on  this  score,  that  my  business  is  in  the  hands  of  a 
person  concerning  whose  integrity  I  have  not  a  doubt,  and  on 
whose  care  I  can  rely.  Were  it  not  for  this,  I  should  feel  very 
unhappy  on  account  of  the  situation  of  my  affairs.  But  I  am 
persuaded  you  will  do  for  me  as  you  would  for  }Tourself." 

The  following  were  his  noble  directions  concerning  Mount 
Vernon. 

"  Let  the  hospitality  of  the  house  with  respect  to  the  poor  be 
kept  up.  Let  no  one  go  hungry  away.  If  any  of  this  kind  of 
people  should  be  in  want  of  corn,  supply  their  necessaries, 
provided  it  does  not  encourage  them  to  idleness  ;  and  I  have  no 
objection  to  your  giving  my  money  in  charity  to  the  amount  of 
forty  or  fifty  pounds  a  year,  when  you  think  it  well  bestowed. 
What  I  mean  by  having  no  objection  is,  that  it  is  my  desire  it 
should  be  done.  You  are  to  consider  that  neither  myself  nor 
wife  is  now  in  the  way  to  do  those  good  offices." 

Mrs.  Washington  came  on  with  her  own  carriage  and  horses, 
accompanied  by  her  son,  Mr.  Custis,  and  his  wife.  She  travelled 
by  very  easy  stages,  partly  on  account  of  the  badness  of  the 
roads,  partly  out  of  regard  to  the  horses,  of  which  Washington 
was  always  very  careful,  and  which  were  generally  remarkable 
for  beauty  and  excellence.  Escorts  and  guards  of  honor 
attended  her  from  place  to  place,  and  she  was  detained  some 
time  at  Philadelphia,  by  the  devoted  attention  of  the  inhabitants. 

Her  arrival  at  Cambridge  was  a  glad  event  in  the  army. 
Incidental  mention  is  made  of  the  equipage  in  which  she 
appeared  there.     A  chariot  and  four,  with  black  postilions  in 


394  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

scarlet  and  white  liveries.  It  has  been  suggested  that  this  was 
an  English  style  of  equipage,  derived  from  the  Fairfaxes ;  but 
in  truth  it  was  a  style  still  prevalent  at  that  day  in  Virginia. 

It  would  appear  that  dinner  invitations  to  head-quarters  were 
becoming  matters  of  pride  and  solicitude.  "  I  am  much  obliged 
to  you,"  writes  Washington  to  Reed,  "  for  the  hints  respecting 
the  jealousies  which  you  say  are  gone  abroad.  I  cannot  charge 
myself  with  incivility*,  or  what  in  my  opinion  is  tantamount, 
ceremonious  civility  to  gentlemen  of  this  colony  ;  but  if  such  my 
conduct  appears,  I  will  endeavor  at  a  reformation ;  as  I  can 
assure  you,  my  dear  Reed,  that  I  wish  to  walk  in  such  a  line  as 
will  give  most  general  satisfaction.  You  know  that  it  was  my  wish 
at  first  to  invite  a  certain  number  to  dinner,  but  unintentionally 
we  somehow  or  other  missed  of  it.  If  this  has  given  rise  to  the 
jealousy,  I  can  only  say  that  I  am  very  sorry  for  it ;  at  the  same 
time  I  add,  that  it  was  rather  owing  to  inattention,  or  more 
properly,  too  much  attention  to  other  matters,  which  caused  me 
to  neglect  it." 

And  in  another  letter : 

"  My  constant  attention  to  the  great  and  perplexing  object 
which  continually  arise  to  my  view,  absorbs  all  lesser  considera- 
tions ;  and,  indeed,  scarcely  allows  me  to  reflect  that  there  is 
such  a  body  as  the  General  Court  of  this  colony,  but  when  I  am 
reminded  of  it  by  a  committee  ;  nor  can  I,  upon  recollection, 
discover  in  what  instance  I  have  been  inattentive  to,  or  slighted 
them.  They  could  not  surely  conceive  that  there  was  a  pro- 
priety in  unbosoming  the  secrets  of  the  army  to  them  ;  that  it 
was  necessary  to  ask  their  opinion  in  throwing  up  an  intrench- 
ment  or  forming  a  battalion.  It  must  be,  therefore,  what  I 
before  hinted  to  you  ;  and  how  to  remedy  it  I  hardly  know,  as 
I  am  acquainted  with  few  of  the  members,  never  go  out  of  my 
own  lines,  nor  see  any  of  them  in  them." 

The  presence  of  Mrs.  Washington  soon  relieved  the  general 
from  this  kind  of  perplexity.  She  presided  at  head-quarters 
with  mingled  dignity  and  affability.  We  have  an  anecdote  or 
two  of  the  internal  affairs  of  head-quarters,  furnished  by  the 
ilescendant  of  one  who  was  an  occasional  inmate  there. 

Washington  had  prayers  morning  and  evening,  and  was 
regular  in  his  attendance  at  the  church  in  which  he  was  a  com- 
municant. On  one  occasion,  for  want  of  a  clergyman,  the 
Episcopal  service  was  read  by  Colonel  William  Palfrey,  one  of 
Washington's  aides-de-camp ;  who  substituted  a  prayer  of  his 
own  composition  in  place  of  the  one  formerly  offered  up  for  the 
king. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  395 

Not  long  after  her  arrival  in  camp,  Mrs.  Washington  claimed 
to  keep  twelfth-night  in  due  style,  as  the  anniversary  of  her 
wedding.  "The  general,"  says  the  same  informant,  "was 
somewhat  thoughtful,  and  said  he  was  afraid  he  must  refuse 
it."  His  objections  were  overcome,  and  twelfth-night  and  the 
wedding  anniversary  were  duly  celebrated. 

There  seems  to  have  been  more  conviviality  at  the  quarters 
of  some  of  the  other  generals ;  their  time  and  minds  were  less 
intensely  engrossed  by  anxious  cares,  having  only  their  indi- 
vidual departments  to  attend  to.  Adjutant-General  Mifflin's 
house  appears  to  have  been  a  gay  one.  u  He  was  a  man  of 
education,  ready  apprehension  and  brilliancy,"  says  G  ray  don  ; 
"  had  spent  some  time  in  Europe,  particularly  in  Fiance,  and 
was  very  easy  of  access,  with  the  manners  of  genteel  life, 
though  occasionally  evolving  those  of  the  Quaker."  l 

Mrs.  Adams  gives  an  account  of  an  evening  party  at  his 
house.  "I  was  very  politely  entertained  and  noticed  by  the 
generals,"  writes  she,  "more  especially  General  Lee,  who  was 
very  urgent  for  me  to  tarry  in  town,  and  dine  with  him  and 
the  ladies  present  at  Hobgoblin  Hall ;  but  I  excused  myself. 
The  general  was  determined  that  I  should  not  only  be  acquainted 
with  him,  but  with  his  companions  too  ;  and  therefore  placed  a 
chair  before  me,  into  which  he  ordered  Mr.  Spada  (his  dog)  to 
mount,  and  present  his  paw  to  me  for  a  better  acquaintance. 
I  could  not  do  otherwise  than  accept  it."  2 

John  Adams,  likewise,  gives  us  a  picture  of  festivities  at 
head-quarters,  where  he  was  a  visitant  on  the  recess  of  Con- 
gress. 

"  I  dined  at  Colonel  Mifflin's  with  the  general  (Washington) 
and  lady  and  a  vast  collection  of  other  company,  among  whom 
were  six  or  seven  sachems  and  warriors  of  the  French  Caughna- 
waga  Indians,  with  their  wives  and  children.  A  savage  feast 
they  made  of  it ;  yet  were  very  polite  in  the  Indian  style.  I 
was  introduced  to  them  by  the  general  as  one  of  the  grand 
eouncil  at  Philadelphia,  which  made  them  prick  up  their  ears. 
They  came  and  shook  hands  with  me."  3 

While  giving  these  familiar  scenes  and  occurrences  at  the 
camp,  we  are  tempted  to  subjoin  one  furnished  from  the  manu- 
script memoir  of  an  eye  witness.  A  large  party  of  Virginia 
riflemen,  who  had  recently  arrived  in  camp,  were  strolling 
about  Cambridge,  and  viewing  the  collegiate   buildings,  now 

1  Graydon's  Memoirs,  p.  154.  2  Letters  of  Mr.  Adams,  vol.  i.,  p.  85. 

3  Adams's  Letters,  vol.  ii.,  p.  80.  Adams  adds,  that  they  made  him  "  low  bows  ar*{ 
scrapes  "—a  kiud  of  homage  never  paid  by  an  Indian  warrior. 


396  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

turned  into  barracks.  Their  half-Indian  equipments,  and 
fringed  and  ruffled  hunting  garbs,  provoked  the  merriment  of 
some  troops  from  Marblehead,  chiefly  fishermen  and  sailors, 
who  thought  nothing  equal  to  the  round  jacket  and  trousers. 
A  bantering  ensued  between  them.  There  was  snow  upon  the 
ground,  and  snowballs  began  to  fly  when  jokes  were  wanting. 
The  parties  waxed  warm  with  the  contest.  They  closed,  and 
came  to  blows  ;  both  sides  were  re-enforced,  and  in  a  little 
while  at  least  a  thousand  were  at  fisticuffs,  and  there  was  a 
tumult  in  the  camp  worthy  of  the  days  of  Homer.  "  At  this 
juncture,"  writes  our  informant,  "  Washington  made  his 
appearance,  whether  by  accident  or  design,  I  never  knew.  I 
saw  none  of  his  aides  with  him ;  his  black  servant  just  behind 
him  mounted.  He  threw  the  bridle  of  his  own  horse  into  his 
servant's  hands,  sprang  from  his  seat,  rushed  into  the  thickest 
of  the  melee,  seized  two  tall  brawny  riflemen  by  the  throat, 
keeping  them  at  arm's-length,  talking  to  and  shaking  them." 

As  they  were  from  his  own  province,  he  may  have  felt  pecul- 
iarly responsible  for  their  good  conduct ;  they  were  engaged, 
too,  in  one  of  those  sectional  brawls  which  were  his  especial 
abhorrence ;  his  reprimand  must,  therefore,  have  been  a  vehe- 
ment one.  He  was  commanding  in  his  serenest  moments,  but 
irresistible  in  his  bursts  of  indignation.  On  the  present  occa- 
sion, we  are  told,  his  appearance  and  strong-handed  rebuke 
put  an  instant  end  to  the  tumult.  The  combatants  dispersed 
in  all  directions,  and  in  less  than  three  minutes  none  remained 
on  the  ground  but  the  two  he  had  collared. 

The  veteran  who  records  this  exercise  of  military  authority, 
seems  at  a  loss  which  most  to  admire,  the  simplicity  of  the 
process  or  the  vigor  with  which  it  was  administered.  "  Here," 
writes  he,  "bloodshed,  imprisonments,  trials  by  court-martial, 
revengeful  feelings  between  the  different  corps  of  the  army, 
were  happily  prevented  by  the  physical  and  mental  energies  of 
a  single  person,  and  the  only  damage  resulting  from  the  fierce 
encounter  was  a  few  torn  hunting  frocks  and  round  jackets."  1 

1  From  memoranda  written  at  an  advanced  age,  by  the  late  Hon.  Israel  Trask,  who, 
when  but  ten  years  old,  was  in  the  camp  at  Cambridge  with  his  father,  who  was  a  lieu 
tenant. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  397 


CHAPTER   LIV. 

affairs   in   canada  arnold   at   point   levi quebec   re- 
enforced crossing   of  the   st.    lawrence landing  in 

wolfe's  cove — Arnold  on  the  heights  of  Abraham  — 
cautious  counsel quebec  aroused the  invaders  baf- 
fled   withdraw    to   point   aux   trembles booming   of 

cannon carleton  at  quebec letter  of  washington  to 

ARNOLD. 

We  again  turn  from  the  siege  of  Boston,  to  the  invasion 
of  Canada,  which  at  that  time  shared  the  anxious  thoughts  of 
Washington.  His  last  accounts  of  the  movements  of  Arnold, 
left  him  at  Point  Levi,  opposite  to  Quebec.  Something  brilliant 
from  that  daring  officer  was  anticipated.  It  was  his  intention 
to  cross  the  river  immediately.  Had  he  done  so,  he  might  have 
carried  the  town  by  a  coup  de  main;  for  terror  as  well  as  dis- 
affection prevailed  among  the  inhabitants.  At  Point  Levi,  how- 
ever, he  was  brought  to  a  stand ;  not  a  boat  was  to  be  found 
there.  Letters  which  he  had  despatched  some  days  previously, 
by  two  Indians,  to  Generals  Schuyler  and  Montgomery,  had 
been  carried  by  his  faithless  messengers  to  Caramhe,  the  lieu- 
tenant-governor, who,  thus  apprised  of  the  impending  danger, 
had  caused  all  the  boats  of  Point  Levi  to  be  either  removed  or 
destroyed. 

Arnold  was  not  a  man  to  be  disheartened  by  difficulties. 
With  great  exertions  he  procured  about  forty  birch  canoes  from 
the  Canadians  and  Indians,  with  forty  of  the  latter  to  navigate 
them  ;  but  stormy  winds  arose,  and  for  some  days  the  river  was 
too  boisterous  for  such  frail  craft.  In  the  mean  time  the  gar- 
rison at  Quebec  was  gaining  strength.  Recruits  arrived  from 
Nova  Scotia.  The  veteran  Maclean,  too,  who  had  been  driven 
from  the  mouth  of  the  Sorel  Ity  the  detachment  under  Brown 
and  Livingston,  arrived  down  the  river  with  his  corps  of  Royal 
Highland  Emigrants,  and  threw  himself  into  the  place.  The 
Lizard  frigate,  the  Hornet  sloop-of-war,  and  two  armed  schoon- 
ers were  stationed  in  the  river,  and  guard-boats  patrolled  at 
night.  The  prospect  of  a  successful  attack  upon  the  place 
was  growing  desperate. 

On  the  13th  of  November,  Arnold  received  intelligence  that 
Montgomery  had  captured  St.  Johns.  He  was  instantly  roused 
to  emulation.     His  men,  too,  were  inspirited  by  the  news.    The 


398  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

wind  had  abated :  he  determined  to  cross  the  river  that  very 
night.  At  a  late  hour  in  the  evening  he  embarked  with  the 
first  division,  principally  riflemen.  The  river  was  wide ;  the 
current  rapid ;  the  birch  canoes,  easy  to  be  upset,  required 
skilful  management.  By  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  a  large 
part  of  his  force  had.  crossed  without  being  perceived,  and 
landed  about  a  mile  and  a  half  above  Cape  Diamond,  at  Wolfe's 
Cove,  so  called  from  being  the  landing-place  of  that  gallant 
commander. 

Just  then  a  guard-boat,  belonging  to  the  Lizard,  came  slowly 
along  shore  and  discovered  them.  They  hailed  it,  and  ordered 
it  to  land.  Not  complying,  it  was  fired  into,  and  three  men 
were  killed.  The  boat  instantly  pulled  for  the  frigate,  giving 
vociferous  alarm. 

Without  waiting  the  arrival  of  the  residue  of  his  men,  for 
whom  the  canoes  had  been  despatched,  Arnold  led  those  who 
had  landed  to  the  foot  of  the  cragged  defile,  once  scaled  by  the 
intrepid  Wolfe,  and  scrambled  up  it  in  all  haste.  By  daylight 
he  had  planted  his  daring  flag  on  the  far-famed  Heights  of 
Abraham. 

Here  the  main  difficult}^  stared  him  in  the  face.  A  strong  Una 
of  walls  and  bastions  traversed  the  promontory  from  one  of  its 
precipitous  sides  to  the  other ;  enclosing  the  upper  and  lower 
towns.  On  the  right,  the  great  bastion  of  Cape  Diamond 
crowned  the  rocky  height  of  that  name.  On  the  left  was  the 
bastion  of  La  Potasse,  close  by  the  gate  of  St.  Johns  opening 
upon  the  barracks ;  the  gate  where  Wolfe's  antagonist,  the  gal- 
lant Montcalm,  received  his  death  wound. 

A  council  of  war  was  now  held.  Arnold,  who  had  some 
knowledge  of  the  place,  was  for  dashing  forward  at  once  and 
storming  the  gate  of  St.  Johns.  Had  they  done  so,  they  might 
have  been  successful.  The  gate  was  open  and  unguarded. 
Through  some  blunder  and  delay,  a  message  from  the  com- 
mander of  the  Lizard  to  the  lieutenant-governor  had  not  yet 
been  delivered,  and  no  alarm  had  reached  the  fortress. 

The  formidable  aspect  of  the  place,  however,  awed  Arnold's 
associates  in  council.  They  considered  that  their  whole  force 
was  but  between  seven  and  eight  hundred  men  ;  that  nearly  one- 
third  of  their  fire-arms  had  been  rendered  useless,  and  much  of 
their  ammunition  damaged  in  their  march  through  the  wilder- 
ness ;  they  had  no  artillery,  and  the  fortress  looked  too  strong 
to  be  carried  by  a  coup  de  main.  Cautious  counsel  is  often 
fatal  to  a  daring  enterprise.  While  the  council  of  war  delib- 
erated, the  favorable  moment  passed  away.     The  lieutenant- 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  399 

governor  received  the  tardy  message.  He  hastily  assembled 
the  merchants,  officers  of  militia,  and  captains  of  merchant 
vessels.  All  promised  to  stand  by  him  ;  he  had  strong  distrust, 
however,  of  the  French  part  of  the  population  and  the  Canadian 
militia  ;  his  main  reliance  was  on  Colonel  Maclean  and  his  Royal 
Highland  Emigrants. 

The  din  of  arms  now  resounded  through  the  streets.  The 
cry  was  up  —  "The  enemy  are  on  the  Heights  of  Abraham! 
The  gate  of  St.  Johns  is  open !  "  There  was  an  attempt  to 
shut  it.  The  keys  were  not  to  be  found.  It  was  hastily  secured 
by  ropes  and  handspikes,  and  the  walls  looking  upon  the  heights 
were  soon  manned  by  the  military,  and  thronged  by  the  populace. 

Arnold  paraded  his  men  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  walls, 
and  caused  them  to  give  three  hearty  cheers  ;  hoping  to  excite  a 
revolt  in  the  place,  or  to  provoke  the  scanty  garrison  to  a  sally. 
There  were  a  few  scattered  cheerings  in  return  ;  but  the  taunting 
bravado  failed  to  produce  a  sortie  ;  the  governor  dared  not  ven- 
ture beyond  the  walls  with  part  of  his  garrison,  having  too  little 
confidence  in  the  loyalty  of  those  who  would  remain  behind. 
There  was  some  firing  on  the  part  of  the  Americans,  but  merely 
as  an  additional  taunt,  they  were  too  far  off  for  their  musketry 
to  have  effect.  A  large  cannon  on  the  ramparts  was  brought  to 
bear  on  them,  and  matches  were  procured  from  the  Lizard, 
with  which  to  fire  it  off.  A  few  shots  obliged  the  Americans  to 
retire  and  encamp. 

In  the  evening  Arnold  sent  a  flag,  demanding  in  the  name  of 
the  United  Colonies  the  surrender  of  the  place.  Some  of  the  dis- 
affected and  the  faint-hearted  were  inclined  to  open  the  gates, 
but  were  held  in  check  by  the  mastiff  loyalty  of  Maclean.  The 
veteran  guarded  the  gate  wTith  his  Highlanders  ;  forbade  all  com- 
munication with  the  besiegers,  and  fired  upon  their  flag  as  an 
ensign  of  rebellion. 

Several  days  elapsed.  Arnold's  flags  of  truce  were  repeat 
edly  insulted,  but  he  saw  the  futility  of  resenting  it,  and 
attacking  the  place  with  his  present  means.  The  inhabitants 
gradually  recovered  from  their  alarm,  and  armed  themselves  to 
defend  their  property.  The  sailors  and  marines  proved  a  valu- 
able addition  to  the  garrison,  which  now  really  meditated  a  sortie. 

Arnold  received  information  of  all  this  from  friends  within 
the  walls  ;  he  heard  about  the  same  time  of  the  capture  of 
Montreal,  and  that  General  Carleton,  having  escaped  from  that 
place,  was  on  his  way  down  to  Quebec.  He  thought  at  present, 
therefore,  to  draw  off  on  the  19th  to  Point  aux  Trembles  (Aspen- 
tree  Point),  twenty  miles  above   Quebec,  there   to   await   the 


400  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

arrival  of  General  Montgomery  with  troops  and  artillery.  As 
his  little  army  wended  its  way  along  the  high  bank  of  the  river 
toward  its  destined  encampment,  a  vessel  passed  below,  which 
had  just  touched  at  Point  aux  Trembles.  On  board  of  it  was 
General  Carleton,  hurrying  on  to  Quebec. 

It  was  not  long  before  the  distant  booming  of  artillery  told  of 
his  arrival  at  his  post,  where  he  resumed  a  stern  command. 
He  was  unpopular  among  the  inhabitants ;  even  the  British 
merchants  and  other  men  of  business  were  offended  by  the 
coldness  of  his  manners,  and  his  confining  his  intimacy  to  the 
military  and  the  Canadian  noblesse.  He  was  aware  of  his 
unpopularity,  and  looked  round  him  with  distrust ;  his  first 
measure  was  to  turn  out  of  the  place  all  suspected  persons,  and 
all  who  refused  to  aid  in  its  defence.  This  caused  a  great 
"  trooping  out  of  town,"  but  what  was  lost  in  numbers  was 
gained  in  strength.  With  the  loyally  disposed  who  remained, 
he  busied  himself  in  improving  the  defences. 

Of  the  constant  anxiet}',  }-et  enduring  hope,  with  which 
Washington  watched  this  hazardous  enterprise,  we  have  evi- 
dence in  his  various  letters.  To  Arnold,  when  at  Point  Levi, 
baffled  in  the  expectation  of  finding  the  means  of  making  a 
dash  upon  Quebec,  he  writes  :  "  It  is  not  in  the  power  of  any 
man  to  command  success,  but  you  have  done  more,  you  have 
deserved  it;  and  before  this  time  (December  5),  I  hope  you 
have  met  with  the  laurels  which  are  due  to  your  toils,  in  the 
possession  of  Quebec. 

"I  have  no  doubt  but  a  junction  of  your  detachment  with 
the  army  under  General  Montgomery  is  effected  before  this.  If 
so,  you  will  put  yourself  under  his  command  and  will,  I  am 
persuaded,  give  him  all  the  assistance  in  your  power,  to  finish 
the  glorious  work  you  have  begun." 


THE   LIFE 


GEORGE  WASHINGTON. 


BY 


WASHINGTON    IRVING. 


IN  FOUR    VOLUMES. 
VOLUME  II. 


REVISED    EDITION. 


NEW  YORK:  46  East  14th  Street. 

THOMAS    Y.   CROWELL    &    COMPANY. 

BOSTON:  100  Purchase  Street. 


LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON. 


CONTENTS. 


CHAPTER  I. 

PAGE 

Lord  Dunmore  —  His  Plans  of  harassing  Virginia  —  Lee's  Policy  respecting  Tory 
Governors  and  Placemen  —  Rhode  Island  harassed  by  Wallace  and  his  Cruisers, 
and  infested  by  Tories  —  Lee  sent  to  its  Relief — His  Vigorous  Measures  —  The 
Army  disbanding  — Washington's  Perplexities  —  Sympathy  of  General  Greene  — 
His  Loyalty  in  Time  of  Trouble  — The  Crisis  —  Cheering  News  from  Canada  — 
Gloomy  Opening  of  the  New  Year  —  News  from  Colonel  Knox 13 

CHAPTER  II. 

Military  Preparations  in  Boston  —  A  Secret  Expedition  —  Its  Object  — Lee's  Plan 
for  the  Security  of  New  York  —  Opinion  of  Adams  on  the  Subject  —  Instructions 
to  Lee  —  Transactions  of  Lee  in  Connecticut  —  Lee's  Policy  in  regard  to  the  Tories 

—  Uneasiness  in  New  York  — Letter  of  the  Committee  of  Safety  to  Lee  — His 
Reply  — His  Opinion  of  the  People  of  Connecticut  —  Of  the  Hysterical  Letter 
from  the  New  York  Congress 19 

CHAPTER  III. 

Montgomery  before  Quebec  —  His  Plan  of  Operations  —  A  Summons  to  surrender 

—  A  Flag  insulted  — The  Town  besieged  —  Plan  of  an  Escalade  —  Attack  of  the 
Lower  Town  —  Montgomery  in  the  Advance  — His  Death  —  Retreat  of  Colonel 
Campbell  —  Attack  by  Arnold  —  Defence  of  the  Lower  Town  —  Arnold  wounded 

—  Retreat  of  the  Americans — Gallant  Resolve  of  Arnold 25 

CHAPTER  TV. 

Correspondence  of  Washington  and  Schuyler  on  the  Disasters  in  Canada  —  Re-en- 
forcements required  from  New  England  —  Dangers  in  the  Interior  of  New  York 

—  Johnson  Hall  beleaguered  —  Sir  John  capitulates  —  Generous  Conduct  of 
Schuyler  —  Governor  Tryon  and  the  Tories  —  Tory  Machinations  —  Lee  at  New 
York  —  Sir  Henry  Clinton  in  the  Harbor  —  Menaces  of  Lee  —  The  City  and  River 
fortified  — Lee's  Treatment  of  the  Tories  — His  Plans  of  Fortification —  Ordered 

to  the  Command  in  Canada  — His  Speculations  on  Titles  of  Dignity 33 

3 


4  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  V. 

PAGE 

Monotonous  State  of  Affairs  before  Boston  —  Washington  anxious  for  Action  — 
Exploit  of  Putnam  —  Its  Dramatic  Consequences  —  The  Farce  of  the  Blockade  of 
Boston  —  An  Alarming  Interruption  —  Distresses  of  the  Besieged  —  Washington's 
Irksome  Predicament  — His  Bold  Proposition  — Demur  of  the  Council  of  War — 
Arrival  of  Knox  with  Artillery —  Dorchester  Heights  to  be  seized  and  fortified  — 
Preparations  for  the  Attempt 40 

CHAPTER  VI. 

The  Affair  of  Dorchester  Heights  — American  and  English  Letters  respecting  it  — 
A  Laborious  Night  —  Revelations  at  Daybreak  —  Howe  in  a  Perplexity  —  A  Night 
Attack  meditated  —  Stormy  Weather  —  The  Town  to  be  evacuated  —  Negotiations 
and  Arrangements  —  Preparations  to  Embark  —  Excesses  of  the  Troops  —  Boston 
evacuated  —  Speech  of  the  Duke  of  Manchester  on  the  Subject  — A  Medal  voted 
by  Congress 45 

CHAPTER  VII. 

Destination  of  the  Fleet  — Commission  of  the  Two  Howes  —  Character  of  Lord 
Howe  — The  Colonies  divided  into  Departments  — Lee  assigned  to  the  Southern 
Department  —  General  Thomas  to  Canada — Character  of  Lee,  by  Washington  — 
Letters  of  Lee  from  the  South  — A  Dog  in  a  Dancing  School  —  Committee  of 
Safety  in  Virginia  —  Lee's  Grenadiers  —  Putnam  in  Command  at  New  York  — 
State  of  Affairs  There  —  Arrival  of  Washington  —  New  Arrangements—  Perplexi- 
ties with  respect  to  Canada —  England  subsidizes  Hessian  Troops 55 

CHAPTER  VIII. 

Arnold  blockades  Quebec  —  His  Difficulties  —  Arrival  of  General  Wooster  —  Of 
General  Thomas  —  Abortive  Attempt  on  Quebec  —  Preparations  for  Retreat  — 
Sortie  of  Carleton  —  Retreat  of  the  Americans  —  Halt  at  Point  Deschambault  — 
Alarm  in  the  Colonies  at  the  Retreat  of  the  Army  —  Popular  Clamor  against 
Schuyler  — Slanders  refuted 63 

CHAPTER  IX. 

Gates  sent  to  Philadelphia  with  the  Canada  Despatches  —  Promoted  to  the  Rank  of 
Major-General  —  Washington  summoned  to  Philadelphia  —  Putnam  left  in  Com- 
mand—  Conference  with  Congress  —  Army  Arrangements  —  A  Board  of  War 
instituted  —  The  Clintons  of  New  York  —  Mrs.  Washington  inoculated  —  Reed 
made  Adjutant-General 68 

CHAPTER  X. 

Affairs  in  Canada  —  Disaster  at  the  Cedars  —  Hostile  Designs  of  the  Johnsons — A 
Bloody  Summer  expected  —  Forts  in  the  Highlands  —  Colonel  James  Clinton  in 
Command  —  Fortifications  at  King's  Bridge  and  on  Long  Island 72 

CHAPTER  XL 

Retreat  of  General  Thomas  —  His  Death  —  General  Sullivan  in  Command  —  Scene 
on  the  Sorel  —  Sanguine  Expectations  of  Sullivan  —  Washington's  Opinion  of 
Sullivan's  Character  —  Gates  appointed  to  the  Command  in  Canada  —  Re-enforce- 
ments of  the  Enemy  —  Reverses  —  Thompson  captured  —  Retreat  of  Sullivan  — 
Close  of  the  Invasion  of  Canada , 77 


CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XII. 


Designs  of  the  Enemy  against  New  York  and  the  Hudson  — Plot  off  Tryon  and  the 
Tories  — Arrival  of  a  Fleet  —  Alarm  Posts  —  Treachery  up  the  Hudson  — Fresh 
Arrivals  — General  Howe  at  Staten  Island  — Washington's  Preparations  .    .    .    . 


PAGE 


S2 


CHAPTER  XIII. 


First  Appearance  of  Alexander  Hamilton  — His  Early  Days  — General  nugh  Mercer 
in  Command  of  the  Flying  Camp  — Declaration  of  Independence  — Announced  to 
the  Army  — Downfall  of  the  King's  Statue 87 

CHAPTER  XIV. 

Arrival  of  More  Ships  — Movements  of  the  Phoenix  and  the  Rose  — Panic  in  the  City 
—  Hostile  Ships  up  the  Hudson  — Stir  of  War  along  the  River  — General  George 
Clinton,  and  the  Militia  of  Ulster  County  — Fresh  Agitation  of  New  York  — 
Arrival  of  Lord  Howe 92 

CHAPTER  XV. 

Precautions  against  Tories  — Secret  Committees  — Declaration  of  Lord  Howe  — 
His  Letter  to  the  Colonial  Governor  — His  Letter  to  Washington  rejected  — 
Interview  between  the  British  Adjutant-General  and  Colonel  Reed  —  Reception 
of  the  Adjutant-General  by  Washington —The  Phoenix  and  Rose  in  the  Tappan 
Sea  and  Have rst raw  Bay  — Arming  of  the  River  Yeomanry  — George  Clinton  at 
the  Gates  of  the  Highlands 96 

CHAPTER  XVI. 

Question  of  Command  between  Gates  and  Schuyler  — Condition  of  the  Army  at 
Crown  Point  —  Discontent  and  Departure  of  Sullivan  —  Fortifications  at  Ticonde- 
roga  —  The  Question  of  Command  adjusted  —  Secret  Discontents  —  Sectional 
Jealousies  in  the  Army  — Southern  Troops  — Small  wood's  Macaroni  Battalion  — 
Connecticut  Light  Horse    . 102 

CHAPTER  XVII. 

Southern  Cruise  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  —  Fortifications  at  Charleston  —  Arrival  there 
of  General  Lee  — Battle  at  Sullivan's  Island  —  Washington  announces  the  Result 
to  the  Army 110 

CHAPTER  XVin. 

Putnam's  Military  Projects  — Chevaux-de-Frise  at  Fort  Washington  —  Meditated 
Attack  on  Staten  Island  —  Arrival  of  Ships  — Hessian  Re-enforcements  — Scotch 
Highlanders  — Sir  Henry  Clinton  and  Lord  Cornwallis  — Putnam's  Obstructions 
of  the  Hudson  —  The  Phoenix  and  Rose  attacked  by  Row  Galleys  at  Tarrytown  — 
General  Order  of  Washington  on  the  Subject  of  Sectional  Jealousies  —  Profane 
Swearing  prohibited  in  the  Camp  —  Preparations  against  Attack  —  Levies  of 
Yeomanry  —  George  Clinton  in  Command  of  the  Levies  along  the  Hudson  — 
Alarms  of  the  People  of  New  York  —  Benevolent  Sympathy  of  Washington  —  The 
Phoenix  grappled  by  a  Fire-Ship  — The  Ships  evacuate  the  Hudson 115 

CHAPTER  XIX. 
The  Battle  of  Long  Island 123 


6  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XX. 

PAGE 

The  Retreat  from  Long  Island 135 

CHAPTER  XXI. 

Long  Island  in  Possession  of  the  Enemy  — Distressed  Situation  of  the  American 
Army  at  New  York  —  Question  of  abandoning  the  City  —  Letters  from  either 
Camp  —  Enemy's  Ships  in  the  Sound  —  Removal  of  Women  and  Children  from  the 
City  —  Yearning  for  Home  among  the  Militia  —  Tolerant  Ideas  of  Washington  and 
Greene  —  Fort  Constitution  —  Conference  of  Lord  Howe  with  a  Committee  from 
Congress •    .    .    140 

CHAPTER  XXH. 

Movements  of  the  Enemy  — Councils  of  War  —  Question  of  the  Abandonment  of 
the  City —Distribution  of  the  Army  —  Ships  in  the  East  River  —  The  Enemy  at 
Hell  Gate  —  Skirmish  at  Turtle  Bay  —  Panic  of  the  Connecticut  Militia  —  Rage  and 
Personal  Peril  of  Washington  —  Putnam's  Perilous  Retreat  from  the  City  —  British 
Regale  at  Murray  Hill    . 147 

CHAPTER  XXIII. 

Fortified  Camp  at  King's  Bridge  —  American  and  British  Lines  —  The  Morris  House 

—  Alexander  Hamilton  —  The  Enemy  advance  — Successful  Skirmish  — Death  of 
Knowlton  — Great  Fire  in  New  York  — Reorganization  of  the  Army —  Exchange 
of  Prisoners  —  Daniel  Morgan  regained  — De  Lancey's  Tory  Brigade  — Robert 
Rogers,  the  Partisan  —  His  Rangers  —  The  Roebuck,  Phcenix,  and  Tartar  in  the 
Hudson  —  Military  Movements  by  Land  and  Water  —  Letter  of  John  Jay     .    .    .    153 

CHAPTER  XXIV. 

Lee  expected  in  Camp  —  His  Letter  of  Advice  to  the  President  of  Congress  — The 
Enemy  at  Throg's  Neck —  Washington's  Arrangements  —  Rides  to  Throg's  Neck 

—  The  Enemy  brought  to  a  Stand  —  Military  Movements  —  Arrival  of  Lee  —  A 
Command  assigned  to  him  —  Criticises  the  Conduct  of  Congress  and  the  Army  — 
Council  of  War  — The  Army  to  move  to  the  Mainland  —  Fort  Washington  to  be 
kept  up      . 165 

CHAPTER  XXV. 

Array  Arrangements  — Washington  at  White  Plains  — The  Enemy  at  Throg's  Point 

—  Skirmish  of  Colonel  Glover  —  Attempt  to  surprise  Rogers,  the  Renegade  — 
Troopers  in  a  Rough  Country  — Alarms  at  White  Plains  — Cannonading  of  Ships 
at  Fort  Washington  —  March  of  Lee  —  Fortified  Camp  at  White  Plains  —  Recon- 
noitring—The Affair  at  Chatterton  Hill  — Relative  Situation  of  the  Armies  — 
Change  of  Position  —  Contrast  of  the  Appearance  of  the  Troops  —  George  Clinton's 
Idea  of  Strategy  —  Movement  of  the  British  Army  —  Incendiaries  at  White  Plains,    170 

CHAPTER  XXVI. 

Conjectures  as  to  the  Intentions  of  the  Enemy  — Consequent  Precautions  —  Corre- 
spondence with  Greene  respecting  Fort  Washington  —  Distribution  of  the  Army  — 
Lee  left  in  Command  at  Northcastle  — Instructions  to  him  —  Washington  at 
Peekskill  —  Visits  to  the  Posts  in  the  Highlands 179 


CONTENTS.  1 

CHAPTER  XXVII. 

PAGE 

Affairs  on  Lake  Champlain  —  Gates  at  Ticonderoga  —  Arnold's  Flotilla  —  Military 
Preparations  of  Sir  Guy  Carleton  at  St.  John's  —  Nautical  Encounters  — Gallant 
Conduct  of  Arnold  and  Waterbury  —  Carleton  in  Possession  of  Crown  Point  — 
His  Return  to  Canada  and  "Winter  Quarters 185 


CHAPTER  XXVIII. 

Washington  crosses  the  Hudson  —  Arrives  at  Fort  Lee  — Affairs  at  Fort  Washing- 
ton —  Question  about  its  Abandonment  —  Movements  of  Howe  —  The  Fort 
summoned  to  surrender  — Refusal  of  Colonel  Magaw  — The  Fort  attacked  — 
Capture  of  the  Fort  and  Garrison  —  Comments  of  Washington  on  the  State  of 
Affairs 19Q 


CHAPTER  XXLX. 

The  Enemy  cross  the  Hudson— Retreat  of  the  Garrison  from  Fort  Lee  — The 
crossing  of  the  Hackensack  —  Lee  ordered  to  move  to  the  West  Side  of  the  River 
—  Reed's  Letter  to  him  —  Second  Move  of  the  Army  beyond  the  Passaic  —  Assist- 
ance sought  from  Various  Quarters  —  Correspondence  and  Schemes  of  Lee  — 
Heath  stanch  to  his  Instructions  — Anxiety  of  George  Clinton  for  the  Safety  of 
the  Hudson  —  Critical  Situation  of  the  Army —  Disparaging  Correspondence  be- 
tween Lee  and  Reed  —  Washington  retreats  across  the  Raritan  —  Arrives  at 
Trenton  —  Removes  his  Baggage  across  the  Delaware  —  Dismay  and  Despondency 
of  the  Country  —  Proclamation  of  Lord  Howe  — Exultation  of  the  Enemy  — 
Washington's  Resolve  in  Case  of  Extremity 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

Lee  at  Peekskill  —  Stanch  Adherence  of  Heath  to  Orders—  Lee  crosses  the  Hudson 
—  Washington  at  Trenton  — Lee  at  the  Heels  of  the  Enemy  — His  Speculations  on 
Military  Greatness  —  Forced  March  of  Cornwallis  —  Washington  crosses  the 
Delaware  —  Putnam  in  command  at  Philadelphia  —  Baffling  Letters  of  Lee  — 
Hopes  to  reconquer  the  Jerseys  —  Gates  on  the  March  —  Lee  quartered  at  Bas- 
kingridge  —  Surprised  and  captured  — Speculations  on  his  Conduct 211 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

Washington  clothed  with  Additional  Powers  — Recruitment  of  the  Army  —  In- 
creased Pay  —  Colonel  John  Cadwalader  —  Arrival  of  Sullivan—  Gates  —  Wilkin- 
son—  A  Coup  de  Main  meditated  —  Posture  of  Affairs  at  Trenton  — Gates  declines 
to  take  a  Part  — His  Comments  on  Washington's  Plans  — Preparations  for  the 
Coup  de  Main  — Crossing  of  the  Delaware  —  Attack  on  the  Enemy's  Forces  at 
Trenton— Death  of  Rahi  —  His  Character 


CHAPTER  XXXn. 

Treatment  of  the  Hessian  Prisoners  — Their  Interviews  with  Washington  — Their 
Reception  by  the  People 


8  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  XXXHI. 

PAGE 

Episode  —  Colonel  Griffin  in  the  Jerseys  —  Donop  decoyed  —  Inroad  of  Cad walader 
and  Reed  —  Retreat  and  Confusion  of  the  Enemy's  Outposts  —  Washington  re- 
crosses  the  Delaware  with  his  Troops — The  Game  reversed  —  The  Hessians 
hunted  back  through  the  Country  —  Washington  made  Military  Dictator     .    .    .    2^ 

CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

Howe  hears  of  the  Affair  at  Trenton  —  Cornwallis  sent  back  to  the  Jerseys  — 
Reconnoitring  Expedition  of  Reed  —  His  Exploits  —  Washington  in  Peril  at 
Trenton  — Re-enforced  by  Troops  under  Cadwalader  and  Mifflin  —  Position  of 
his  Men  —  Cornwallis  at  Trenton  —  Repulsed  at  the  Assunpink  —  The  American 
Camp  menaced  —  Night  March  of  Washington — Affair  at  Princeton  —  Death  of 
Mercer  — Rout  of  British  Troops  — Pursued  by  Washington  —  Cornwallis  at 
Princeton  —  Baffled  and  perplexed  —  Washington  at  Morristown  —  His  System  of 
Annoyance  —  The  Tables  turned  upon  the  Enemy  .    „ .    243 

CHAPTER  XXXV. 

Burke  on  the  State  of  Affairs  in  America  —  New  Jersey  roused  to  Arms  —  Wash- 
ington grants  Safe  Conduct  to  Hessian  Convoys  —  Encampment  at  Morristown  — 
Putnam  at  Princeton  —  His  Stratagem  to  conceal  the  Weakness  of  his  Camp  — 
Exploit  of  General  Dickinson  near  Somerset  Court-House — Washington's  Counter 
Proclamation  —  Prevalence  of  the  Small-Pox  — Inoculation  of  the  Army  — Con- 
trast of  the  British  and  American  Commanders  and  their  Camps 255 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

Negotiations  for  Exchange  of  Prisoners  —  Case  of  Colonel  Ethan  Allen  — Of 
General  Lee  —  Correspondence  of  Washington  with  Sir  William  Howe  about 
Exchanges  of  Prisoners  —  Referees  appointed  —  Letters  of  Lee  from  New  York 
—  Case  of  Colonel  Campbell  —  Washington's  Advice  to  Congress  on  the  Subject  of 
Retaliation  —  His  Correspondence  with  Lord  Howe  about  the  Treatment  of  Pris- 
oners —  The  Horrors  of  the  Jersey  Prison-Ship  and  the  Sugar-House 261 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

Exertions  to  form  a  New  Army  — Calls  on  the  Different  States  —  Insufficiency  of 
the  Militia  —  Washington's  Care  for  the  Yeomanry  —  Dangers  in  the  Northern 
Department  —  Winter  Attack  on  Ticonderoga  apprehended  —  Exertions  to  Re-en- 
force Schuyler  —  Precarious  State  of  Washington's  Army  —  Conjectures  as  to  the 
Designs  of  the  Enemy  —  Expedition  of  the  British  against  Peekskill     .    .    °    .    .    270 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

Schuyler's  Affairs  in  the  Northern  Department — Misunderstandings  with  Congress  — 
Gives  Offence  by  a  Reproachful  Letter  —  Office  of  Adjutant-General  offered  to 
Gates  —  Declined  by  him  —  Schuyler  reprimanded  by  Congress  for  his  Reproach- 
ful Letter— Gates  appointed  to  the  Command  at  Ticonderoga  —  Schuyler  consid- 
ers himself  Virtually  suspended  —Takes  his  Seat  as  a  Delegate  to  Congress,  and 
claims  a  Court  of  Inquiry  — Has  Command  at  Philadelphia 274 


CONTENTS.  9 

CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

TAGE 

Foreign  Officers  Candidates  for  Situations  in  the  Array —  Difficulties  in  adjusting 
Questions  of  Hank  —  Ducoudray  —  Conway  —  Kosciuszko  —Washington's  Q  iiards 

—  Arnold  omitted  in  the  Army  Promotions —Washington  takes  his  Part  — 
British  Expedition  against  Danbury  —  Destruction  of  American  Stores  —  Connect- 
icut Yeomanry  in  Arms  — Skirmish  at  Ridgefield  —  Death  of  General  Wooster  — 
Gallant  Services  of  Arnold  — Rewarded  by  Congress —  Exploit  of  Colonel  Meigs 

at  Sag  Harbor 280 

CHAPTER  XL. 

Schuyler  on  the  Point  of  resigning  — Committee  of  Inquiry  report  in  his  Favor  — 
His  Memorial  to  Congress  proves  satisfactory  —  Discussions  regarding  the 
Northern  Department  — Gates  mistaken  as  to  his  Position  —  He  prompts  his 
Friends  in  Congress  — His  Petulant  Letter  to  Washington  — Dignified  Reply  of 
the  Latter  — Position  of  Gates  defined— Schuyler  reinstated  in  Command  of  the 
Department  —  Gates  appears  on  the  Floor  of  Congress  —  His  Proceedings  There  .    290 

CHAPTER  XLI. 

The  Highland  Passes  of  the  Hudson  —  George  Clinton  in  command  of  the  Forts  — 
His  Measures  for  Defence  —  Generals  Greene  and  Knox  examine  the  State  of  the 
Forts  —  Their  Report  — The  General  Command  of  the  Hudson  offered  to  Arnold 

—  Declined  by  him  —  Given  to  Putnam  —  Appointment  of  Dr.  Craik  in  the  Medi- 
cal Department  — Expedition  planned  against  Fort  Independence  —  But  relin- 
quished—Washington shifts  his  Camp  to  Middlebrook — State  of  his  Army  — 
General  Howe  crosses  into  the  Jerseys  —  Position  of  the  Two  Armies  at  Middle- 
brook  and  behind  the  Raritan  —  Correspondence  between  Washington  and 
Colonel  Reed 296 


*  CHAPTER  XLII. 

Feigned  Movements  of  Sir  William  Howe  —  Baffling  Caution  of  Washington  — 
Rumored  Inroads  from  the  North  —  Schuyler  applies  for  Re-enforcements  — 
Renewed  Schemes  of  Howe  to  draw  Washington  from  his  Stronghold  — Skirmish 
between  Cornwallis  and  Lord  Stirling  — The  Enemy  evacuate  the  Jerseys  — 
Perplexity  as  to  their  Next  Movement  — A  Hostile  Fleet  on  Lake  Champlain  — 
Burgoyne  approaching  Ticonderoga  —  Speculations  of  Washington  —  His  Pur- 
pose of  keeping  Sir  William  Howe  from  ascending  the  Hudson—  Orders  George 
Clinton  to  call  out  Militia  from  Ulster  and  Orange  Counties  —  Sends  Sullivan 
toward  the  Highlands  —  Moves  his  own  Camp  back  to  Morristown  —  Stir  among 
the  Shipping  — Their  Destination  surmised  to  be  Philadelphia  — A  Dinner  at 
Head-Quarters  —  Alexander  Hamilton  —  Graydon's  Rueful  Description  of  the 
Army  — His  Character  of  Wayne 304 


CHAPTER  XLm. 

British  Invasion  from  Canada  — The  Plan  —  Composition  of  the  Invading  Army  — 
Schuyler  on  the  Alert  — His  Speculations  as  to  the  Enemy's  Designs  — Burgoyne 
on  Lake  Champlain  —  His  War-Speech  to  his  Indian  Allies  —  Signs  of  his  Approach 
descried  from  Ticonderoga  —  Correspondence  on  the  Subject  between  St.  Clair, 


10  CONTENTS. 


PAGE 

Major  Livingston,  and  Schuyler  —  Burgoyne  intrenches  near  Ticonderoga  —  His 
Proclamation  — Schuyler's  Exertions  at  Albany  to  forward  Re-enforcernents — 
Hears  that  Ticonderoga  is  evacuated  —Mysterious  Disappearance  of  St.  Clair  and 
his  Troops  —  Amazement  and  Concern  of  Washington  —  Orders  Re-enforcements 
to  Schuyler  at  Fort  Edward,  and  to  Putnam  at  Peekskill  —  Advances  with  his 
Main  Army  to  the  Clove  — His  Hopeful  Spirit  manifested 311 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

Particulars  of  the  Evacuation  —  Indian  Scouts  in  the  Vicinity  of  the  Fort— Outposts 
abandoned  by  St.  Clair  —  Burgoyne  secures  Mount  Hope  —  Invests  the  Fortress 

—  Seizes  and  occupies  Sugar  Hill  — The  Forts  overlooked  and  in  Imminent  Peril 

—  Determination  to  evacuate  —  Plan  of  Retreat  — Part  of  the  Garrison  depart  for 
Skenesborough  in  the  Flotilla  — St.  Clair  crosses  with  the  Rest  to  Fort  Independ- 
ence—A Conflagration  reveals  his  Retreat  —  The  British  Camp  aroused  — 
Fraser  pursues  St.  Clair  — Burgoyne  with  his  Squadron  makes  after  the  Flotilla  — 
Part  of  the  Fugitives  overtaken  — Flight  of  the  Remainder  to  Fort  Anne  — Skir- 
mish of  Colonel  Long  — Retreat  to  Fort  Edward  —  St.  Clair  at  Castleton  —  Attack 
of  his  Rear-Guard  — Fall  of  Colonel  Francis  — Desertion  of  Colonel  Hale  — St. 
Clair  reaches  Fort  Edward —Consternation  of  the  Country  — Exultation  of  the 
British 320 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

Capture  of  General  Prescott  —  Proffered  in  Exchange  for  Lee  —  Re-enforcements  to 
Schuyler  —  Arnold  sent  to  the  North  —  Eastern  Militia  to  repair  to  Saratoga  — 
Further  Re-enforcements  —  Generals  Lincoln  and  Arnold  recommended  for 
Particular  Services  —  Washington's  Measures  and  Suggestions  for  the  Northern 
Campaign  —  British  Fleet  puts  to  Sea  — Conjectures  as  to  its  Destination  —  A 
Feigned  Letter  —  Appearance  and  Disappearance  of  the  Fleet  —  Orders  and  Coun- 
ter Orders  of  Washington  —  Encamps  at  Germantown  —  Anxiety  for  the  Security 
of  the  Highlands  —  George  Clinton  on  guard  —  Call  on  Connecticut 328 


CHAPTER  XLVL 

Gates  on  the  alert  for  a  Command  —  Schuyler  undermined  in  Congress  —  Put  on 
his  Guard  — Courts  a  Scrutiny,  but  not  before  an  Expected  Engagement  — 
Summoned  with  St.  Clair  to  Head-Quarters  —  Gates  appointed  to  the  Northern 
Department  —  Washington's  Speculations  on  the  Successes  of  Burgoyne  —  Ill- 
judged  Meddlings  of  Congress  with  the  Commissariat  — Colonel  Trumbull  resigns 
in  Consequence 336 


CHAPTER  XLVn. 

Washington's  Perplexities  about  the  British  Fleet  —  Putnam  and  Governor  Clinton 
put  on  the  alert  in  the  Highlands  —  Morgan  and  his  Riflemen  sent  to  the  North  — 
Washington  at  Philadelphia  — His  First  Interview  with  Lafayette  —  Intelligence 
about  the  Fleet  —  Explanations  of  its  Movements  —  Review  of  the  Army  — 
Lafayette  mistakes  the  Nature  of  his  Commission  —  His  Alliance  with  Washing- 
ton—  March  of  the  Army  through  Philadelphia  —  Encampment  at  Wilmington    .    340 


CONTENTS.  11 

CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

PAGE 

Burgoyne  at  Skenesborough  —  Prepares  to  move  toward  the  Hudson  —  Major  Skene 
the  Royalist  — Slow  March  to  Fort  Anne  — Schuyler  at  Fort  Miller  — Painted 
Warriors— Langlade  —  St.  Luc  —  Honor  of  the  Tomahawk  — Tragical  History  of 
Miss  McCrea  —  Its  Results  — Burgoyne  advances  to  Fort  Edward  — Schuyler  at 
Stillwater  — Joined  by  Lincoln  — Burgoyne  deserted  by  his  Indian  Allies    ...    347 

CHAPTER  XLIX. 

Difficulties  of  Burgoyne  — Plans  an  Expedition  to  Bennington  —  St.  Leger  before 
Fort  Stanwix  —  General  Herkimer  at  Oriskany  —  High  Words  with  his  Officers  — 
A  Dogged  March  —  An  Ambuscade  —  Battle  of  Oriskany  —  Johnson's  Greens  — 
Death  of  Herkimer  —  Spirited  Sortie  of  Colonel  Willett — Sir  John  Johnson 
driven  to  the  River  — Flight  of  the  Indians— Sacking  of  Sir  John's  Camp- 
Colonel  Gansevoort  maintains  his  Post  — Colonel  Willett  sent  in  quest  of  Aid- 
Arrives  at  Schuyler's  Camp 352 

CHAPTER  L. 

Schuyler  hears  of  the  Affair  of  Oriskany  —  Applies  for  Re-enforcements  —  His 
Appeal  to  the  Patriotism  of  Stark  —  Schuyler  superseded  —  His  Conduct  there- 
upon—  Relief  sent  to  Fort  Stanwix  —  Arnold  volunteers  to  conduct  it  —  Change 
of  Encampment  —  Patriotic  Determination  of  Schuyler — Detachment  of  the 
Enemy  against  Bennington  —  Germans  and  their  Indian  Allies  —  Baum,  the  Hes- 
sian Leader —  Stark  in  the  Field  —  Mustering  of  the  Militia  —  A  Belligerent  Parson 
—  Battle  of  Bennington  —  Breyman  to  the  Rescue  —  Routed  —  Reception  of  the 
News  in  the  Rival  Camps  —  Washington  urges  New  England  to  follow  up  the 
Blow 359 


CHAPTER  LI. 

'Stratagem  of  Arnold  to  relieve  Fort  Stanwix— Yan  Yost  Cuyler  —  The  Siege 
pressed  —  Indians  intractable  —  Success  of  Arnold's  Stratagem  — Harassed  Retreat 
of  St.  Leger  — Moral  Effect  of  the  Two  Blows  given  to  the  Enemy —  Brightening 
Prospects  in  the  American  Camp  — Arrival  of  Gates  — Magnanimous  Conduct  of 
Schuyler— Poorly  requited  by  Gates  —  Correspondence  between  Gates  and 
Burgoyne  concerning  the  Murder  of  Miss  McCrea 367 


CHAPTER  LII. 

Landing  of  Howe's  Army  on  Elk  River  —  Measures  to  check  it  —  Exposed  Situation 
of  Washington  in  Reconnoitring — Alarm  of  the  Country  —  Proclamation  of 
Howe  —  Arrival  of  Sullivan  — Foreign  Officers  in  Camp  —  Deborre  —  Conway  — 
Fleury  —  Count  Pulaski  —  First  Appearance  in  the  Army  of  "  Light-horse  Harry  " 
of  Virginia  — Washington's  Appeal  to  the  Army  — Movements  of  the  Rival  Forces 
—  Battle  of  the  Brandy  wine  —  Retreat  of  the  Americans  —  Halt  in  Chester  —  Scenes 
in  Philadelphia  during  the  Battle  —  Congress  orders  out  Militia  —  Clothes  Wash- 
ington with  Extraordinary  Powers  —Removes  to  Lancaster  —  Rewards  to  Foreign 
Officers 373 


12  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER  LIII. 

PAGE 

General  Howe  neglects  to  pursue  his  Advantage  —  Washington  retreats  to  German- 
town— Recrosses  the  Schuylkill  and  prepares  for  Another  Action  — Prevented 
by  Storms  of  Rain  —  Retreats  to  French  Creek  — Wayne  detached  to  fall  on  the 
Enemy's  Rear  — His  Pickets  surprised  — Massacre  of  Wayne's  Men—  Manoeuvres 
of  Howe  on  the  Schuylkill  —  Washington  sends  for  Re-enforcements  —  Howe 
marches  into  Philadelphia 384 

CHAPTER  LIV. 

Dubious  Position  of  Burgoyne  — Collects  his  Forces—  Ladies  of  Distinction  in  his 
Camp  — Lady  Harriet  Ackland  — The  Baroness  De  Riedesel  —  American  Army 
re-enforced  —  Silent  Movements  of  Burgoyne  — Watched  from  the  Summit  of  the 
Hills  — His  March  along  the  Hudson  — Position  of  the  Two  Camps  — Battle  of 
the  19th  September  — Burgoyne  encamps  nearer  — Fortifies  his  Camp  — Promised 
Co-operation  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton  —  Determines  to  await  it  — Quarrel  between 
Gates  and  Arnold  — Arnold  deprived  of  Command  — Burgoyne  waits  for  Co- 
operation   390 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  I. 


ICY     RESPECTING      TORY      GOVERNORS     AND     PLACEMEN RHODE 

ISLAND  HARASSED  BY  WALLACE  AND  HIS  CRUISERS,  AND  INFESTED 

BY  TORIES LEE  SENT  TO  ITS  RELIEF HIS  VIGOROUS  MEASURES 

THE    ARMY      DISBANDING WASHINGTON'S      PERPLEXITIES 

SYMPATHY    OF     GENERAL     GREENE — HIS     LOYALTY     IN     TIME     OF 

TROUBLE THE     CRISIS  —  CHEERING      NEWS      FROM      CANADA 

GLOOMY    OPENING    OF    THE    NEW    YEAR  —  NEWS    FROM    COLONEL 
KNOX. 

In  the  month  of  December  a  vessel  had  been  captured,  bear- 
ing supplies  from  Lord  Dunmore  to  the  army  at  Boston.  A 
letter  on  board,  from  his  lordship  to  General  Howe,  invited  him 
to  transfer  the  war  to  the  southern  colonies  ;  or,  at  all  events,  to 
send  re-enforcements  thither ;  intimating  at  the  same  time  his 
plan  of  proclaiming  liberty  to  indentured  servants,  negroes,  and 
others  appertaining  to  rebels,  and  inviting  them  to  join  his 
majesty's  troops.  In  a  word  —  to  inflict  upon  Virginia  the 
horrors  of  a  servile  war. 

"  If  this  man  is  not  crushed  before  spring,"  writes  Washing- 
ton, "  he  will  become  the  most  formidable  enemy  America  has. 
His  strength  will  increase  as  a  snowball.  .  .  .  Motives  of  re- 
sentment actuate  his  conduct  to  a  degree  equal  to  the  destruc- 
tion of  the  colony." 

General  Lee  took  the  occasion  to  set  forth  his  own  system  of 
policy,  which  was  particularly  rigid  wherever  men  in  authority 
and  tories  were  concerned.  It  was  the  old  grudge  against  min- 
isters and  their  adherents  set  on  edge. 

"  Had  my  opinion  been  thought  worthy  of  attention,"  would 
he  say,  "  Lord  Dunmore  would  have  been  disarmed  of  his  teeth 

13 


14  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

and  claws."  He  would  have  seized  Tryon  too,  "and  all  his 
tories  at  New  York,"  and,  having  struck  the  stroke,  would  have 
applied  to  Congress  for  approbation. 

"I  propose  the  following  measures,"  would  he  add:  "To 
seize  every  governor,  government  man,  placeman,  tory  and  en- 
emy to  liberty  on  the  continent,  to  confiscate  their  estates  ;  or  at 
least  lay  them  under  heavy  contributions  for  the  public.  Their 
persons  should  be  secured,  in  some  of  the  interior  towns,  as 
hostages  for  the  treatment  of  those  of  our  party  whom  the  for- 
tune of  war  shall  throw  into  their  hands  ;  they  should  be  allowed 
a  reasonable  pension  out  of  their  fortunes  for  their  mainte- 
nance." * 

Such  was  the  policy  advocated  by  Lee  in  his  letters  and  con- 
versation, and  he  soon  had  an  opportunity  of  carrying  it  partly 
into  operation.  Rhode  Island  had  for  some  time  past  been  dom- 
ineered over  by  Captain  Wallace  of  the  royal  navy ;  who  had 
stationed  himself  at  Newport  with  an  armed  vessel,  and  obliged 
the  place  to  furnish  him  with  supplies.  Latterly  he  had  landed 
in  Conanicut  Island,  opposite  to  Newport,  with  a  number  of 
sailors  and  marines,  plundered  and  burned  houses,  and  driven 
off  cattle  for  the  supply  of  the  army.  In  his  exactions  and 
maraudings,  he  was  said  to  have  received  countenance  from  the 
tory  part  of  the  inhabitants.  It  was  now  reported  that  a  naval 
armament  was  coming  from  Boston  against  the  Island.  In  this 
emergency,  the  governor  (Cooke)  wrote  to  Washington,  request- 
ing military  aid,  and  an  efficient  officer  to  put  the  island  in  a 
state  of  defence,  suggesting  the  name  of  General  Lee  for  the 
purpose. 

Lee  undertook  the  task  with  alacrity.  "I  sincerely  wish," 
said  Washington,  "he  may  be  able  to  do  it  with  effect;  as 
that  place,  in  its  present  state,  is  an  asylum  for  such  as  are  dis- 
affected to  American  liberty." 

Lee  set  out  for  Rhode  Island  with  his  guard  and  a  party  of 
riflemen,  and  at  Providence  was  joined  by  the  cadet  company 
of  that  place,  and  a  number  of  minute  men.  Preceded  by  these, 
he  entered  the  town  of  Newport  on  Christmas  day,  in  military 
style.  While  there,  he  summoned  before  him  a  number  of  per- 
sons who  had  supplied  the  enemy  ;  some  according  to  a  con- 
vention originally  made  between  Wallace  and  the  authorities, 
others,  as  it  was  suspected,  through  tory  feelings.  All  were 
obliged  by  Lee  to  take  a  test  oath  of  his  own  devising,  by  which 
they  "religiously  swore  that  they  would  neither  directly,  nor 

1  Lee  to  Rich.  Henry  Lee.    Am.  Archives,  4th  Series,  iv.,  248. 


LIFE   OF    WASHING  TON.  15 

indirectly,  assist  the  wicked  instruments  of  ministerial  tyranny 
and  villany  commonly  called  the  king's  troops  and  nav}-,  by  fur- 
nishing them  with  provisions  and  refreshments."  They  swore, 
moreover,  to  u  denounce  all  traitors  before  the  public  authority, 
and  to  take  arms  in  defence  of  American  liberty,  whenever 
required  by  Congress  or  the  provincial  authority."  Two  cus- 
tom-house officers,  and  another  person,  who  refused  to  take  the 
oath,  were  put  under  guard  and  sent  to  Providence.  Having 
laid  out  works,  and  given  directions  for  fortifications,  Lee 
returned  to  camp  after  an  absence  of  ten  days.  Some  of  his 
proceedings  were  considered  too  high-handed,  and  were  disap- 
proved by  Congress.  Lee  made  light  of  legislative  censures. 
"One  must  not  be  trammelled  by  laws  in  war  time,"  said  lie  ; 
"  in  a  revolution,  all  means  tire  legal." 

Washington  approved  of  his  measures.  "I  have  seen  Gen- 
eral Lee  since  his  expedition,"  writes  he,  "and  hope  Rhode 
Island  will  derive  some  advantage  from  it.  I  am  told  that 
Captain  Wallace's  ships  have  been  supplied  for  some  time  by 
the  town  of  Newport,  on  certain  conditions  stipulated  between 
him  and  the  committee.  ...  I  know  not  what  pernicious  con- 
sequences may  result  from  a  precedent  of  this*  sort.  Other 
places,  circumstanced  as  Newport  is,  may  follow  the  example, 
and  by  that  means  their  whole  fleet  and  army  will  be  furnished 
with  what  it  highly  concerns  us  to  keep  from  them.  .  .  .  Vig- 
orous regulations,  and  such  as  at  another  time  would  appear 
extraordinary,  are  now  become  absolutely  necessary  for  pre- 
serving our  country  against  the  strides  of  tyranny,  making 
against  it."  l 

December  had  been  throughout  a  month  of  severe  trial  to 
Washington  ;  during  which  he  saw  his  army  dropping  away 
piece-meal  before  his  eyes.  Homeward  every  face  was  turned 
as  soon  as  the  term  of  enlistment  was  at  an  end.  Scarce 
could  the  disbanding  troops  be  kept  a  few  days  in  camp  until 
militia  could  be  procured  to  supply  their  place.  Washington 
made  repeated  and  animated  appeals  to  their  patriotism  ;  they 
were  almost  unheeded.  He  caused  popular  and  patriot 
songs  to  be  sung  about  the  camp.  They  passed  by  like  the 
idle  wind.  Home !  home !  home !  throbbed  in  every  heart. 
"  The  desire  of  retiring  into  a  chimney-corner,"  says  Wash- 
ington reproachfully,  "  seized  the  troops  as  soon  as  their  terms 
expired." 

Can  we  wonder  at  it?     They  were  for  the  most  part  yeomanry, 

*  Washington  to  Governor  Cooke.    Sparks,  iii.,  227« 


16  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

unused  to  military  restraint,  and  suffering  all  the  hardships  of 
a  starveling  camp,  almost  within  sight  of  the  smoke  of  their 
own  firesides. 

Greene,  throughout  this  trying  month,  was  continually  by 
Washington's  side.  His  letters  expressing  the  same  cares 
and  apprehensions,  and  occasionally  in  the  same  language  with 
those  of  the  commander-in-chief,  show  how  completely  he 
was  in  his  councils.  He  could  well  sympathize  with  him  in 
his  solicitudes.  Some  of  his  own  Rhode  Island  troops  were 
with  Arnold  in  his  Canada  expedition.  Others  encamped  on 
Prospect  Hill,  and  whose  order  and  discipline  had  been  his 
pride,  were  evincing  the  prevalent  disposition  to  disband. 
fckThey  seem  to  be  so  sick  of  this  way  of  life,  and  so  home- 
sick," writes  he,  "that  1  fear  the  greater  part  of  the  best 
troops  from  our  coloiry  will  soon  go  home."  To  provide 
against  such  a  contingency,  he  strengthened  his  encampment, 
so  that,  "  if  the  soldiery  should  not  engage  as  cheerfully  as  he 
expected,  he  might  defend  it  with  a  less  number."  l 

Still  he  was  buoyant  and  cheerful ;  frequently  on  his  white 
horse  about  Prospect  Hill,  haranguing  his  men,  and  endeav- 
oring to  keep  them  in  good  humor.  "This  is  no  time  for 
disgusting  the  soldiery,"  would  he  say,  "when  their  aid  is  so 
essential  to  the  preservation  of  the  rights  of  human  nature  and 
the  liberties  of  America." 

He  wore  the  same  cheery  aspect  to  the  commander-in-chief ; 
or  rather  he  partook  of  his  own  hopeful  spirit.  "I  expect," 
would  he  say,  "  the  army,  notwithstanding  all  the  difficulties 
we  meet  with,  will  be  full'in  about  six  weeks." 

It  was  this  loyalty  in  time  of  trouble ;  this  buoyancy  under 
depression,  this  thorough  patriotism,  which  won  for  him  the 
entire  confidence  of  Washington. 

The  thirty-first  of  December  arrived,  the  crisis  of  the  army ; 
for  with  that  month  expired  the  last  of  the  old  terms  of  en 
listinent.  "  We  never  have  been  so  weak,"  writes  Greene, 
"as  we  shall  be  to-morrowT,  when  we  dismiss  the  old  troops." 
On  this  day  Washington  received  cheering  intelligence  from 
Canada.  A  junction  had  taken  place,  a  month  previously, 
between  Arnold  and  Montgomery  at  Point  aux  Trembles. 
They  were  about  two  thousand  strong,  and  were  making 
every  preparation  for  attacking  Quebec.  Carleton  was  said 
to  have  with  him  but  about  twelve  hundred  men,  the  majority 
of  whom  were  sailors.     It  was  thought  that  the  French  would 

1  Greeue  to  Henry  Ward. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  17 

give  up  Quebec,  if  they  could  get  the  same  conditions  that  were 
granted  to  the  inhabitants  of  Montreal.1 

Thus  the  year  closed  upon  Washington  with  a  ray  of  light 
from  Canada,  while  all  was  doubt  around  him. 

On  the  following  morning  (January  1,  1776),  his  army  did 
not  amount  to  ten  thousand  men,  and  was  composed  of  but 
half-filled  regiments.  Even  in  raising  this  inadequate  force,  it 
had  been  necessary  to  indulge  many  of  the  men  with  furloughs, 
that  they  might  visit  their  families  and  friends.  The  expedi- 
ents resorted  to  in  equipping  the  army  show  the  prevailing  lack 
of  arms.  Those  soldiers  who  retired  from  service  were 
obliged  to  leave  their  weapons  for  their  successors ;  receiving 
their  appraised  value.  Those  who  enlisted,  were  required  to 
bring  a  gun,  or  were  charged  a  dollar  for  the  use  of  one  during 
the  campaign.  He  who  brought  a  blanket  was  allowed  two  dol- 
lars. It  was  impossible  to  furnish  uniforms  ;  the  troops,  therefore, 
presented  a  motley  appearance,  in  garments  of  divers  cuts  and 
colors  ;  the  price  of  each  man's  garb  being  deducted  from  his 
pay. 

The  detachments  of  militia  from  the  neighboring  provinces 
which  replaced  the  disbanding  troops,  remained  but  for  brief 
periods ;  so  that,  in  despite  of  every  effort,  the  lines  were  often 
but  feebly  manned,  and  might  easily  have  been  forced. 

The  anxiety  of  Washington,  in  this  critical  state  of  the 
army,  may  be  judged  from  his  correspondence  with  Reed. 
"  It  is  easier  to  conceive  than  to  describe  the  situation  of  my 
mind  for  some  time  past,  and  my  feelings  under  our  present 
circumstances,"  writes  he  on  the  4th  of  January.  "  Search 
the  volumes  of  history  through,  and  I  much  question  whether 
a  case  similar  to  ours  is  to  be  found  ;  namely,  to  maintain  a 
post  against  the  power  of  the  British  troops  for  six  months 
together,  without  powder,  and  then  to  have  one  army  disbanded 
and  another  raised  within  the  same  distance  (musket  shot)  of 
a  re-enforced  enemy.  What  may  be  the  issue  of  the  last 
manoeuvre  time  only  can  unfold.  I  wish  this  month  were  well 
over  our  head.  .  .  .  We  are  now  left  with  a  good  deal  less 
than  half-raised  regiments,  and  about  five  thousand  militia, 
who  only  stand  engaged  to  the  middle  of  this  month  ;  when, 
according  to  custom,  they  will  depart,  let  the  necessitj^  of  their 
sta}'  be  ever  so  urgent.  Thus,  for  more  than  two  months  past, 
I  have  scarcely  emerged  from  one  difficulty  before  I  have  been 
plunged  in  another.     How  it  will  end,  God,  in  his  great  good- 

1  Letter  of  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  December  31. 


18  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON. 

ness,  will  direct.  I  am  thankful  for  his  protection  to  this  timeo 
We  are  told  that  we  shall  soon  get  the  army  completed,  but  I 
have  been  told  so  many  things  which  have  never  come  to  pass, 
that  I  distrust  every  thing. " 

In  a  subsequent  letter  to  Mr.  Reed,  he  reverts  to  the  subject, 
and  pours  forth  his  feelings  with  confiding  frankness.  What 
can  be  more  touching  than  the  picture  he  draws  of  himself  and 
his  lonely  vigils  about  his  sleeping  camp?  "The  reflection  on 
my  situation  and  that  of  this  army  produces  many  an  unhappy 
hour  when  all  around  me  are  wrapped  in  sleep.  Few  people 
know  the  predicament  we  are  in  on  a  thousand  accounts ; 
fewer  still  will  believe,  if  any  disaster  happens  to  these  lines, 
from  what  cause  it  flows.  I  have  often  thought  how  much 
happier  I  should  have  been,  if,  instead  of  accepting  the 
command,  under  such  circumstances,  I  had  taken  my  musket 
on  my  shoulder  and  entered  the  ranks  ;  or,  if  I  could  have 
justified  the  measure  to  posterity  and  my  own  conscience,  had 
retired  to  the  back  country  and  lived  in  a  wigwam.  If  I  shall 
be  able  to  rise  superior  to  these  and  many  other  difficulties, 
which  might  be  enumerated,  I  shall  most  religiously  believe  that 
the  finger  of  Providence  is  in  it,  to  blind  the  eyes  of  our 
enemies  ;  for  surely  if  we  get  wrell  through  this  month,  it  must 
be  for  want  of  their  knowing  the  disadvantages  which  we  labor 
under." 

Recurring  to  the  project  of  an  attack  upon  Boston,  which  he 
had  reluctantly  abandoned  in  deference  to  the  adverse  opinions 
of  a  council  of  war  — ' '  Could  I  have  foreseen  the  difficulties 
which  have  come  upon  us  ;  could  I  have  known  that  such  a 
backwardness  would  have  been  discovered  among  the  old 
soldiers  to  the  service,  all  the  generals  upon  earth  should  not 
have  convinced  me  of  the  propriety  of  delaying  an  attack  upon 
Boston  till  this  time.  When  it  can  now  be  attempted,  I  will 
not  undertake  to  say  ;  but  thus  much  I  will  answrer  for,  that  no 
opportunity  can  present  itself  earlier  than  my  wishes." 

In  the  midst  of  his  discouragements,  Washington  received 
letters  from  Knox,  showing  the  spirit  and  energy  with  which 
he  was  executing  his  mission,  in  quest  of  cannon  and  ordnance 
stores.  He  had  struggled  manfully  and  successfully  with  all 
kinds  of  difficulties  from  the  advanced  season,  and  head  winds, 
in  getting  them  from  Ticonderoga  to  the  head  of  Lake  George. 
"Three  days  ago,"  writes  he,  on  the  17th  of  December,  "it 
was  very  uncertain  whether  we  could  get  them  over  until  next 
spring ;  but  now,  please  God,  they  shall  go.  I  have  made 
forty-two  exceedingly  strong  sleds,  and  have  provided  eighty 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  19 

yoke  of  oxen  to  drag  them  as  far  as  Springfield,  where  I  shall 
get  fresh  cattle  to  take  them  to  camp." 

It  was  thus  that  hardships  and  emergencies  were  bringing 
out  the  merits  of  the  self-made  soldiers  of  the  Revolution ; 
and  showing  their  commander-in-chief  on  whom  he  might 
rely. 


CHAPTER   II. 

MILITARY  PREPARATIONS   IN  BOSTON A  SECRET   EXPEDITION ITS 

OBJECT LEE'S     PLAN     FOR     THE     SECURITY    OF     NEW     YORK 

OPINION    OF    ADAMS  ON    THE    SUBJECT INSTRUCTIONS  TO  LEE 

TRANSACTIONS  OF  LEE  IN  CONNECTICUT LEE's  POLICY  IN  REGARD 

TO   THE    TORIES UNEASINESS    IN    NEW    YORK LETTER    OF    THE 

COMMITTEE    OF    SAFETY   TO    LEE HIS    REPLY HIS    OPINION    OF 

.  THE     PEOPLE     OF     CONNECTICUT OF    THE     HYSTERICAL     LETTEIt 

FROM   THE    NEW   YORK    CONGRESS. 

Early  in  the  month  of  January  there  was  a  great  stir  of 
preparation  in  Boston  harbor.  A  fleet  of  transports  were 
Taking  in  supplies,  and  making  arrangements  for  the  embarka- 
tion of  troops.  Bomb-ketches  and  flat-bottomed  boats  were 
getting  ready  for  sea,  as  were  two  sloops-of-war,  which  were  to 
convey  the  armament.  Its  destination  was  kept  secret ;  but 
was  confidently  surmised  by  Washington. 

In  the  preceding  month  of  October,  a  letter  had  been  laid 
before  Congress,  written  by  some  person  in  London  of  high 
credibility,  and  revealing  a  secret  plan  of  operation  said  to 
have  been  sent  out  by  ministers  to  the  commanders  in  Boston. 
The  following  is  the  purport :  Possession  was  to  be  gained  of 
New  York  and  Albany,  through  the  assistance  of  Governor 
Try  on,  on  whose  influence  with  the  tory  part  of  the  population 
much  reliance  was  placed.  These  cities  were  to  be  very  strongly 
garrisoned.  All  who  did  not  join  the  king's  forces  were  to  be 
declared  rebels.  The  Hudson  River,  and  the  East  River  or 
Sound,  were  to  be  commanded  by  a  number  of  small  men-of- 
war  and  cutters,  stationed  in  different  parts,  so  as  wholly  to 
cut  off  all  communication  by  water  between  New  York  and  the 
provinces  to  the  northward  of  it ;  and  between  New  York  and 
Albany,  except  for  the  king's  service  ;  and  to  prevent,  also,  all 
communication  between  the  city  of  New  York  and  the  provinces 
of  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  and  those  to  the  southward  of 


20  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

them.  "  By  these  means,"  said  the  letter,  "  the  administration 
and  their  friends  fancy  they  shall  soon  either  starve  out  or 
retake  the  garrisons  of  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga,  and 
open  and  maintain  a  safe  intercourse  and  correspondence 
between  Quebec,  Albany  and  New  York  ;  and  thereby  offer  the 
fairest  opportunity  to  their  soldiery  and  the  Canadians,  in  con- 
junction with  the  Indians  to  be  procured  b}r  Guy  Johnson,  to 
make  continual  irruptions  into  New  Hampshire,  Massachusetts 
and  Connecticut,  and  so  distract  and  divide  the  Provincial  forces, 
as  to  render  it  easy  for  the  British  army  at  Boston  to  defeat 
them,  break  the  spirit  of  the  Massachusetts  people,  depopulate 
their  country,  and  compel  an  absolute  subjection  to  Great 
Britain."1 

It  was  added  that  a  lord,  high  in  the  American  department, 
had  been  very  particular  in  his  inquiries  about  the  Hudson 
River ;  what  sized  vessels  could  get  to  Albany  ;  and  whether, 
if  batteries  were  erected  in  the  Highlands,  they  would  not 
control  the  navigation  of  the  river,  and  prevent  vessels  from 
going  up  and  down. 

This  information  had  already  excited  solicitude  respecting 
the  Hudson,  and  led  to  measures  for  its  protection.  It  was 
now  surmised  that  the  expedition  preparing  to  sail  from  Boston 
and  which  was  to  be  conducted  by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  might  be 
destined  to  seize  upon  New  York.  How  was  the  apprehended 
blow  to  be  parried?  General  Lee,  who  was  just  returned  from 
his  energetic  visit  to  Rhode  Island,  offered  his  advice  and 
services  in  the  matter.  In  a  letter  to  Washington,  he  urged 
him  to  act  at  once,  and  on  his  own  responsibility,  without 
awaiting  the  tardy  and  doubtful  sanction  of  Congress,  for 
which,  in  military  matters,  Lee  had  but  small  regard. 

"New  York  must  be  secured,"  writes  he,  "  but  it  will  never, 
I  am  afraid,  be  secured  by  due  order  of  the  Congress,  for 
obvious  reasons.  They  find  themselves  awkwardly  situated  on 
this  head.  You  must  step  in  to  their  relief.  I  am  sensible  no 
man  can  be  spared  from  the  lines  under  present  circumstances ; 
but  I  would  propose  that  you  should  detach  me  into  Connecticut, 
and  lend  your  name  for  collecting  a  body  of  volunteers.  I  am 
assured  that  I  shall  find  no  difficulty  in  assembling  a  sufficient 
number  for  the  purposes  wanted.  This  body,  in  conjunction 
(if  there  should  appear  occasion  to  summon  them)  with  the 
Jersey  regiment  uncler  the  command  of  Lord  Stirling,  now  at 
Elizabethtown,  will  effect  the  security  of  New  York,  and  the 

1  Am.  Archives,  4th  Series,  iii.,  1281. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  21 

expulsion  or  suppression  of  that  dangerous  banditti  of  tories, 
who  have  appeared  on  Long  Island,  with  the  professed  inten- 
tion of  acting  against  the  authority  of  Congress.  Not  to 
crush  these  serpents  before  their  rattles  are  grown  would  be 
ruinous. 

"This  manoeuvre,  I  not  only  think  prudent  and  right,  but 
absolutely  necessary  to  our  salvation  ;  and  if  it  meets,  as  I 
ardently  hope  it  will,  with  your  approbation,  the  sooner  it 
is  entered  upon  the  better ;  the  delay  of  a  single  day  may  be 
fatal." 

Washington,  while  he  approved  of  Lee's  military  sugges- 
tions, was  cautious  in  exercising  the  extraordinary  powers  so 
recently  vested  in  him,  and  fearful  of  transcending  them.  John 
Adams  was  at  that  time  in  the  vicinity  of  the  camp,  and  he 
asked  his  opinion  as  to  the  practicability  and  expediency  of 
the  plan,  and  whether  it  "  might  not  be  regarded  as  beyond 
his  line." 

Adams,  resolute  of  spirit,  thought  the  enterprise  might  easily 
be  accomplished  by  the  friends  of  liberty  in  New  York,  in  con- 
nection with  the  Connecticut  people,  "who  are  very  ready," 
said  he,  "  upon  such  occasions." 

As  to  the  expediency,  he  urged  the  vast  importance,  in  the 
progress  of  this  war,  of  the  city  and  province  of  New  York,  and. 
the  Hudson  River,  being  the  nexus  of  the  northern  and  southern 
colonies,  a  kind  of  key  to  the  whole  continent,  as  it  is  a  passage 
to  Canada,  to  the  Great  Lakes,  and  to  all  the  Indian  nations. 
No  effort  to  secure  it  ought  to  be  omitted. 

That  it  was  within  the  limits  of  Washington's  command,  he 
considered  perfectly  clear,  he  being  "vested  with  full  power 
and  authority,  to  act  as  he  should  think  for  the  good  and  wel- 
fare of  the  service." 

If  there  was  a  body  of  people  on  Long  Island,  armed  to  op- 
pose the  American  system  of  defence,  and  furnishing  supplies 
to  the  British  army  and  navy,  they  were  invading  American 
liberty  as  much  as  those  besieged  in  Boston. 

If,  in  the  city  of  New  York,  a  bodty  of  tories  were  wait- 
ing only  for  a  force  to  protect  them,  to  declare  themselves 
on  the  side  of  the  enemy,  it  was  high  time  that  city  was 
secured.1 

Thus  fortified,  as  it  were,  by  congressional  sanction,  through 
one  of  its  most  important  members,  who  pronounced  New  York 
as  much  within  his  command  as  Massachusetts ;  he  gave  Lee 

1  Adams  to  Washington,  Corr.  of  Rev.,  i.,  113. 


22  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

authority  to  carry  out  his  plans.  He  was  to  raise  volunteers  in 
Connecticut ;  march  at  their  head  to' New  York  ;  call  in  military 
aid  from  New  Jersey ;  put  the  city  and  the  posts  on  the  Hudson 
in  a  posture  of  security  against  surprise  ;  disarm  all  persons  on 
Long  Island  and  elsewhere,  inimical  to  the  views  of  Congress, 
or  secure  them  in  some  other  manner  if  necessary ;  and  seize 
upon  all  medicines,  shirts  and  blankets,  and  send  them  on  for 
the  use  of  the  American  army. 

Lee  departed  on  his  mission  on  the  8th  of  January.  On  the 
16th,  he  was  at  New  Haven,  railing  at  the  indecision  of  Con- 
gress. They  had  ordered  the  enlistment  of  troops  for  the 
security  of  New  York.  A  Connecticut  regiment  under  Colonel 
Waterbury  had  been  raised,  equipped,  and  on  the  point  of 
embarking  for  Oyster  Bay,  on  Long  Island,  to  attack  the 
tories,  who  were  to  be  attacked  on  the  other  side  by  Lord 
Stirling,  "  when  suddenly,"  says  Lee,  "  Colonel  Waterbury 
received  an  order  to  disband  his  regiment ;  and  the  tories  are 
to  remain  unmolested  till  they  are  joined  by  the  king's  assas- 
sins." 

Trumbull,  the  Governor  of  Connecticut,  however,  "  like  a 
man  of  sense  and  spirit,"  had  ordered  the  regiment  to  be  re- 
assembled, and  Lee  trusted  it  would  soon  be  read}T  to  march 
with  him.  "  I  shall  send  immediately,"  said  he,  "  an  express 
to  the  Congress,  informing  them  of  m}'  situation,  and  at  the 
same  time  conjuring  them  not  to  suffer  the  accursed  Provincial 
Congress  of  New  York  to  defeat  measures  so  absolutely  neces- 
sary to  salvation." 

Lee's  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  showed  that  the 
instructions  dictated  by  the  moderate  and  considerate  spirit  of 
Washington  were  not  strong  enough  on  some  points,  to  suit  his 
stern  military  notions.  The  scheme,  simply  of  disarming  the 
tories,  seemed  to  him  totally  ineffectual ;  it  would  only  imbitter 
their  minds,  and  add  virus  to  their  venom.  They  could  and 
would  always  be  supplied  with  fresh  arms  by  the  enemy.  That 
of  seizing  the  most  dangerous,  would,  from  its  vagueness,  be 
attended  with  some  bad  consequences,  and  could  answer  no 
good  one.  "The  plan  of  explaining  to  these  deluded  people 
the  justice  of  the  American  cause,  is  certainly  generous  and 
humane,"  observed  he;  "but  I  am  afraid  will  be  fruitless. 
They  are  so  riveted  in  their  opinions,  that  I  am  persuaded, 
should  an  angel  descend  from  heaven  with  his  golden  trumpet, 
and  ring  in  their  ears  that  their  conduct  was  criminal,  he  would 
be  disregarded." 

Lee's  notion  of  the  policy  proper  in  the  present  case  was,  to 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  23 

disarm  the  disaffected  of  all  classes,  supplying  our  own  troops 
with  the  arms  thus  seized ;  to  appraise  their  estates,  and  oblige 
them  to  deposit  at  least  one-half  the  value  with  the  Conti- 
nental Congress,  as  a  security  for  good  behavior ;  to  administer 
the  strongest  oath  that  could  be  devised,  that  they  would  act 
offensively  and  defensively  in  support  of  the  common  rights  ; 
and  finally,  to  transfer  all  such  as  should  prove  refractory,  to 
some  place  in  the  interior,  where  they  would  not  be  dan- 
gerous. 

The  people  of  New  York,  at  all  times  very  excitable,  were 
thrown  into  a  panic  on  hearing  that  Lee  was  in  Connecticut,  on 
his  way  to  take  military  possession  of  the  city.  They  appre- 
hended his  appearance  there  would  provoke  an  attack  from  the 
ships  in  the  harbor.  Some,  who  thought  the  war  about  to  be 
brought  to  their  own  doors,  packed  up  their  effects,  and  made 
off  intothe  country  with  their  wives  and  children.  Others  be- 
leaguered the  committee  of  safety  with  entreaties  against  the 
deprecated  protection  of  General  Lee.  The  committee,  through 
Pierre  Van  Cortlandt,  their  chairman,  addressed  a  letter  to 
Lee,  inquiring  into  the  motives  of  his  coming  with  an  army  to 
New  York,  and  stating  the  incapacity  of  the  city  to  act  hostilely 
against  the  ships-of-war  in  port,  from  deficiency  of  powder, 
and  a  want  of  military  works.  For  these,  and  other  reasons, 
they  urged  the  impropriety  of  provoking  hostilities  for  the 
present,  and  the  necessity  of  "  saving  appearances,"  with  the 
ships-of-war,  till  at  least  the  month  of  March,  when  they  hoped 
to  be  able  to  face  their  enemies  with  some  countenance.  "  We, 
therefore,"  continued  the  letter,  "  ardently  wish  to  remain  in 
peace  for  a  little  time,  and  doubt  not  we  have  assigned  sufli- 
cient  reasons  for  avoiding  at  present  a  dilemma,  in  which  the 
entrance  of  a  large  body  of  troops  into  the  city  will  almost  cer- 
tainly involve  us.  Should  you  have  such  an  entrance  in  design, 
we  beg  at  least  the  troops  may  halt  on  the  western  confines  of 
Connecticut,  till  we  have  been  honored  by  you  with  such  an 
explanation  on  this  important  subject  as  you  may  conceive 
your  duty  may  permit  you  to  enter  upon  with  us,  the  grounds 
of  which,  you  may  easily  see,  ought  to  be  kept  an  entire 
secret." 

Lee,  in  reply,  dated  Stamford,  January  23,  disclaimed  all  inten- 
tion of  commencing  actual  hostilities  against  the  men-of-war  in 
the  harbor ;  his  instructions  from  the  commander-in-chief  being 
solely  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  taking  post  in  the  city,  or 
lodging  themselves  on  Long  Island.  Some  subordinate  purposes 
were  likewise  to  be  executed,  which  were  much  more  proper  to 


24  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

be  communicated  by  word  of  mouth  than  by  writing.  In  com- 
pliance with  the  wishes  of  the  committee,  he  promised  to  carry 
with  him  into  the  town  just  troops  enough  to  secure  it  against 
any  present  designs  of  the  enemy,  leaving  his  main  force  on  the 
western  border  of  Connecticut.  "  I  give  you  my  word,"  added 
he,  u  that  no  active  service  is  proposed,  as  you  seem  to  appre- 
hend. If  the  ships-of-war  are  quiet,  I  shall  be  quiet ;  but  I  de- 
clare solemnly,  that  if  they  make  a  pretext  of  my  presence  to  fire 
on  the  town,  the  first  house  set  on  flames  by  their  guns  shall  be 
the  funeral  pile  of  some  of  their  best  friends." 

In  a  letter  to  Washington,  written  on  the  following  day,  he 
says  of  his  recruiting  success  in  Connecticut :  "I  find  the  peo- 
ple throughout  this  province  more  alive  and  zealous  than  my 
most  sanguine  expectations.  I  believe  I  might  have  collected 
two  thousand  volunteers.  I  take  only  four  companies  with  me, 
and  Waterbury's  regiment.  .  .  .  These  Connecticutians  are, 
if  possible,  more  eager  to  go  out  of  their  country  than  they 
are  to  return  home,  when  they  have  been  absent  for  any  consid- 
erable time." 

Speaking  of  the  people  of  New  York,  and  the  letter  from  their 
Provincial  Congress,  which  he  encloses  :  "  The  whigs,"  says  he, 
"  I  mean  the  stout  ones,  are,  it  is  said,  very  desirous  that  a  body 
of  troops  should  march  and  be  stationed  in  the  city  —  the  timid 
ones  are  averse,  merel}'  from  the  spirit  of  procrastination,  which 
is  the  characteristic  of  timidity.  The  letter  from  the  Provincial 
Congress,  you  will  observe,  breathes  the  very  essence  of  this 
spirit;  it  is  wofully  hysterical." 

By  the  by,  the  threat  contained  in  Lee's  reply  about  a  "  funeral 
pile,"  coming  from  a  soldier  of  his  mettle,  was  not  calculated  to 
soothe  the  hysterical  feelings  of  the  committee  of  safety.  How 
he  conducted  himself  on  his  arrival  in  the  city,  we  shall  relate  in 
a  future  chapter. 


RICHARD   MONTGOMERY. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  25 


CHAPTER  III. 

MONTGOMERY  BEFORE  QUEBEC —  HIS  PLAN  OF  OPERATIONS A  SUM- 
MONS TO  SURRENDER  — A  FLAG   INSULTED THE  TOWN  BESIEGED 

PLAN    OF    AN    ESCALADE ATTACK    OF    THE    LOWER    TOWN  — 

MONTGOMERY    IN    THE    ADVANCE HIS    DEATH RETREAT    Ol 

COLONEL    CAMPBELL ATTACK    BY    ARNOLD DEFENCE    OF    THE 

LOWER   TOWN ARNOLD    WOUNDED RETREAT    OF    THE    AMERI- 
CANS  GALLANT  RESOLVE  OF  ARNOLD. 

From  amid  surrounding  perplexities,  Washington  still  turned 
a  hopeful  eye  to  Canada.  He  expected  daily  to  receive  tidings 
that  Montgomery  and  Arnold  were  within  the  walls  of  Quebec, 
and  he  had  even  written  to  the  former  to  forward  as  much 
as  could  be  spared  of  the  large  quantities  of  arms,  blankets, 
clothing  and  other  military  stores,  said  to  be  deposited  there  ; 
the  army  before  Boston  being  in  great  need  of  such  sup- 
plies. 

On  the  18th  of  Januaiy  came  despatches  to  him  from  Gen- 
eral Schuyler,  containing  withering  tidings.  The  following  is 
the  purport.  Montgomery,  on  the  2d  of  December,  the  day 
after  his  arrival  at  Point  aux  Trembles,  set  off  in  face  of  a 
driving  snow-storm  for  Quebec,  and  arrived  before  it  on  the 
5th.  The  works,  from  their  great  extent,  appeared  to  him 
incapable  of  being  defended  by  the  actual  garrison  ;  made  up, 
as  he  said,  of  u  Maclean's  banditti,"  the  sailors  from  the  frig- 
ates and  other  vessels,  together  with  the  citizens  obliged  to 
take  up  arms  ;  most  of  whom  were  impatient  of  the  fatigues  of 
a  siege,  and  wished  to  see  matters  accommodated  amicably. 
"  I  propose,"  added  he,  "  amusing  Mr.  Carleton  with  a  for- 
mal attack,  erecting  batteries,  etc.,  but  mean  to  assault  the 
works  I  believe  toward  the  lower  towm,  which  is  the  weakest 
part." 

According  to  his  own  account,  his  whole  force  did  not 
exceed  nine  hundred  effective  men,  three  hundred  of  whom  he 
had  brought  with  him  ;  the  rest  he  found  with  Colonel  Arnold. 
The  latter  he  pronounced  an  exceeding  fine  corps,  inured  to 
fatigue,  and  well  accustomed  to  a  cannon  shot,  having  served 
at  Cambridge.  "  There  is  a  style  of  discipline  among  them," 
adds  he,  "  much  superior  to  what  I  have  been  used  to  see  in 
this  campaign.  He,  himself  (Arnold),  is  active,  intelligent  and 
enterprising.     Fortune  often  baffles  the  sanguine  expectations 


26  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

of  poor  mortals.  I  am  not  intoxicated  with  her  favors,  but  I  do 
think  there  is  a  fair  prospect  of  success."  1 

On  the  day  of  his  arrival,  he  sent  a  flag  with  a  summons  to 
surrender.  It  was  fired  upon,  and  obliged  to  retire.  Exas- 
perated at  this  outrage,  which,  it  is  thought,  was  committed  by 
the  veteran  Maclean,  Montgomery  wrote  an  indignant,  reproach- 
ful, and  even  menacing  letter  to  Carleton,  reiterating  the 
demand,  magnifying  the  number  of  his  troops,  and  warning  him 
against  the  consequences  of  an  assault.  Finding  it  was  rejected 
from  the  walls,  it  was  conveyed  in  by  a  woman,  together  with  let- 
ters addressed  to  the  principal  merchants,  promising  great  indul- 
gence in  case  of  immediate  submission.  By  Carletou's  orders, 
the  messenger  was  sent  to  prison  for  a  few  days,  and  then 
drummed  out  of  town. 

Montgomery  now  prepared  for  an  attack.  The  ground  was 
frozen  to  a  great  depth,  and  covered  with  snow  ;  he  was  scan- 
tily provided  with  intrenching  tools,  and  had  only  a  field  train  of 
artillery,  and  a  few  mortars.  By  dint  of  excessive  labor  a 
breastwork  was  thrown  up,  four  hundred  yards  distant  from 
the  walls  and  opposite  to  the  gate  of  St.  Louis,  which  is  nearly 
in  the  centre.  It  was  formed  of  gabions,  ranged  side  by  side, 
and  filled  with  snow,  over  which  water  was  thrown  until  thor- 
oughly frozen.  Here  Captain  Lamb  mounted  five  light  pieces 
and  a  howitzer.  Several  mortars  were  placed  in  the  suburbs 
of  St.  Roque,  which  extends  on  the  left  of  the  promontory, 
below  the  heights,  and  nearly  on  a  level  with  the  river. 

From  the  "  Ice  Battery"  Captain  Lamb  opened  a  well-sus- 
tained and  well-directed  fire  upon  the  walls,  but  his  field-pieces 
were  too  light  to  be  effective.  With  his  howitzer  he  threw 
shells  into  the  town  and  set  it  on  fire  in  several  places.  For 
five  days  and  nights  the  garrison  was  kept  on  the  alert  by  the 
teasing  fire  of  this  battery.  The  object  of  Montgomery  was  to 
harass  the  town  and  increase  the  dissatisfaction  of  the  inhabit- 
ants. His  flag  of  truce  being  still  fired  upon,  he  caused  the 
Indians  in  his  camp  to  shoot  arrows  into  the  town,  having  let- 
ters attached  to  them,  addressed  to  the  inhabitants,  representing 
Carleton 's  refusal  to  treat,  and  advising  them  to  rise  in  a  body, 
and  compel  him.  It  was  all  in  vain  ;  whatever  might  have 
been  the  disposition  of  the  inhabitants  they  were  completely 
under  the  control  of  the  military. 

On  the  evening  of  the  fifth  day,  Montgomery  paid  a  visit  to 
the  ice  batteiy.     The  heavy  artillery  from  the  wall  had  repaid  its 

1  Montgomery  to  Schuyler,  December  5. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  27 

ineffectual  fire  with  ample  usury.  The  brittle  ramparts  had 
been  shivered  like  glass  ;  several  of  the  guns  had  been  rendered 
useless.  Just  as  they  arrived  at  the  battery,  a  shot  from  the 
fortress  dismounted  one  of  the  guns,  and  disabled  many  of  the 
men.  A  second  shot  immediately  following,  was  almost  as 
destructive.  "This  is  warm  work,  sir,"  said  Montgomery  to 
Captain  Lamb.  "It  is  indeed,  and  certainly  no  place  for  you, 
sy\"  "  Why  so,  captain  ?  "  "  Because  there  are  enough  of  us 
here  to  be  killed,  without  the  loss  of  you,  which  would  be 
irreparable." 

The  general  saw  the  insufficiency  of  the  battery,  and,  on  retir- 
ing, gave  Captain  Lamb  permission  to  leave  it  whenever  he 
thought  proper.  The  veteran  waited  until  after  dark,  when, 
securing  all  the  guns,  he  abandoned  the  ruined  redoubt.  .  The 
general  in  this  visit  was  attended  by  Aaron  Burr,  whom  he  had 
appointed  his  aide-de-camp.  Lamb  wondered  that  he  should 
encumber  himself  with  such  a  boy.  The  perfect  coolness  and 
self-possession  with  which  the  youth  mingled  in  this  dangerous 
scene,  and  the  fire  which  sparkled  in  his  eye,  soon  convinced 
Lamb,  according  to  his  own  account,  that  "  the  young  volun- 
teer was  no  ordinary  man."  1 

Nearly  three  weeks  had  been  consumed  in  these  futile  opera- 
tions. The  army,  ill-clothed  and  ill-provided,  was  becoming 
impatient  of  the  rigors  of  a  Canadian  winter ;  the  term  for 
which  part  of  the  troops  had  enlisted  would  expire  with  the 
year,  and  they  already  talked  of  returning  home.  Montgomery 
was  sadly  conscious  of  the  insufficiency  of  his  means  ;  still  he 
could  not  endure  the  thoughts  of  retiring  from  before  the  place 
without  striking  a  blow.  He  knew  that  much  was  expected 
from  him,  in  consequence  of  his  late  achievements,  and  that 
the  eyes  of  the  public  were  fixed  upon  this  Canadian  enterprise. 
He  determined,  therefore,  to  attempt  to  carry  the  place  by 
escalade.  One-third  of  his  men  were  to  set  fire  to  the  houses 
and  stockades  of  the  suburb  of  St.  Roque,  and  force  the  barriers 
of  the  lower  town ;  while  the  main  body  should  scale  the  bas- 
tion of  Cape  Diamond. 

It  was  a  hazardous,  almost  a  desperate  project,  yet  it  has  met 
with  the  approbation  of  military  men.  He  calculated  upon  the 
devotion  and  daring  spirit  of  his  men  ;  upon  the  discontent 
which  prevailed  among  the  Canadians,  and  upon  the  incom- 
petency of  the  garrison  for  the  defence  of  such  extensive 
works. 

1  Life  of  John  Lamb,  p.  125. 


28  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

In  regard  to  the  devotion  of  his  men,  he  was  threatened  with 
disappointment.  When  the  plan  of  assault  was  submitted  to  a 
council  of  war,  three  of  the  captains  in  Arnold's  division,  the 
terms  of  whose  companies  were  near  expiring,  declined  to 
serve,  unless  they  and  their  men  could  be  transferred  to  another 
command.  This  almost  mutinous  movement,  it  is  supposed, 
was  fomented  by  Arnold's  old  adversary,  Major  Brown,  and 
it  was  with  infinite  difficulty  Montgomery  succeeded  in  over- 
coming it. 

The  ladders  were  now  provided  for  the  escalade,  and  Mont- 
gomery waited  with  impatience  for  a  favorable  night  to  put  it 
into  execution.  Small-pox  and  desertion  had  reduced  his  little 
army  to  seven  hundred  and  fifty  men.  From  certain  movements 
of  the  enemy,  it  was  surmised  that  the  deserters  had  revealed 
his  plan.  He  changed,  therefore,  the  arrangement.  Colonel 
Livingston  was  to  make  a  false  attack  on  the  gate  of  St.  Johns 
and  set  fire  to  it;  Major  Brown,  with  another  detachment,  was 
to  menace  the  bastion  of  Cape  Diamond.  Arnold,  with  three 
hundred  and  fifty  of  the  hardy  fellows  who  had  followed  him 
through  the  wilderness,  strengthened  by  Captain  Lamb  and 
forty  of  his  company,  was  to  assault  the  suburbs  and  batteries 
of  St.  Roque  ;  while  Montgomery,  with  the  residue  of  his  forces, 
was  to  pass  below  the  bastion  at  Cape  Diamond,  defile  along  the 
river,  carry  the  defences  at  Drummond's  Wharf,  and  thus  enter 
the  lower  town  on  one  side,  while  Arnold  forced  his  way  into 
it  on  the  other.  These  movements  were  all  to  be  made  at 
the  same  time,  on  the  discharge  of  signal  rockets,  thus  dis- 
tracting the  enemy,  and  calling  their  attention  to  four  several 
points. 

On  the  31st  of  December,  at  two  o'clock  in  the  morning,  the 
troops  repaired  to  their  several  destinations,  under  cover  of  a 
violent  snow-storm.  By  some  accident  or  mistake,  such  as  is 
apt  to  occur  in  complicated  plans  of  attack,  the  signal  rockets 
were  let  off  before  the  lower  divisions  had  time  to  get  to  their 
fighting  ground.  They  were  descried  by  one  of  Maclean's 
Highland  officers,  who  gave  the  alarm.  Livingston,  also,  failed 
to  make  the  false  attack  on  the  gate  of  St.  Johns,  which  was  to 
have  caused  a  diversion  favorable  to  Arnold's  attack  on  the 
suburb  below. 

The  feint  by  Major  Brown,  on  the  bastion  of  Cape  Diamond, 
was  successful,  and  concealed  the  march  of  General  Mont- 
gomery. That  gallant  commander  descended  from  the  heights 
to  Wolfe's  Cove,  and  led  his  division  along  the  shore  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  round  the  beetling  promontory  of  Cape  Diamond. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  29 

The  narrow  approach  to  the  lower  town  in  that  direction  was 
traversed  by  a  picket  or  stockade,  defended  by  Canadian  mili- 
tia ;  beyond  which  was  a  second  defence,  a  kind  of  block-house, 
forming  a  battery  of  small  pieces,  manned  by  Canadian  militia, 
and  a  few  seamen,  and  commanded  by  the  captain  of  a  trans- 
port. The  aim  of  Montgomery  was  to  come  upon  these  barriers 
by  surprise.  The  pass  which  they  defended  is  formidable  at  ail 
times,  having  a  swift  river  on  one  side,  and  overhanging  preci- 
pices on  the  other ;  but  at  this  time  was  rendered  peculiarly 
difficult  by  drifting  snow,  and  by  great  masses  of  ice  piled  on 
each  other  at  the  foot  of  the  cliffs. 

The  troops  made  their  way  painfully,  in  extended  and  strag- 
gling files,  along  the  narrow  footway,  and  over  the  slippery 
piles  of  ice.  Among  the  foremost,  were  some  of  the  first  New 
York  regiment,  led  on  by  Captain  Cheeseman.  Montgomery, 
who  was  familiar  with  them,  urged  them  on.  "Forward,  men 
of  New  York!"  cried  he.  "You  are  not  the  men  to  Hindi 
when  your  general  leads  you  on  !  "  In  his  eagerness,  he  threw 
himself  far  in  the  advance,  with  his  pioneers  and  a  few  officers, 
and  made  a  dash  at  the  first  barrier.  The  Canadians  stationed 
there,  taken  by  surprise,  made  a  few  random  shots,  then  threw 
down  their  muskets  and  fled.  Montgomery  sprang  forward, 
aided  with  his  own  hand  to  pluck  down  the  pickets,  which  the 
pioneers  were  sawing,  and  having  made  a  breach  sufficiently 
wide  to  admit  three  or  four  men  abreast,  entered  sword  in  hand, 
followed  by  his  staff,  Captain  Cheeseman,  and  some  of  his  men. 
The  Canadians  had  fled  from  the  picket  to  the  battery  or  block- 
house, but  seemed  to  have  carried  the  panic  with  them,  for  the 
battery  remained  silent.  Montgomery  felt  for  a  moment  as  if 
the  surprise  had  been  complete.  He  paused  in  the  breach  to 
rally  on  the  troops,  who  were  stumbling  along  the  difficult  pass. 
"  Push  on,  my  brave  boys,"  cried  he,  "  Quebec  is  ours  !  " 

He  again  dashed  forward,  but,  when  within  forty  paces  of 
the  batteiy,  a  discharge  of  grape-shot  from  a  single  cannon, 
made  deadly  havoc.  Montgomery  and  McPherson,  one  of  his 
aides,  were  killed  on  the  spot.  Captain  Cheeseman,  who  was 
leading  on  his  New  Yorkers,  received  a  canister  shot  through 
the  body  ;  made  an  effort  to  rise  and  push  forward,  but  fell 
back  a  corpse ;  with  him  fell  his  orderly  sergeant  and  several  of 
his  men.  This  fearful  slaughter,  and  the  death  of  their  gen- 
eral, threw  every  thing  in  confusion.  The  officer  next  in  lineal 
rank  to  the  general,  was  far  in  the  rear ;  in  this  emergency, 
Colonel  Campbell,  quartermaster-general,  took  the  command, 
but,  instead  of  rallying  the  men,  and  endeavoring  to  effect  the 


30  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

junction  with  Arnold,  ordered  a  retreat,  and  abandoned  the 
half -won  field,  leaving  behind  him  the  bodies  of  the  slain. 

While  all  this  was  occurring  on  the  side  of  Cape  Diamond, 
Arnold  led  his  division  against  the  opposite  side  of  the  lower 
town  along  the  suburb  and  street  of  St.  Roque.  Like  Mont- 
gomery, he  took  the  advance  at  the  head  of  a  forlorn  hope  of 
twenty-five  men,  accompanied  by  his  secretary  Oswald,  formerly 
one  of  his  captains  at  Ticonderoga.  Captain  Lamb  and  his 
artillery  company  came  next,  with  a  field-piece  mounted  on  a 
sledge.  Then  came  a  company  with  ladders  and  scaling  imple- 
ments, followed  by  Morgan  and  his  riflemen.  In  the  rear  of  all 
these  came  the  main  body.  A  battery  on  a  wharf  commanded 
the  narrow  pass  by  which  they  had  to  advance.  This  was  to  be 
attacked  with  the  field-piece,  and  then  scaled  with  ladders  by 
the  forlorn  hope  ;  while  Captain  Morgan  with  his  riflemen,  was 
to  pass  round  the  wharf  on  the  ice. 

The  false  attack  which  was  to  have  been  made  by  Livingston 
on  the  gate  of  St.  Johns,  by  way  of  diversion,  had  not  taken 
place ;  there  was  nothing,  therefore,  to  call  off  the  attention  of 
the  enemy  in  this  quarter  from  the  detachment.  The  troops,  as 
they  straggled  along  in  lengthened  file  through  the  drifting 
snow,  were  sadly  galled  by  a  flanking  fire  on  the  right,  from 
walls  and  pickets.  The  field-piece  at  length  became  so  deeply 
embedded  in  a  snow-drift,  that  it  could  not  be  moved.  Lamb 
sent  word  to  Arnold  of  the  impediment ;  in  the  mean  time,  he 
and  his  artillery  company  were  brought  to  a  halt.  The  company 
with  the  scaling  ladders  would  have  halted  also,  having  been 
told  to  keep  in  the  rear  of  the  artillery ;  but  they  were  urged  on 
by  Morgan  with  a  thundering  oath,  who  pushed  on  after  them 
with  his  riflemen,  the  artillery  company  opening  to  the  right 
and  left  to  let  them  pass. 

They  arrived  in  the  advance,  just  as  Arnold  was  leading  on 
his  forlorn  hope  to  attack  the  barrier.  Before  he  reached  it,  a 
severe  wound  in  the  right  leg  with  a  musket  ball  completely 
disabled  him,  and  he  had  to  be  borne  from  the  field.  Morgan 
instantly  took  the  command.  Just  then  Lamb  came  up  with 
his  compairy,  armed  with  muskets  and  bayonets,  having  received 
orders  to  abandon  the  field-piece,  and  support  the  advance. 
Oswald  joined  him  with  the  forlorn  hope.  The  battery  which 
commanded  the  defile  mounted  two  pieces  of  cannon.  There 
was  a  discharge  of  grape-shot  when  the  assailants  were  close 
under  the  muzzles  of  the  guns,  yet  but  one  man  was  killed. 
Before  there  could  be  a  second  discharge,  the  battery  was 
carried   by  assault,  some    firing   into   the   embrasures ;  others 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  31 

scaling  the  walls.  The  captain  and  thirty  of  his  men  were  taken 
prisoners. 

The  day  was  just  dawning  as  Morgan  led  on  to  attack  the 
second  barrier,  and  his  men  had  to  advance  under  a  lire  from 
the  town  walls  on  their  right,  which  incessantly  thinned  their 
ranks.  The  second  barrier  was  reached  ;  they  applied  then- 
scaling  ladders  to  storm  it.  The  defence  was  brave  and  obsti- 
nate, but  the  defenders  were  at  length  driven  from  their  guns, 
and  the  battery  was  gained.  At  the  last  moment  one  of  the 
gunners  ran  back,  linstock  in  hand,  to  give  one  more  shot. 
Captain  Lamb  snapped  a  fusee  at  him.  It  missed  lire.  The 
cannon  was  discharged,  and  a  grape-shot  wounded  Lamb  in  the 
head,  carrying  away  part  of  the  cheek  bone.  He  was  borne  off 
senseless  to  a  neighboring  shed. 

The  two  barriers  being  now  taken,  the  way  on  this  side  into 
the  lower  town  seemed  open.  Morgan  prepared  to  enter  it  with 
the  victorious  vanguard  ;  first  stationing  Captain  Dearborn  and 
some  provincials  at  Palace  Gate,  which  opened  down  into  the 
defile  from  the  upper  town.  By  this  time,  however,  the  death 
of  Montgomery  and  retreat  of  Campbell  had  enabled  the  enemy 
to  turn  all  their  attention  in  this  direction.  A  large  detachment 
sent  by  General  Carleton,  sallied  out  of  Palace  Gate  after  Mor- 
gan had  passed  it,  surprised  and  captured  Dearborn  and  the 
guard,  and  completely  cut  off  the  advance  party.  The  main 
body,  informed  of  the  death  of  Montgomery,  and  giving  up  the 
game  as  lost,  retreated  to  the  camp,  leaving  behind  the  field- 
piece  which  Lamb's  company  had  abandoned,  and  the  mortars 
in  the  battery  of  St.  Roque. 

Morgan  and  his  men  were  now  hemmed  in  on  all  sides,  and 
obliged  to  take  refuge  in  a  stone  house,  from  the  inveterate  fire 
which  assailed  them.  From  the  windows  of  this  house  they 
kept  up  a  desperate  defence,  until  cannon  were  brought  to  bear 
upon  it.  Then,  hearing  of  the  death  of  Montgomery,  and 
seeing  that  there  was  no  prospect  of  relief,  Morgan  and  his 
gallant  handful  of  followers  were  compelled  to  surrender  them- 
selves prisoners  of  war. 

Thus  foiled  at  every  point,  the  wrecks  of  the  little  army  aban- 
doned their  camp,  and  retreated  about  three  miles  from  the 
town ;  where  they  hastily  fortified  themselves,  apprehending  a 
pursuit  by  the  garrison.  General  Carleton,  however,  contented 
himself  with  having  secured  the  safety  of  the  place,  and  re- 
mained cautiously  passive  until  he  should  be  properly  re-en- 
forced ;  distrusting  the  good  faith  of  the  motley  inhabitants. 
He  is  said  to  have  treated  the  prisoners  with  a  humanity  the 


32  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

more  honorable,  considering  the  "habitual  military  severity  of 
his  temper;  "  their  heroic  daring,  displayed  in  the  assault  upon 
the  lower  town,  having  excited  his  admiration. 

The  remains  of  the  gallant  Montgomery  received  a  soldier's 
grave,  within  the  fortifications  of  Quebec,  by  the  care  of  Cra- 
mahe,  the  lieutenant-governor,  who  had  formerly  known  him. 

Arnold,  wounded  and  disabled,  had  been  assisted  back  to  the 
camp,  dragging  one  foot  after  the  other  for  nearly  a  mile  in 
great  agony,  and  exposed  continually  to  the  musketry  from  the 
walls  at  fifty  yards'  distance,  which  shot  down  several  at  his 
side. 

He  took  temporary  command  of  the  shattered  army,  until 
General  Wooster  should  arrive  from  Montreal,  to  whom  he  sent 
an  express,  urging  him  to  bring  on  succor.  "On  this  occa- 
sion," says  a  contemporary  writer,  "  he  discovered  the  utmost 
vigor  of  a  determined  mind,  and  a  genius  full  of  resources. 
Defeated  and  wounded,  as  he  was,  he  put  his  troops  into  such  a 
situation  as  to  keep  them  still  formidable.1 

With  a  mere  handful  of  men,  at  one  time  not  exceeding  five 
hundred,  he  maintained  a  blockade  of  the  strong  fortress  from 
which  he  had  just  been  repulsed.  "I  have  no  thoughts," 
writes  he,  "  of  leaving  this  proud  town  until  I  enter  it  in 
triumph.     /  am  in  the  way  of  my  duty,  and  I  know  no  fear !  "  2 

Happy  for  him  had  he  fallen  at  this  moment.  —  Happy  for 
him  had  he  found  a  soldier's  and  a  patriot's  grave,  beneath  the 
rock-built  walls  of  Quebec.  Those  walls  would  have  remained 
enduring  monuments  of  his  renown.  His  name,  like  that  of 
Montgomery,  would  have  been  treasured  up  among  the  dearest 
though  most  mournful  recollections  of  his  country,  and  that 
country  would  have  been  spared  the  single  traitorous  blot  that 
dims  the  bright  page  of  its  revolutionary  history. 

1  Civil  War  in  America,  vol.  i.,  p.  112. 

2  See  Arnold's  Letter.    Remembrancer,  ii.,  368. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER   IV. 

CORRESPONDENCE     OF     WASHINGTON     AND    SCHUYLER    ON    TITE    DIS- 
ASTERS    IN    CANADA RE-ENFORCEMENTS    REQUIRED    FROM     NEW 

ENGLAND DANGERS    IN    THE    INTERIOR  OF    NEW  YORK  —  JOHN- 
SON   HALL    BELEAGURED SIR   JOHN    CAPITULATES  GENEROUS 

CONDUCT    OF  SCHUYLER GOVERNOR   TRYON  AND    THE  TORIES 

TORY    MACHINATIONS LEE    AT     NEW    YORK SIR    HENRY    CLIN- 
TON IN  THE  HARBOR MENACES  OF  LEE THE    CITY    AND  RIVER 

FORTIFIED  —  LEE'S  TREATMENT  OF  THE    TORIES  HIS    PLANS  OF 

FORTIFICATION ORDERED     TO     THE     COMMAND     IN     CANADA 

HIS    SPECULATIONS    ON    TITLES    OF    DIGNITY. 

Schuyler's  letter  to  Washington,  announcing  the  recent 
events,  was  written  with  manly  feeling.  "  I  wish,"  said  he, 
"  I  had  no  occasion  to  send  my  dear  general  this  melancholy 
account.  My  amiable  friend,  the  gallant  Montgomery,  is  no 
more ;  the  brave  Arnold  is  wounded ;  and  we  have  met  with  a 
severe  check  in  an  unsuccessful  attempt  on  Quebec.  May 
Heaven  be  graciously  pleased  that  the  misfortune  may  termi- 
nate here !     I  tremble  for  our  people  in  Canada." 

Alluding  to  his  recent  request  to  retire  from  the  army,  he 
writes:  "Our  affairs  are  much  worse  than  when  I  made  the 
request.  This  is  motive  sufficient  for  me  to  continue  to  serve 
my  country  in  any  way  I  can  be  thought  most  serviceable  ;  but 
my  utmost  can  be  but  little,  weak  and  indisposed  as  I  am." 

Washington  was  deeply  moved  by  the  disastrous  intelligence. 
"  I  most  sincerely  condole  with  you,"  writes  he,  in  reply  to 
Schuyler,  "  upon  the  fall  of  the  brave  and  worthy  Montgomery. 
In  the  death  of  this  gentleman,  America  has  sustained  a  heavy 
loss.  I  am  much  concerned  for  the  intrepid  and  enterprising 
Arnold,  and  greatly  fear  that  consequences  of  the  most  alarming 
nature  will  result  from  this  well-intended,  but  unfortunate 
attempt." 

General  Schuyler,  who  was  now  in  Albany,  urged  the  neces- 
sity of  an  immediate  re-enforcement  of  three  thousand  men  for 
the  army  in  Canada.  Washington  had  not  a  man  to  spare  from 
the  army  before  Boston.  He  applied,  therefore,  on  his  own  re- 
sponsibility, to  Massachusetts,  New  Hampshire  and  Connecticut, 
for  three  regiments,  which  were  granted.  His  prompt  measure 
received  the  approbation  of  Congress,  and  further  re-enforce- 
ments were  ordered  from  the  same  quarters. 


34  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Solicitude  was  awakened  about  the  interior  of  the  province  of 
New  York.  Arms  and  ammunition  were  said  to  be  concealed  in 
Tryon  County,  and  numbers  of  the  tories  in  that  neighborhood 
preparing  for  hostilities.  Sir  John  Johnson  had  fortified  John- 
son Hall,  gathered  about  him  his  Scotch  Highland  tenants  and 
Indian  allies,  and  it  was  rumored  he  intended  to  carry  fire  and 
sword  along  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk. 

Schuyler,  in  consequence,  received  orders  from  Congress 
to  take  measures  for  securing  the  military  stores,  disarming 
the  disaffected,  and  apprehending  their  chiefs.  He  forthwith 
hastened  from  Albany,  at  the  head  of  a  body  of  soldiers ;  was 
joined  by  Colonel  Herkimer,  with  the  militia  of  Tryon  County 
marshalled  forth  on  the  frozen  bosom  of  the  Mohawk  River,  and 
appeared  before  Sir  John's  stronghold,  near  Johnstown,  on  the 
19th  of  Januaiy. 

Thus  beleaguered,  Sir  John,  after  much  negotiation,  capitu- 
lated. He  was  to  surrender  all  weapons  of  war  and  military 
stores  in  his  possession,  and  to  give  his  parole  not  to  take  arms 
against  America.  On  these  conditions  he  was  to  be  at  liberty 
to  go  as  far  westward  in  Tryon  County  as  the  German  Flats  and 
Kingsland  districts  and  to  every  part  of  the  colony  to  the  south- 
ward and  eastward  of  these  districts  ;  provided  he  did  not  go 
into  any  seaport  town. 

Sir  John  intimated  a  trust  that  he,  and  the  gentlemen  with  him, 
would  be  permitted  to  retain  such  arms  as  were  their  own  prop- 
erty. The  reply  was  characteristic:  "General  Schuyler's 
feelings  as  a  gentleman  induce  him  to  consent  that  Sir  John 
Johnson  may  retain  the  few  favorite  family  arms,  he  making  a 
list  of  them.  General  Schuyler  never  refused  a  gentleman  his 
side-arms." 

The  capitulation  being  adjusted,  Schuyler  ordered  his  troops 
to  be  drawn  up  in  line  at  noon  (January  20) ,  between  his  quarters 
and  the  Court  House,  to  receive  the  surrender  of  the  Highland- 
ers, enjoining  profound  silence  on  his  officers  and  men,  when  the 
surrender  should  be  made.  Every  thing  was  conducted  with 
great  regard  to  the  feelings  of  Sir  John's  Scottish  adherents ; 
they  marched  to  the  front,  grounded  their  arms,  and  were  dis- 
missed with  exhortations  to  good  behavior. 

The  conduct  of  Schuyler,  throughout  this  affair,  drew  forth  a 
resolution  of  Congress,  applauding  him  for  his  fidelity,  prudence 
and  expedition,  and  the  proper  temper  he  had  maintained  toward 
the  "deluded  people  "  in  question.  Washington,  too,  congrat- 
ulated him  on  his  success.  "  I  hope,"  writes  he,  "  General  Lee 
will  execute  a  work  of  the  same  kind  on  Long  Island.     It  is 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  35 

high  time  to  begin  with  our  internal  foes,  when  we  are  threatened 
with  such  severity  of  chastisement  from  our  kind  parent  without." 

The  recent  reverses  in  Canada  had,  in  fact,  heightened  the 
solicitude  of  -Washington  about  the  province  of  New  York. 
That  province  was  the  central  and  all-important  link  in  the  con- 
federacy ;  but  he  feared  it  might  prove  a  brittle  one.  We  have 
already  mentioned  the  adverse  influences  in  operation  there.  A 
large  number  of  friends  to  the  crown,  among  the  official  and 
commercial  classes ;  rank  tories  (as  they  were  called) ,  in  the 
city  and  about  the  neighboring  country  ;  particularly  on  Long 
and  Staten  Islands  ;  king's  ships  at  anchor  in  the  bay  and  har- 
bor, keeping  up  a  suspicious  intercourse  with  the  citizens  ;  while 
Governor  Tryon,  castled,  as  it  were,  on  board  one  of  these 
ships,  carried  on  intrigues  with  those  disaffected  to  the  popular 
cause,  in  all  parts  of  the  neighborhood.  County  committees 
had  been  empowered  by  the  New  York  Congress  and  convention, 
to  apprehend  all  persons  notoriously  disaffected,  to  examine  into 
their  conduct,  and  ascertain  whether  they  were  guilty  of  any 
hostile  act  or  machination.  Imprisonment  or  banishment  was 
the  penalty.  The  committees  could  call  upon  the  militia  to  aid 
in  the  discharge  of  their  functions.  Still,  disaffection  to  the 
cause  was  said  to  be  rife  in  the  province,  and  Washington 
looked  to  General  Lee  for  effective  measures  to  suppress  it. 
Lee  arrived  at  New  York  on  the  4th  of  February,  his  caustic 
humors  sharpened  by  a  severe  attack  of  the  gout,  which  had 
rendered  it  necessary,  while  on  the  march,  to  carry  him  for  a 
considerable  part  of  the  way  in  a  litter.  His  correspondence  is 
a  complete  mental  barometer.  "  I  consider  it  as  a  piece  of  the 
greatest  good  fortune,"  writes  he  to  Washington  (February  5), 
"  that  the  Congress  have  detached  a  committee  to  this  place, 
otherwise  I  should  have  made  a  most  ridiculous  figure,  besides 
bringing  upon  myself  the  enmity  of  the  whole  province.  My 
hands  were  effectually  tied  up  from  taking  any  step  necessary 
for  the  public  service  by  the  late  resolve  of  Congress,  putting 
every  detachment  of  the  continental  forces  under  the  command 
of  the  Provincial  Congress  where  such  detachment  is." 

By  a  singular  coincidence,  on  the  very  day  of  his  arrival  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  with  the  squadron  which  had  sailed  so  mysteri- 
ously from  Boston,  looked  into  the  harbor.  "Though  it  was 
Sabbath,"  says  a  letter-writer  of  the  day,  "  it  threw  the  whole 
city  into  such  a  convulsion  as  it  never  knew  before.  Many  of 
the  inhabitants  hastened  to  move  their  effects  into  the  country, 
expecting  an  immediate  conflict.  All  that  day  and  all  night, 
were  there  carts  going  and  boats  loading,  and  women  and  chil- 


36  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

dren  crying,  and  distressed  voices  heard  in  the  roads  in  the 
dead  of  the  night."  * 

Clinton  sent  for  the  mayor,  and  expressed  much  surprise  and 
concern  at  the  distress  caused  by  his  arrival ;  which  was  merely, 
he  said,  on  a  short  visit  to  his  friend  Tryon,  and  to  see  how 
matters  stood.  He  professed  a  juvenile  love  for  the  place,  and 
desired  that  the  inhabitants  might  be  informed  of  the  purport 
of  his  visit,  and  that  he  would  go  away  as  soon  as  possible. 

"  He  brought  no  troops  with  him,"  writes  Lee,  "  and  pledges 
his  honor  that  none  are  coming.  He  says  it  is  merely  a  visit  to 
his  friend  Tryon.  If  it  is  really  so,  it  is  the  most  whimsical 
piece  of  civility  I  ever  heard  of." 

A  gentleman  in  New  York,  writing  to  a  friend  in  Philadel- 
phia, reports  one  of  the  general's  characteristic  menaces,  which 
kept  the  town  in  a  fever. 

4 'Lee  says  he  will  send  word  on  board  of  the  men-of-war, 
that  if  they  set  a  house  on  fire,  he  will  chain  a  hundred  of  their 
friends  by  the  neck,  and  make  the  house  their  funeral  pile."  2 

For  this  time,  the  inhabitants  of  New  York  were  let  off  for 
their  fears.  Clinton,  after  a  brief  visit,  continued  his  myste- 
rious cruise,  openly  avowing  his  destination  to  be  North  Caro- 
lina—  which  nobody  believed,  simply  because  he  avowed  it. 

The  Duke  of  Manchester,  speaking  in  the  House  of  Lords  of 
the  conduct  of  Clinton,  contrasts  it  with  that  of  Lord  Dunmore, 
who  wrapped  Norfolk  in  flames.  "  I  will  pass  no  censure  on 
that  noble  lord,"  said  he,  "but  I  could  wish  that  he  had  acted 
with  that  generous  spirit  that  forbade  Clinton  uselessly  to  de- 
stroy the  town  of  New  York.  My  lords,  Clinton  visited  New 
York;  the  inhabitants  expected  its  destruction.  Lee  appeared 
before  it  with  an  army  too  powerful  to  be  attacked,  and  Clin- 
ton passed  by  without  doing  any  wanton  damage." 

The  necessity  of  conferring  with  committees  at  every  step, 
was  a  hard  restraint  upon  a  man  of  Lee's  ardent  and  impatient 
temper,  who  had  a  soldierlike  contempt  fpr  the  men  of  peace 
around  him  ;  yet  at  the  outset  he  bore  it  better  than  might  hav^ 
been  expected. 

"  The  Congress  committees,  a  certain  number  of  the  commit- 
tees of  safety,  and  your  humble  servant,"  writes  he  to  Wash- 
ington, u  have  had  two  conferences.  The  result  is  such  as  wili 
agreeably  surprise  you.  It  is  in  the  first  place  agreed,  and 
justly,  that  to  fortify  the  town  against  shipping  is  impractica- 
ble ;  but  we  are  to  fortify  lodgments  on  some  commanding  part 

1  Remembrancer,  vol.  iii  2  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iv.,  941. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  37 

of  the  city  for  two  thousand  men.  We  are  to  erect  enclosed 
batteries  on  both  sides  of  the  water,  near  Hell  Gate,  which  will 
answer  the  double  purpose  of  securing  the  town  against  pira- 
cies through  the  Sound,  and  secure  our  communication  with 
Long  Island,  now  become  a  more  important  point  than  ever ; 
as  it  is  determined  to  form  a  strong  fortified  camp  of  three 
thousand  men,  on  the  Island,  immediately  opposite  to  New 
York.  The  pass  in  the  Highlands  is  to  be  made  as  respectable 
as  possible,  and  guarded  by  a  battalion.  In  short,  I  think  the 
plan  judicious  and  complete." 

The  pass  in  the  Highlands  above  alluded  to,  is  that  grand  de- 
file of  the  Hudson,  where,  for  upward  of  fifteen  miles,  it  wends 
its  deep  channel  between  stern,  forest-clad  mountains  and  rocky 
promontories.  Two  forts,  about  six  miles  distant  from  each 
other,  and  commanding  narrow  parts  of  the  river  at  its  bends 
through  these  Highlands,  had  been  commenced  in  the  preceding 
autumn,  by  order  of  the  Continental  Congress  ;  but  they  were 
said  to  be  insufficient  for  the  security  of  that  important  pass, 
and  were  to  be  extended  and  strengthened. 

Washington  had  charged  Lee,  in  his  instructions,  to  Keep  a 
stern  eye  upon  the  tories,  who  were  active  in  New  York.  "  You 
can  seize  upon  the  persons  of  the  principals,"  said  he  ;  "  they 
must  be  so  notoriously  known,  that  there  will  be  little  danger 
of  committing  mistakes."  Lee  acted  up  to  the  letter  of  these 
instructions,  and  weeded  out,  with  a  vigorous  hand,  some  of 
the  rankest  of  the  growth.  This  gave  great  offence  to  the  peace- 
loving  citizens,  who  insisted  that  he  was  arrogating  a  power 
vested  solely  in  the  civil  authority.  One  of  them,  well-affected 
to  the  cause,  writes  :  "  To  see  the  vast  number  of  houses  shut 
up,  one  would  think  the  city  almost  evacuated.  Women  and 
children  are  scarcely  to  be  seen  in  the  streets.  Troops  are 
daily  coming  in  ;  they  break  open  and  quarter  themselves  in 
any  house  they  find  shut."  1 

The  enemy,  too,  regarded  his  measures  with  apprehensioiio 
"That  arch  rebel  Lee,"  writes  a  British  officer,  kt  has  driven 
all  the  well-affected  people  from  the  town  of  New  York.  If 
something  is  not  speedily  done,  his  Britannic  majesty's  Amer- 
ican dominions  will  be  confined  within  a  very  narrow  com- 
pass." 2 

In  the  exercise  of  his  military  functions,  Lee  set  Governor 
Tryon  and  the  captain  of  the  Asia  at  defiance.  "  The}^  had 
threatened  perdition  to  the  town,"  writes  he  to  Washington, 

1  Fred.  Rhinelander  to  Peter  Van  Schaack,  February  23. 

2  Am.  Archives,  v..  425. 


38  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON: 

"  if  the  cannon  were  removed  from  the  batteries  and  wharves, 
but  I  ever  considered  their  threats  as  a  brutum  fulmen,  and 
even  persuaded  the  town  to  be  of  the  same  way  of  thinking. 
We  accordingly  conveyed  them  to  a  place  of  safety  in  the 
middle  of  the  day,  and  no  cannonade  ensued.  Captain  Parker 
publishes  a  pleasant  reason  for  his  passive  conduct.  He  says 
that  it  was  manifestly  my  intention,  and  that  of  the  New 
England  men  under  my  command,  to  bring  destruction  on  this 
town,  so  hated  for  their  loyal  principles,  but  that  he  was  deter- 
mined not  to  indulge  us  ;  so  remained  quiet  out  of  spite.  The 
people  here  laugh  at  his  nonsense,  and  begin  to  despise  the 
menaces  which  formerly  used  to  throw  them  into  convulsions." 

Washington  appears  to  have  shared  the  merriment.  In  his 
reply  to  Lee,  he  writes,  "  I  could  not  avoid  laughing  at  Cap- 
tain Parker's  reasons  for  not  putting  his  repeated  threats  into 
execution,"  —  a  proof,  by  the  way,  under  his  own  hand,  that 
he  could  laugh  occasionally ;  and  even  when  surrounded  by 
perplexities. 

According  to  Lee's  account,  the  New  Yorkers  showed  a 
wonderful  alacrity  in  removing  the  cannon.  "Men  and  boys 
of  all  ages,"  writes  he,  "worked  with  the  greatest  zeal  and 
pleasure.  I  really  believe  the  generality  are  as  well  affected 
as  any  on  the  continent."  Some  of  the  well-affected,  how- 
ever, thought  he  was  rather  too  self-willed  and  high-handed. 
"  Though  General  Lee  has  many  things  to  recommend  him  as 
a  general,"  writes  one  of  them,  "yet  I  think  he  was  out  of 
luck  when  he  ordered  the  removal  of  the  guns  from  the 
battery ;  as  it  was  without  the  approbation  or  knowledge  of 
our  Congress."1  —  Lee  seldom  waited  for  the  approbation  of 
Congress  in  moments  of  exigency. 

He  now  proceeded  with  his  plan  of  defences.  A  strong 
redoubt,  capable  of  holding  three  hundred  men,  was  com- 
menced at  Horen's  Hook,  commanding  the  pass  at  Hell  Gate, 
so  as  to  block  up  from  the  enemy's  ships,  the  passage  between 
the  mainland  and  Lonsj  Island.  A  resfiment  was  stationed  on 
the  Island,  making  fascines,  and  preparing  other  materials  for 
constructing  the  works  for  an  intrenched  camp,  which  Lee 
hoped  would  render  it  impossible  for  the  enemy  to  get  a 
footing  there.  "What  to  do  with  this  city,"  writes  he,  "I 
own,  puzzles  me.  It  is  so  encircled  with  deep  navigable 
water,  that  whoever  commands  the  sea  must  command  the 
town.     To-morrow  I  shall  begin  to  dismantle  that  part  of  the 

1  Fred.  Rhinelander  to  Peter  Van  Schaack. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  39 

fort  next  to  the  town,  to  prevent  its  being  converted  into  a 
citadel.  I  shall  barrier  the  principal  streets,  and,  at  least,  if 
I  cannot  make  it  a  continental  garrison,  it  shall  be  a  disputable 
field  of  battle."  Batteries  were  to  be  erected  on  an  eminence 
behind  Trinity  Church,  to  keep  the  enemy's  ships  at  so  great 
a  distance  as  not  to  injure  the  town. 

King's  Bridge,  at  the  upper  end  of  Manhattan  or  New  York 
Island,  linking  it  with  the  mainland,  was  pronounced  by  Lee 
k;  a  most  important  pass,  without  which  the  city  could  have  no 
communication  with  Connecticut."  It  was,  therefore,  to  be 
made  as  strong  as  possible. 

Heavy  cannon  were  to  be  sent  up  to  the  forts  in  the  High- 
lands ;  which  were  to  be  enlarged  and  strengthened. 

In  the  midst  of  his  schemes,  Lee  received  orders  from  Con- 
gress to  the  command  in  Canada,  vacant  by  the  death  of  Mont- 
gomery. He  bewailed  the  defenceless  condition  of  the  city ; 
the  Continental  Congress,  as  he  said,  not  having,  as  yet, 
taken  the  least  step  for  its  security.  "  The  instant  I  leave 
it,"  said  he,  "I  conclude  the  Provincial  Congress,  and  inhab- 
itants in  general,  will  relapse  into  their  former  hysterics. 
The  men-of-war  and  Mr.  Tryon  will  return  to  their  old  station 
at  the  wharves,  and  the  first  regiments  who  arrive  from  Eng- 
land will  take  quiet  possession  of  the  town  and  Long  Island." 

It  must  be  observed  that,  in  consequence  of  his  military 
demonstrations  in  the  city,  the  enemy's  ships  had  drawn  off 
and  dropped  down  the  bay ;  and  he  had  taken  vigorous 
measures,  without  consulting  the  committees,  to  put  an  end 
to  the  practice  of  supplying  them  with  provisions. 

"  Governor  Tiyon  and  the  Asia,"  writes  he  to  Washington, 
"  continue  between  Nutten  and  Bedlow's  Islands.  It  has 
pleased  his  excellency,  in  violation  of  the  compact  he  has 
made,  to  seize  several  vessels  from  Jersey  laden  with  flour. 
It  has,  in  return,  pleased  my  excellency  to  stop  all  provisions 
from  the  city,  and  cut  off  all  intercourse  with  him  —  a  measure 
which  has  thrown  the  mayor,  council,  and  tories  into  agonies. 
The  propensity,  or  rather  rage,  for  paying  court  to  this  great 
man,  is  inconceivable.  They  cannot  be  weaned  from  him.  We 
must  put  wormwood  on  his  paps,  or  they  will  cry  to  suck,  as 
they  are  in  their  second  childhood." 

We  would  observe,  in  explanation  of  a  sarcasm  in  the  above 
quoted  letter,  that  Lee  professed  a  great  contempt  for  the 
titles  of  respect  which  it  was  the  custom  to  prefix  to  the  names 
of  men  in  office  or  command.  He  scoffed  at  them,  as  un- 
worthy  of    "  a    great,    free,    manly,    equal    commonwealth." 


40  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

"  For  my  own  part,"  said  he,  "  I  would  as  lief  they  would  put 
ratsbane  in  my  mouth,  as  the  excellency  with  which  I  am 
daily  crammed.  How  much  more  true  dignity  was  there  in 
the  simplicity  of  address  among  the  Romans !  Marcus  Tul- 
lius  Cicero,  Decius  Bruto  Imperatori,  or  Caio  Marcello  Con- 
suli,  than  to  4  His  Excellency  Major-General  Noodle,'  or  to  the 
'  Honorable  John  Doodle.'  " 


CHAPTER  V. 

monotonous  state  of   affairs   before   boston washington 

anxious  for  action exploit  of   putnam its    dramatic 

consequences the  farce  of  the  blockade  of  boston 

an  alarming    interruption distresses    of   the    besieged 

—  Washington's  irksome   predicament  —  his    bold    propo- 
sition  DEMUR    OF     THE     COUNCIL      OF      WAR ARRIVAL      OF 

KNOX    WITH    ARTILLERY DORCHESTER    HEIGHTS    TO    BE    SEIZED 

AND    FORTIFIED PREPARATIONS    FOR   THE    ATTEMPT. 

The  siege  of  Boston  continued  through  the  winter,  with- 
out any  striking  incident  to  enliven  its  monotony.  The 
British  remained  within  their  works,  leaving  the  beleaguer- 
ing army  slowly  to  augment  its  forces.  The  country  was  dis- 
satisfied with  the  inaction  of  the  latter.  Even  Congress  was 
anxious  for  some  successful  blow  that  might  revive  popular 
enthusiasm.  Washington  shared  this  anxiety,  and  had  repeat- 
edly, in  councils  of  war,  suggested  an  attack  upon  the  town, 
but  had  found  a  majority  of  his  general  officers  opposed  to 
it.  He  had  hoped  some  favorable  opportunity  would  present, 
when,  the  harbor  being  frozen,  the  troops  might  approach 
the  town  upon  the  ice.  The  winter,  however,  though  severe 
at  first,  proved  a  mild  one  and  the  bay  continued  open. 
General  Putnam,  in  the  mean  time,  having  completed  the 
new  works  at  Lechmere  Point,  and  being  desirous  of  keeping 
up  the  spirit  of  his  men,  resolved  to  treat  them  to  an  exploit. 
Accordingly,  from  his  "  impregnable  fortress"  of  Cobble  Hill, 
he  detached  a  party  of  about  two  hundred,  under  his  favorite 
officer,  Major  Knowlton,  to  surprise  and  capture  a  British 
guard  stationed  at  Charlestown.  It  was  a  daring  enterprise, 
and  executed  with  spirit.  As  Charlestown  Neck  was  com- 
pletely protected,  Knowlton  led  his  men  across  the  mill-dam, 
round  the  base  of  the  hill,  and    immediately  below  the  fort ; 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  41 

set  fire  to  the  guard-house  and  some  buildings  in  its  vicinity : 
made  several  prisoners,  and  retired  without  loss ;  although 
thundered  upon  by  the  cannon  of  the  fort.  The  exploit  was 
attended  by  a  dramatic  effect  on  which  Putnam  had  not  cal- 
culated. The  British  officers,  early  in  the  winter,  had  fitted 
up  a  theatre,  which  was  well  attended  by  the  troops  and 
tories.  On  the  evening  in  question,  an  afterpiece  was  to  be 
performed,  entitled  "The  Blockade  of  Boston,"  intended  as 
a  burlesque  on  the  patriot  army  which  was  beleaguering  it. 
Washington  is  said  to  have  been  represented  in  it  as  an  awk- 
ward lout,  equipped  with  a  huge  wig,  and  a  long  rusty  sword, 
attended  by  a  country  booby  as  orderly  sergeant,  in  rustic  garb, 
with  an  old  firelock  seven  or  eight  feet  long. 

The  theatre  was  crowded,  especially  by  the  military.  The 
first  piece  was  over,  and  the  curtain  was  rising  for  the  farce, 
when  a  sergeant  made  his  appearance,  and  announced  that 
"  the  alarm  guns  were  firing  at  Charlestown,  and  the  Yankees 
attacking  Bunker's  Hill."  At  first  this  was  supposed  to  be  a 
part  of  the  entertainment,  until  General  Howe  gave  the  word, 
"  Officers,  to  your  alarm  posts." 

Great  confusion  ensued  ;  every  one  scrambled  out  of  the 
theatre  as  fast  as  possible.  There  was,  as  usual,  some  shriek- 
ing and  fainting  of  ladies;  and  the  farce  of  "The  Blockade 
of  Boston  "  had  a  more  serious  than  comic  termination. 

The  London  Chronicle,  in  a  sneering  comment  on  Boston 
affairs  gave  Burgoyne  as  the  author  of  this  burlesque  afterpiece, 
though  perhaps  unjustly.  "General  Burgoyne  has  opened  a 
theatrical  campaign,  of  which  himself  is  sole  manager,  being 
determined  to  act  with  the  Provincials  on  the  defensive  only. 
Tom  Thumb  has  been  already  represented  ;  while,  on  the  other 
hand,  the  Provincials  are  preparing  to  exhibit,  earty  in  the 
spring,  c  Measure  for  Measure.'  " 

The  British  officers,  like  all  soldiers  by  profession,  endeavored 
to  while  away  the  time  by  every  amusement  within  their  reach ; 
but,  in  truth,  the  condition  of  the  besieged  town  was  daily 
becoming  more  and  more  distressing.  The  inhabitants  were 
without  flour,  pulse,  or  vegetables ;  the  troops  were  nearly  as 
destitute.  There  was  a  lack  of  fuel,  too,  as  well  as  food.  The 
small-pox  broke  out,  and  it  was  necessary  to  inoculate  the 
army.  Men,  women  and  children  either  left  the  city  volunta- 
rily, or  were  sent  out  of  it ;  yet  the  distress  increased.  Several 
houses  were  broken  open  and  plundered  ;  others  were  demolished 
by  the  soldiery  for  fuel.  General  Howe  resorted  to  the  stern- 
est measures  to  put  a  stop  to  these  excesses.     The  provost  Was 


42  .    LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

ordered  to  go  the  rounds  with  the  hangman,  and  hang  up  the 
first  man  he  should  detect  in  the  fact,  without  waiting  for  fur- 
ther proof  for  trial.  Offenders  were  punished  with  lour  hun- 
dred, six  hundred,  and  even  one  thousand  lashes.  The  wife 
of  a  private  soldier,  convicted  of  receiving  stolen  goods,  was 
sentenced  to  one  hundred  lashes  on  her  bare  back,  at  the  cart's 
tail,  in  different  parts  of  the  town,  and  an  imprisonment  of 
three  months. 

Meanwhile,  Washington  was  incessantly  goaded  by  the  impa- 
tient murmurs  of  the  public,  as  we  may  judge  by  his  letters  to 
Mr.  Reed.  "  I  know  the  integrity  of  my  own  heart,"  writes 
he,  on  the  10th  of  February;  "but  to  declare  it,  unless  to  a 
friend,  may  be  an  argument  of  vanity.  I  know  the  unhappy 
predicament  I  stand  in  ;  I  know  that  much  is  expected  of  me  ; 
I  know  that,  without  men,  without  arms,  without  ammunition, 
without  an}'  thing  fit  for  the  accommodation  of  a  soldier,  little 
is  to  be  done,  and,  what  is  mortifying,  I  know  that  I  cannot 
stand  justified  to  the  world  without  exposing  my  own  weakness, 
and  injuring  the  cause,  by  declaring  my  wants  ;  which  I  am 
determined  not  to  do,  further  than  unavoidable  necessity  brings 
every  man  acquainted  with  them. 

"  My  own  situation  is  so  irksome  to  me  at  times,  that,  if  I  did 
not  consult  the  public  good  more  than  my  own  tranquillity,  I 
should  long  ere  this  have  put  every  thing  on  the  cast  of  a  die. 
So  far  from  my  having  an  army  of  twenty  thousand  men,  well 
armed,  I  have  been  here  with  less  than  one  half  of  that  number, 
including  sick,  furloughed,  and  on  command  ;  and  those  neither 
armed  nor  clothed  as  they  should  be.  In  short,  my  situation 
has  been  such,  that  I  have  been  obliged  to  use  art,  to  conceal  it 
from  my  own  officers." 

How  precious  are  those  letters  !  And  how  fortunate  that  the 
absence  of  Mr.  Reed  from  camp  should  have  procured  for  us 
such  confidential  outpourings  of  Washington's  heart  at  this  time 
of  its  great  trial. 

He  still  adhered  to  his  opinion  in  favor  of  an  attempt  upon 
the  town.  He  was  aware  that  it  would  be  attended  with  con- 
siderable loss,  but  believed  it  would  be  successful  if  the  men 
should  behave  well.  Within  a  few  days  after  the  date  of  this 
letter,  the  bay  became  sufficiently  frozen  for  the  transportation 
of  troops.  "This,"  writes  he  to  Reed,  "I  thought,  knowing 
the  ice  would  not  last,  a  favorable  opportunity  to  make  an  assault 
upon  the  troops  in  town.  I  proposed  it  in  council ;  but  behold, 
though  we  had  been  waiting  all  the  year  for  this  favorable  event, 
the  enterprise  was  thought  too  dangerous.     Perhaps  it  was  ;  per- 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  4o 

Iiaps  the  irksomeness  of  my  situation  led  me  to  undertake  more 
than  could  be  warranted  by  prudence.  I  did  not  think  so,  and 
I  am  sure  yet  that  the  enterprise,  if  it  had  been  undertaken  with 
resolution,  must  have  succeeded;  without  it,  any  would  fail." 

His  proposition  was  too  bold  for  the  field-officers  assembled  in 
council  (February  16),  who  objected  that  there  was  not  force, 
nor  arms  and  ammunition  sufficient  in  camp  for  such  an  attempt. 
Washington  acquiesced  in  the  decision,  it  being  almost  unan- 
imous ;  yet  he  felt  the  irksomeness  of  his  situation.  "  To  have 
the  eyes  of  the  whole  continent,"  said  he,  kt  fixed  with  anxious 
expectation  of  hearing  of  some  great  event,  and  to  be  restrained 
in  every  military  operation  for  want  of  the  necessary  means  of 
carrying  it  on  is  not  very  pleasing,  especially  as  the  means  used 
to  conceal  my  weakness  from  the  enemy,  conceal  it  also  from 
our  friends  and  add  to  their  wonder." 

In  the  council  of  war  above  mentioned,  a  cannonade  and 
bombardment  were  considered  advisable,  as  soon  as  there  should 
be  a  sufficiency  of  powder;  in  the  mean  time,  preparations  might 
be  made  for  taking  possession  of  Dorchester  Heights  and 
Noddle's  Island. 

At  length  the  camp  was  rejoiced  by  the  arrival  of  Colonel 
Knox  with  his  long  train  of  sledges  drawn  by  oxen,  bringing 
more  than  fifty  cannon,  mortars,  and  howitzers,  beside  supplies 
of  lead  and  flints.  The  zeal  and  perseverance  which  he  had  dis- 
played in  his  wintry  expedition  across  frozen  lakes  and  snowy 
wastes,  and  the  intelligence  with  which  he  had  fulfilled  his 
instructions,  won  him  the  entire  confidence  of  Washington. 
His  conduct  in  this  enterprise  was  but  an  earnest  of  that  energy 
and  ability  which  he  displayed  throughout  the  war. 

Further  ammunition  being  received  from  the  royal  arsenal  at 
New  York  and  other  quarters  and  a  re-enforcement  of  ten  regi- 
ments of  militia,  Washington  no  longer  met  with  opposition  to 
his  warlike  measures.  Lechmere  Point,  which  Putnam  had 
fortified,  was  immediately  to  be  supplied  with  mortars  and 
heavy  cannon,  so  as  to  command  Boston  on  the  north  ;  and  Dor- 
chester Heights,  on  the  south  of  the  town,  were  forthwith  to  be 
taken  possession  of.  "  If  any  thing,"  said  Washington,  "  will 
induce  the  enemy  to  hazard  an  engagement,  it  will  be  our  at- 
tempting to  fortify  those  heights,  as,  in  that  event  taking  place, 
we  shall  be  able  to  command  a  great  part  of  the  town,  and 
almost  the  whole  harbor."  Their  possession,  moreover,  would 
enable  him  to  push  his  works  to  Nook's  Hill,  and  other  points 
opposite  Boston,  whence  a  cannonade  and  bombardment  must 
drive  the  enemy  from  the  city. 


44  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

The  council  o£  Massachusetts,  at  his  request,  ordered  the 
militia  of  the  towns  contiguous  to  Dorchester  and  Roxbury,  to 
hold  themselves  in  readiness  to  repair  to  the  lines  at  those  places 
with  arms,  ammunition  and  accoutrements,  on  receiving  a  pre- 
concerted signal. 

Washington  felt  painfully  aware  how  much  depended  upon 
the  success  of  this  attempt.  There  was  a  cloud  of  gloom  and 
distrust  lowering  upon  the  public  mind.  Danger  threatened  on 
the  north  and  on  the  south.  Montgomery  had  fallen  before  the 
walls  of  Quebec.  The  army  in  Canada  was  shattered.  Tryon 
and  the  tories  were  plotting  mischief  in  New  York.  Dun- 
more  was  harassing  the  lower  part  of  Virginia,  and  Clinton 
and  his  fleet  were  prowling  along  the  coast,  on  a  secret  errand 
of  mischief. 

Washington's  general  orders  evince  the  solemn  and  anxious 
state  of  his  feelings.  In  those  of  the  2Gth  of  February,  he  for- 
bade all  playing  at  cards  and  other  games  of  chance.  "  At  this 
time  of  public  distress,"  writes  he,  "  men  may  find  enough  to 
do  in  the  service  of  God  and  their  countiy,  without  abandoning 
themselves  to  vice  and  immorality.  .  .  .  It  is  a  noble  cause  we 
are  engaged  in  ;  it  is  the  cause  of  virtue  and  mankind  ;  every 
advantage  and  comfort  to  us  and  our  posterity  depend  upon  the 
vigor  of  our  exertions ;  in  short,  freedom  or  slavery  must  be 
the  result  of  our  conduct ;  there  can,  therefore,  be  no  greater 
inducement  to  men  to  behave  well.  But  it  ma}r  not  be  amiss  to 
the  troops  to  know,  that,  if  any  man  in  action  shall  presume 
to  skulk,  hide  himself,  or  retreat  from  the  enemy  without  the 
orders  of  his  commanding  officer,  he  will  be  instantly  shot  down 
as  an  example  of  cowardice  ;  cowards  having  too  frequently 
disconcerted  the  best  formed  troops  by  their  dastardly  be- 
havior." 

In  the  general  plan  it  was  concerted,  that,  should  the  enemy 
detach  a  large  force  to  dislodge  our  men  from  Dorchester 
Heights,  as  had  been  done  H  the  affair  of  Bunker's  Hill,  an 
attack  upon  the  opposite  side  of  the  town  should  forthwith  be 
made  by  General  Putnam.  For  this  purpose  he  was  to  have 
four  thousand  picked  men  in  readiness,  in  two  divisions,  under 
Generals  Sullivan  and  Greene.  At  a  concerted  signal  from 
Roxbury,  they  were  to  enbark  in  boats  near  the  mouth  of 
Charles  River,  cross  under  cover  of  the  fire  of  three  floating- 
batteries,  land  in  two  places  in  Boston,  secure  its  strong  posts, 
force  the  gates  and  works  at  the  Neck  and  let  in  the  Roxbury 
troops. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  45 


CHAPTER  VI. 

THE    AFFAIR   OF    DORCHESTER    HEIGHTS  —  AMERICAN    AND    ENGLISH 

LETTERS    RESPECTING    IT A    LABORIOUS     NIGHT REVELATIONS 

AT    DAYBREAK  HOWE     IN    A     PERPLEXITY A    NIGHT     ATTACK 

MEDITATED  STORMY  WEATHER THE  TOWN  TO  BE  EVACUATED 

NEGOTIATIONS   AND    ARRANGEMENTS  —  PREPARATIONS    TO    EM- 
BARK    EXCESSES     OF    THE      TROOPS  BOSTON     EVACUATED  

SPEECH    OF    THE    DUKE    OF    MANCHESTER     ON     THE     SUBJECT A 

MEDAL    VOTED    BY    CONGRESS. 

The  evening  of  Monday  the  4th  of  March  was  fixed  upon  for 
the  occupation  of  Dorchester  Heights.  The  ground  was  frozen 
too  hard  to  be  easily  intrenched  ;  fascines  therefore  and  gabions 
and  bundles  of  screwed  hay  were  collected  during  the  two  pre- 
ceding nights  with  which  to  form  breastworks  and  redoubts. 
During  these  two  bus}7  nights  the  enemy's  batteries  were  can- 
nonaded and  bombarded  from  opposite  points  to  occupy  their 
attention  and  prevent  their  noticing  these  preparations.  They 
replied  with  spirit,  and  the  incessant  roar  of  artillery  thus 
kept  up,  covered  completely  the  rumbling  of  wagons  and 
ordnance. 

How  little  the  enemy  were  aware  of  what  was  impending,  we 
may  gather  from  the  following  extract  of  a  letter  from  an  officer 
of  distinction  in  the  British  army  in  Boston  to  his  friend  in 
London,  dated  on  the  3d  of  March  : 

"  For  these  last  six  weeks  or  near  two  months,  we  have  been 
better  amused  than  could  possibly  be  expected  in  our  situation. 
We  had  a  theatre,  we  had  balls,  and  there  is  actually  a  sub- 
scription on  foot  for  a  masquerade.  England  seems  to  have 
forgot  us,  and  we  have  endeavored  to  forget  ourselves.  But 
we  were  roused  to  a  sense  of  our  situation  last  night,  in  a  manner 
unpleasant  enough.  The  rebels  have  been  for  some  time  past 
erecting  a  bomb  battery,  and  last  night  began  to  play  upon  us. 
Two  shells  fell  not  far  from  me.  One  fell  upon  Colonel  Monck- 
ton's  house,  but  luckily  did  not  burst  until  it  had  crossed  the 
street.  Many  houses  were  damaged,  but  no  lives  lost.  The 
rebel  army,"  adds  he,  "  is  not  brave,  I  believe,  but  it  is  agreed 
on  all  hands  that  their  artillery  officers  are  at  least  equal  to 
ours."  l 

1  Am.  Archives,  4th  Series,  v.,  425. 


46  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

The  wife  of  John  Adams,  who  resided  in  the  vicinity  of  the 
American  camp,  and  knew  that  a  general  action  was  meditated, 
expresses  in  a  letter  to  her  husband  the  feelings  of  a  patriot 
woman  during  the  suspense  of  these  nights. 

"I  have  been  in  a  constant  state  of  anxiety,  since  you  left 
me,"  writes  she  on  Saturday.  "  It  has  been  said  to-morrow, 
and  to-morrow  for  this  month,  and  when  the  dreadful  to-morrow 
will  be,  I  know  not.  But  hark  !  The  house  this  instant  shakes 
with  the  roar  of  cannon.  I  have  been  to  the  door,  and  find  it 
is  a  cannonade  from  our  army.  Orders,  I  find,  are  come,  for 
all  the  remaining  militia  to  repair  to  the  lines  Monday  night,  by 
twelve  o'clock.     No  sleep  for  me  to-night." 

On  Sunday  the  letter  is  resumed.  u  I  went  to  bed  after 
twelve,  but  got  no  rest ;  the  cannon  continued  firing,  and  my 
heart  kept  pace  with  them  all  night.  We  have  had  a  pretty 
quiet  day,  but  what  to-morrow  will  bring  forth,  God  only 
knows." 

On  Monday,  the  appointed  evening,  she  continues :  "  I  have 
just  returned  from  Penn's  Hill,  where  I  have  been  sitting  to 
hear  the  amazing  roar  of  cannon,  and  from  whence  I  could  see 
every  shell  which  was  thrown.  The  sound,  I  think,  is  one  of  the 
grandest  in  nature,  and  is  of  the  true  species  of  the  sublime. 
'Tis  now  an  incessant  roar ;  but  oh,  the  fatal  ideas  which  are 
connected  with  the  sound  !  How  many  of  our  dear  countrymen 
must  fall ! 

"I  went  to  bed  about  twelve,  and  rose  again  a  little  after 
one.  I  could  no  more  sleep  than  if  I  had  been  in  the  engage- 
ment ;  the  rattling  of  the  windows,  the  jar  of  the  house,  the 
continual  roar  of  twenty-four  pounders,  and  the  bursting  of 
shells,  give  us  such  ideas,  and  realize  a  scene  to  us  of  which  we 
could  scarcely  form  any  conception.  I  hope  to  give  you  joy  of 
Boston,  even  if  it  is  in  ruins,  before  I  send  this  awa}-." 

On  the  Monday  evening  thus  graphically  described,  as  soon 
as  the  firing  commenced,  the  detachment  under  General  Thomas 
set  out  on  its  cautious  and  secret  march  from  the  lines  of  Rox- 
bury  and  Dorchester.  Every  thing  was  conducted  as  regularly 
and  quietly  as  possible.  A  covering  party  of  eight  hundred 
men  preceded  the  carts  with  the  intrenching  tools ;  then  came 
General  Thomas  with  the  working  party,  twelve  hundred  strong, 
followed  by  a  train  of  three  hundred  wagons,  laden  with 
fascines,  gabions,  and  hay  screwed  into  bundles  of  seven  or 
eight  hundred  weight.  A  great  number  of  such  bundles  were 
ranged  in  a  line  along  Dorchester  Neck  on  the  side  next  the 
enemy,  to  protect  the  troops,  while  passing,  from  being  raked 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  47 

by  the  fire  of  the  enemy.  Fortunately,  although  the  moon,  as 
Washington  writes,  was  shining  in  its  full  lustre,  the  flash  and 
roar  of  cannonry  from  opposite  points,  and  the  bursting  of 
bomb-shells  high  in  the  air,  so  engaged  and  diverted  the  atten- 
tion of  the  enemy,  that  the  detachment  reached  the  heights 
about  eight  o'clock,  without  being  heard  or  perceived.  The 
covering  party  then  divided ;  one  half  proceeded  to  the  point 
nearest  Boston,  the  other  to  the  one  nearest  to  Castle  Williams. 
The  working  party  commenced  to  fortify,  under  the  directions 
of  Gridley,  the  veteran  engineer,  who  had  planned  the  works 
on  Bunker's  Hill.  It  was  severe  labor,  for  the  earth  was  frozen 
eighteen  inches  deep  ;  but  the  men  worked  with  more  than  their 
usual  spirit ;  for  the  eye  of  the  commander-in-chief  was  upon 
them.  Though  not  called  there  by  his  duties,  Washington  could 
not  be  absent  from  this  eventful  operation.  An  eloquent  orator 
has  imagined  his  situation  —  "All  around  him  intense  move 
ment ;  while  nothing  was  to  be  heard  excepting  the  tread  of 
busy  feet,  and  the  dull  sound  of  the  mattock  upon  the  frozen 
soil.  Beneath  him  the  slumbering  batteries  of  the  castle  ;  the 
roadsteads  and  harbor  filled  with  the  vessels  of  the  royal  fleet, 
motionless,  except  as  they  swung  round  at  their  moorings  at  the 
turn  of  the  midnight  tide  ;  the  beleaguered  city  occupied  with  a 
powerful  army,  and  a  considerable  non-combatant  population, 
startled  into  unnatural  vigilance  by  the  incessant  and  destructive 
cannonade,  yet  unobservant  of  the  great  operations  in  progress 
so  near  them ;  the  surrounding  country,  dotted  with  a  hundred 
rural  settlements,  roused  from  the  deep  sleep  of  a  New  England 
village,  by  the  unwonted  glare  and  tumult."  x 

The  same  plastic  fancy  suggests  the  crowd  of  visions,  phan- 
toms of  the  past,  which  may  have  passed  through  Washington's 
mind,  on  this  night  of  feverish  excitement.  "  His  early  train- 
ing in  the  wilderness ;  his  escape  from  drowning,  and  the 
deadly  rifle  of  the  savage  in  the  perilous  mission  to  Venango ; 
the  shower  of  iron  hail  through  which  he  rode  unharmed  on 
Braddock's  field ;  the  early  stages  of  the  great  conflict  now 
brought  to  its  crisis,  and  still  more  solemnly,  the  possibilities 
of  the  future  for  himself  and  for  America  —  the  ruin  of  the 
patriot  cause  if  he  failed  at  the  outset ;  the  triumphant  con- 
solidation of  the  Revolution  if  he  prevailed." 

The  labors  of  the  night  were  carried  on  by  the  Americans 
with  their  usual  activity  and  address.  When  a  relief  party 
arrived    at   four   o'clock    in    the   morning,  two    forts    were   in 

1  Oration  of  the  Hon.  Edward  Everett  at  Dorchester,  July  4,  1855. 


48  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

sufficient  forwardness  to  furnish  protection  against  small-armg 
and  grapeshot ;  and  such  use  was  made  of  the  fascines  and 
bundles  of  screwed  hay,  that,  at  dawn,  a  formidable-looking 
fortress  frowned  along  the  height.  We  have  the  testimony 
of  a  British  officer  already  quoted,  for  the  fact.  "  This 
morning  at  daybreak  we  discovered  two  redoubts  on  Dor- 
chester Point,  and  two  smaller  ones  on  their  flanks.  They 
were  all  raised  during  the  last  night,  with  an  expedition  equal 
to  that  of  the  genii  belonging  to  Aladdin's  wonderful  lamp. 
From  these  hills  they  command  the  whole  town,  so  that  we  must 
drive  them  from  their  posts,  or  desert  the  place." 

Howe  gazed  at  the  mushroom  fortress  with  astonishment,  as 
it  loomed  indistinctly,  but  grandly,  through  a  morning  fog. 

''The  rebels,"  exclaimed  he,  "have  done  more  work  in 
one  night,  than  my  whole  army  would  have  done  in  one 
month." 

Washington  had  watched,  with  intense  anxiety,  the  effect  of 
the  revelation  at  daybreak.  "  When  the  enemy  first  discovered 
our  works  in  the  morning,"  writes  he,  "they  seemed  to  be 
in  great  confusion,  and  from  their  movements,  to  intend  an 
attack." 

An  American,  who  was  on  Dorchester  Heights,  gives  a 
picture  of  the  scene.  A  tremendous  cannonade  was  com- 
menced from  the  forts  in  Boston,  and  the  shipping  in  the 
harbor.  "Cannon  shot,"  writes  he,  "are  continually  rolling 
and  rebounding  over  the  hill,  and  it  is  astonishing  to  observe 
how  little  our  soldiers  are  terrified  by  them.  The  royal  troops 
are  perceived  to  be  in  motion,  as  if  embarking  to  pass  the 
harbor  and  land  on  Dorchester  shore,  to  attack  our  works. 
The  hills  and  elevations  in  this  vicinity  are  covered  with 
spectators  to  witness  deeds  of  horror  in  the  expected  conflict. 
His  excellenc}7,  General  Washington,  is  present,  animating  and 
encouraging  the  soldiers,  and  they  in  return  manifest  their  joy ; 
and  express  a  warm  desire  for  the  approach  of  the  enemy  ; 
each  man  knows  his  own  place.  Our  breastworks  are  strength- 
ened, and  among  the  means  of  defence  are  a  great  number  of 
barrels,  filled  with  stones  and  sand,  and  arranged  in  front  of 
our  works,  which  are  to  be  put  in  motion,  aud  made  to  roll 
down  the  hill,  to  break  the  legs  of  the  assailants  as  they 
advance." 

General  Thomas  was  re-enforced  with  two  thousand  men. 
Old  Putnam  stood  ready  to  make  a  descent  upon  the  north 
side  of  the  town,  with  his  four  thousand  picked  men,  as  soon 
as  the  heights  on  the  south  should  be  assailed:  "  All  the  fore- 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  49 

noon,"  says  the  American  above  cited,  "we  were  in  momen- 
tary expectation  of  witnessing  an  awful  scene  ;  nothing  less 
than  the  carnage  of  Breed's  Hill  battle  was  expected." 

As  Washington  rode  about  the  heights,  he  reminded  the 
troops  that  it  was  the  5th  of  March,  the  anniversary  of  the 
Boston  massacre,  and  called  on  them  to  revenge  the  slaughter 
of  their  brethren.  They  answered  him  with  shouts.  "  Our 
officers  and  men,"  writes  he,  "  appeared  impatient  for  the 
appeal.  The  event,  I  think,  must  have  been  fortunate  ;  noth- 
ing less  than  success  and  victory  on  our  side." 

Howe,  in  the  mean  time,  was  perplexed  between  his  pride 
and  the  hazards  of  his  position.  In  his  letters  to  the  ministry, 
he  had  scouted  the  idea  of  u  being  in  danger  from  the  rebels." 
He  had  "hoped  they  would  attack  him."  Apparently,  they 
were  about  to  fulfil  his  hopes,  and  with  formidable  advantages  of 
position.  He  must  dislodge  them  from  Dorchester  Heights,  or 
evacuate  Boston.  The  latter  was  an  alternative  too  mortifying 
to  be  readily  adopted.  He  resolved  on  an  attack,  but  it  was  to 
be  a  night  one. 

"  A  body  of  light  infantry,  tinder  the  command  of  Major 
Mulgrave,  and  a  body  of  grenadiers,  are  to  embark  to-night  at 
seven,"  writes  the  gay  British  officer  already  quoted.  "I  think 
it  likely  to  be  a  general  affair.  Adieu  balls,  masquerades,  etc., 
for  this  may  be  looked  upon  as  the  opening  of  the  campaign." 

In  the  evening  the  British  began  to  move.  Lord  Percy  was 
to  lead  the  attack.  Twenty-five  hundred  men  were  embarked 
in  transports,  which  were  to  convey  them  to  the  rendezvous  at 
Castle  Williams.  A  violent  storm  set  in  from  the  east.  The 
transports  could  not  reach  their  place  of  destination.  The  men- 
of-war  could  not  cover  and  support  them.  A  furious  surf  beat 
on  the  shore  where  the  boats  would  have  to  land.  The  attack 
was  consequently  postponed  until  the  following  day. 

That  day  was  equally  unpropitious.  The  storm  continued 
witii  torrents  of  rain.  The  attack  was  again  postponed.  In 
the  mean  time,  the  Americans  went  on  strengthening  their  works  ; 
by  the  time  the  storm  subsided,  General  Howe  deemed  them  too 
strong  to  be  easily  carried ;  the  attempt,  therefore,  was  relin- 
quished altogether. 

What  was. to  be  done?  The  shells  thrown  from  the  heights 
into  the  town,  proved  that  it  was  no  longer  tenable.  The  fleet 
was  equally  exposed.  Admiral  Shuldham,  the  successor  to 
Graves,  assured  Howe  that  if  the  Americans  maintained  posses- 
sion of  the  heights,  his  ships  could  not  remain  in  the  harbor. 
It  was  determined,  therefore,  in  a  council  of  war,  to  evacuate 


50  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

the  place  as  soon  as  possible.  But  now  came  on  a  humiliating 
perplexity.  The  troops,  in  embarking,  would  be  exposed  to  a 
destructive  fire.  How  was  this  to  be  prevented?  General 
Howe's  pride  would  not  suffer  him  to  make  capitulations ;  he 
endeavored  to  work  on  the  fears  of  the  Bostonians,  by  hinting 
that  if  his  troops  were  molested  while  embarking,  he  might  be 
obliged  to  cover  their  retreat,  by  setting  fire  to  the  town. 

The  hint  had  its  effect.  Several  of  the  principal  inhabitants 
communicated  with  him  through  the  medium  of  General  Robert- 
son. The  result  of  the  negotiation  was,  that  a  paper  was  con- 
cocted and  signed  by  several  of  the  "selectmen"  of  Boston, 
stating  the  fears  they  had  entertained  of  the  destruction  of 
the  place,  but  that  those  fears  had  been  quieted  by  General 
Howe's  declaration  that  it  should  remain  uninjured,  provided 
his  troops  were  unmolested  while  embarking;  the  selectmen, 
therefore,  begged  "  some  assurance  that  so  dreadful  a  calamity 
might  not  be  brought  on,  by  any  measures  from  without." 

This  paper  was  sent  out  from  Boston,  on  the  evening  of  the 
8th,  with  a  flag  of  truce,  which  bore  it  to  the  American  lines  at 
Roxbury.  There  it  was  received  by  Colonel  Learned,  and  carried 
by  him  to  head-quarters.  Washington  consulted  with  such  of 
the  general  officers  as  he  could  immediately  assemble.  The 
paper  was  not  addressed  to  him,  nor  to  any  one  else.  It  was 
not  authenticated  by  the  signature  of  General  Howe ;  nor  was 
there  any  other  act  obliging  that  commander  to  fulfil  the  prom- 
ise, asserted  to  have  been  made  by  him.  It  was  deemed  proper, 
therefore,  that  Washington  should  give  no  answer  to  the  paper ; 
but  that  Colonel  Learned  should  signify  in  a  letter,  his  having 
laid  it  before  the  commander-in-chief,  and  the  reasons  assigned 
for  not  answering  it. 

With  this  uncompromising  letter,  the  flag  returned  to  Boston. 
The  Americans  suspended  their  fire,  but  continued  to  fortify 
their  positions.  On  the  night  of  the  9th,  a  detachment  was  sent 
to  plant  a  battery  on  Nook's  Hill,  an  eminence  at  Dorchester, 
which  lies  nearest  to  Boston  Neck.  A  fire  kindled  behind 
the  hill,  revealed  the  project.  It  provoked  a  cannonade  from  the 
British,  which  was  returned  with  interest  from  Cobble  Hill, 
Lechmere  Point,  Cambridge,  and  Roxbury.  The  roar  of  can- 
nonry  and  bursting  of  bombshells  prevailed  from  half  after  eight 
at  night,  until  six  in  the  morning.  It  was  another  night  of  terror 
to  the  people  of  Boston  ;  but  the  Americans  had  to  desist,  for 
the  present,  from  the  attempt  to  fortify  Nook's  Hill.  Among 
the  accidents  of  the  bombardment,  was  the  bursting  of  Putnam's 
vaunted  mortar,  "the  Congress." 


LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON.  51 

Dail}'  preparations  were  now  made  by  the  enemy  for  depart- 
ure. By  proclamation,  the  inhabitants  were  ordered  to  deliver 
up  all  linen  and  woollen  goods,  and  all  other  goods,  that,  in 
possession  of  the  rebels,  would  aid  them  in  carrying  on  the  war. 
Crean  Bush,  a  New  York  tory,  was  authorized  to  take  posses- 
sion of  such  goods,  and  put  them  on  board  of  two  of  the  trans- 
ports. Under  cover  of  his  commission,  he  and  his  myrmidons 
broke  open  stores,  and  stripped  them  of  their  contents.  Ma- 
rauding gangs  from  the  fleet  and  army  followed  their  example, 
and  extended  their  depredations  to  private  houses.  On  the 
14th,  Howe,  in  a  general  order,  declared  that  the  first  soldier 
caught  plundering  should  be  hanged  on  the  spot.  Still  on  the 
16th  houses  were  broken  open,  goods  destroyed,  and  furniture 
defaced  by  the  troops.  Some  of  the  furniture,  it  is  true,  be- 
longed to  the  officers,  and  was  destroyed  because  they  could 
neither  sell  it  nor  carry  it  away. 

The  letter  of  a  British  officer  gives  a  lively  picture  of  the 
hurried  preparations  for  retreat.  "  Our  not  being  burdened 
with  provisions,  permitted  us  to  save  some  stores  and  ammuni- 
tion, the  light  field-pieces,  and  such  things  as  were  most  conve- 
nient of  carriage.  The  rest,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  we  were  obliged 
to  leave  behind ;  such  of  the  guns  as  by  dismounting  we  could 
throw  into  the  sea  was  so  done.  The  carriages  were  disabled, 
and  every  precaution  taken  that  our  circumstances  would  per- 
mit ;  for  our  retreat  was  by  agreement.  The  people  of  the 
town  who  were  friends  to  government,  took  care  of  nothing  but 
their  merchandise,  and  found  means  to  employ  the  men  belong- 
ing to  the  transports  in  embarking  their  goods,  so  that  several 
of  the  vessels  were  entirety  filled  with  private  property,  instead 
of  the  king's  stores.  By  some  unavoidable  accident,  the  medi- 
cines, surgeons'  chests,  instruments,  and  necessaries,  were  left 
in  the  hospital.  The  confusion  unavoidable  to  such  a  disaster, 
will  make  you  conceive  how  much  must  be  forgot,  where  every 
man  had  a  private  concern.  The  necessary  care  and  distress 
of  the  women,  children,  sick,  and  wounded,  required  every 
assistance  that  could  be  given.  It  was  not  like  breaking  up  a 
camp,  where  every  man  knows  his  duty  ;  it  was  like  departing 
your  country  with  your  wives,  your  servants,  your  household 
furniture,  and  all  your  encumbrances.  The  officers,  who  felt 
the  disgrace  of  their  retreat,  did  their  utmost  to  keep  up  ap- 
pearances. The  men,  who  thought  they  were  changing  for  the 
better,  strove  to  take  advantage  of  the  present  times,  and  were 
kept  from  plunder  and  drink  with  difficulty."  * 

i  Remembrancer,  vol.  iii.,  p.  108. 


52  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

For  some  days  the  embarkation  of  the  troops  was  delayed  by 
adverse  winds.  Washington,  who  was  imperfectly  informed  of 
affairs  in  Boston,  feared  that  the  movements  there  might  be  a 
feint.  Determined  to  bring  things  to  a  crisis,  he  detached 
a  force  to  Nook's  Hill  on  Saturday,  the  16th,  which  threw  up  a 
breastwork  in  the  night  regardless  of  the  cannonading  of  the 
enemy.  This  commanded  Boston  Neck,  and  the  south  part  of 
the  town,  and  a  deserter  brought  a  false  report  to  the  British 
that  a  general  assault  was  intended. 

The  embarkation,  so  long  delayed,  began  with  hurry  and  con- 
fusion at  four  o'clock  in  the  morning.  The  harbor  of  Boston 
soon  presented  a  striking  and  tumultuous  scene.  There  were 
seventy-eight  ships  and  transports  casting  loose  for  sea,  and 
eleven  or  twelve  thousand  men,  soldiers,  sailors,  and  refugees, 
hurrying  to  embark ;  many,  especially  of  the  latter,  with  their 
families  and  personal  effects.  The  refugees,  in  fact,  labored 
under  greater  disadvantages  than  the  king's  troops,  being 
obliged  to  man  their  own  vessels,  as  sufficient  seamen  could 
not  be  spared  from  the  king's  transports.  Speaking  of  those 
u  who  had  taken  upon  themselves  the  style  and  title  of  govern- 
ment men  "  in  Boston,  and  acted  an  unfriendly  part  in  this 
great  contest,  Washington  observes:  "By  all  accounts  there 
never  existed  a  more  miserable  set  of  beings  than  these  wretched 
creatures  now  are.  Taught  to  believe  that  the  power  of  Great 
Britain  was  superior  to  all  opposition,  and  that  foreign  aid,  if 
not,  was  at  hand,  they  were  even  higher  and  more  insulting  in 
their  opposition  than  the  Regulars.  When  "the  order  issued, 
therefore,  for  embarking  the  troops  in  Boston,  no  electric  shock 
—  no  sudden  clap  of  thunder  —  in  a  word,  the  last  trump  could 
not  have  struck  them  with  greater  consternation.  They  were 
at  their  wits'  end,  and  conscious  of  their  black  ingratitude, 
chose  to  commit  themselves,  in  the  manner  I  have  above 
described,  to  the  mercy  of  the  waves  at  a  tempestuous  season 
rather  than  meet  their  offended  countrymen."  1 

AVhile  this  tumultuous  embarkation  was  going  on,  the  Ameri 
cans  looked  on  in  silence  from  their  batteries  on  Dorchester 
Heights,  without  firing  a  shot.  "  It  was  lucky  for  the  inhabit- 
ants now  left  in  Boston,  that  they  did  not,"  writes  a  British 
officer  ;  "  for  I  am  informed  every  thing  was  prepared  to  set  the 
town  in  a  blaze,  had  they  fired  one  cannon."  *2 

At  an  early  hour  of  the  morning,  the  troops  stationed  at 
Cambridge  and  Roxbury  had  paraded,  and  several  regiments 

1  Letter  to  John  A.  Washington,  Am.  Arch.,  4th  Series,  v.,  560. 

2  Frothingham,  Siege  of  Boston,  310. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  53 

under  Putnam  had  embarked  in  boats,  and  dropped  down  Charles 
River,  to  Sewall's  Point,  to  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy 
by  land  and  water.  About  nine  o'clock  a  large  body  of  troops 
were  seen  marching  down  Bunker's  Hill,  while  boats  full  of 
soldiers  were  putting  off  for  the  shipping.  Two  scouts  were 
sent  from  the  camp  to  reconnoitre.  The  works  appeared  still 
to  be  occupied,  for  sentries  were  posted  about  them  with  shoul- 
dered muskets.  Observing  them  to  be  motionless,  the  scouts 
made  nearer  scrutiny,  and  discovered  them  to  be  mere  effigies, 
set  up  to  delay  the  advance  of  the  Americans.  Pushing  on, 
they  found  the  works  deserted,  and  gave  signal  of  the  fact ; 
whereupon,  a  detachment  was  sent  from  the  camp  to  take 
possession. 

Part  of  Putnam's  troops  were  now  sent  back  to  Cambridge ; 
a  part  were  ordered  forward  to  occupy  Boston.  General  Ward, 
too,  with  five  hundred  men,  made  his  way  from  Roxbury,  across 
the  neck,  about  which  the  enemy  had  scattered  caltrops  or  crow's 
feet,1  to  impede  invasion.  The  gates  were  unbarred  and  thrown 
open,  and  the  Americans  entered  in  triumph,  with  drums  beat- 
ing and  colors  flying. 

By  ten  o'clock  the  enemy  were  all  embarked  and  under  way : 
Putnam  had  taken  command  of  the  city,  and  occupied  the 
important  points,  and  the  flag  of  thirteen  stripes,  the  standard  of 
the  Union,  floated  above  all  the  forts. 

On  the  following  day,  Washington  himself  entered  the  town, 
where  he  was  joyfully  welcomed.  He  beheld  around  him  sad 
traces  of  the  devastation  caused  by  the  bombardment,  though 
not  to  the  extent  that  he  had  apprehended.  There  were  evi- 
dences, also,  of  the  haste  with  which  the  British  had  retreated  — 
five  pieces  of  ordnance  with  their  trunnions  knocked  off ;  others 
hastily  spiked  ;  others  thrown  off  the  wharf.  "  General  Howe's 
retreat,"  writes  Washington,  "  was  precipitate  beyond  any  thing 
T  could  have  conceived.  The  destruction  of  the  stores  at 
Dunbar's  camp,  after  Braddock's  defeat,  was  but  a  faint  image 
of  what  may  be  seen  at  Boston  ;  artillery  carts  cut  to  pieces  in 
one  place,  gun  carriages  in  another ;  shells  broke  here,  shots 
buried  there,  and  every  thing  carrying  with  it  the  face  of  dis- 
order and  confusion,  as  also  of  distress."  2 

To  add  to  the  mortification  of  General  Howe,  he  received,  we 
are  told,  while  sailing  out  of  the  harbor,  despatches  from  the  minis- 
try, approving  the  resolution  he  had  so  strenuously  expressed, 
of  maintaining  his  post  until  he  should  receive  re-enforcements. 

1  Iron  balls,  with  four  sharp  points,  to  wound  the  feet  of  men  or  horses. 

2  Lee's  Memoirs,  p.  162. 


54  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

As  the  small-pox  prevailed  in  some  parts  of  the  town, 
precautions  were  taken  by  Washington  for  its  purification ; 
and  the  main  body  of  the  army  did  not  march  in  until  the  20th. 
"The  joy  manifested  in  the  countenances  of  the  inhabitants," 
says  an  observer,  "  was  overcast  by  the  melancholy  gloom  caused 
by  ten  tedious  months  of  siege  ;  "  but  when,  on  the  22d,  the 
people  from  the  country  crowded  into  the  town,  "  it  was  truly 
interesting,"  writes  the  same  observer,  "to  witness  the  tender 
interviews  and  fond  embraces  of  those  who  had  been  long  sepa- 
rated under  circumstances  so  peculiarly  distressing."  * 

Notwithstanding  the  haste  with  which  the  British  army  was 
embarked,  the  fleet  lingered  for  some  days  in  Nantucket  Road. 
Apprehensive  that  the  enemy,  now  that  their  forces  were  col- 
lected in  one  body,  might  attempt  by  some  blow  to  retrieve  their 
late  disgrace,  Washington  hastily  threw  up  works  on  Fort  Hill, 
which  commanded  the  harbor,  and  demolished  those  which 
protected  the  town  from  the  neighboring  county.  The  fleet  at 
length  disappeared  entirely  from  the  coast,  and  the  deliverance 
of  Boston  was  assured. 

The  eminent  services  of  Washington  throughout  this  arduous 
siege,  his  admirable  management,  by  which,  "  in  the  course  of  a 
few  months,  an  uyidisciplined  band  of  husbandmen  became  sol- 
diers, and  were  enabled  to  invest,  for  nearly  a  year,  and  finally 
to  expel  a  brave  army  of  veterans,  commanded  b}^  the  most 
experienced  generals,"  drew  forth  the  enthusiastic  applause  of 
the  nation.  No  higher  illustration  of  this  great  achievement 
need  be  given,  than  the  summary  of  it  contained  in  the  speech 
of  a  British  statesman,  the  Duke  of  Manchester,  in  the  House 
of  Lords.  "The  army  of  Britain,"  said  he,  "equipped  with 
every  possible  essential  of  war ;  a  chosen  army,  with  chosen 
officers,  backed  by  the  power  of  a  mighty  fleet,  sent  to  correct 
revolted  subjects  ;  sent  to  chastise  a  resisting  citj* ;  sent  to  assert 
Britain's  authority,  —  has,  for  many  tedious  months,  been 
imprisoned  within  that  town  by  the  Provincial  army ;  who,  their 
watchful  guards,  permitted  them  no  inlet  to  the  country  ;  who 
braved  all  their  efforts,  and  defied  all  their  skill'and  ability  in 
war  could  ever  attempt.  One  way,  indeed,  of  escape  was  left ; 
the  fleet  is  yet  respected  ;  to  the  fleet  the  army  has  recourse  ;  and 
British  generals,  whose  name  never  met  with  a  blot  of  dishonor, 
are  forced  to  quit  that  town  which  was  the  first  object  of  the 
war,  the  immediate  cause  of  hostilities,  the  place  of  arms,  which 
has  cost  this  nation  more  than  a  million  to  defend." 

1  Thacher'8  Mil.  Journal,  p.  50. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  55 

We  close  this  eventful  chapter  of  Washington's  history,  with 
the  honor  decreed  to  him  by  the  highest  authority  of  his  country. 
On  motion  of  John  Adams,  who  had  first  moved  his  nomination 
as  commander-in-chief,  a  unanimous  vote  of  thanks  to  him  was 
passed  in  Congress  ;  and  it  was  ordered  that  a  gold  medal  he 
struck,  commemorating  the  evacuation  of  Boston,  bearing  the 
effigy  of  Washington  as  its  deliverer. 


CHAPTER  VII. 

DESTINATION    OF   THE    FLEET COMMISSION     OF    THE     TWO     HOWES 

—  CHARACTER    OF    LORD    HOWE THE    COLONIES    DIVIDED     INTO 

DEPARTMENTS LEE      ASSIGNED      TO      THE      SOUTHERN      DEPART- 
MENT  GENERAL    THOMAS    TO    CANADA CHARACTER     OF     LEE, 

BY    WASHINGTON  LETTERS    OF    LEE    FROM  THE  SOUTH A    DOG 

IN    A    DANCING    SCHOOL COMMITTEE     OF     SAFETY     IN     VIRGINIA 

LEE'S     GRENADIERS PUTNAM    IN    COMMAND     AT     NEW     YORK 

STATE     OF     AFFAIRS      THERE ARRIVAL     OF      WASHINGTON  — 

NEW    ARRANGEMENTS  PERPLEXITIES     WITH     RESPECT     TO     CAN- 
ADA  ENGLAND    SUBSIDIZES    HESSIAN    TROOPS. 

The  British  fleet  bearing  the  army  from  Boston  had  disap- 
peared from  the  coast.  "  Whither  they  are  bound,  and  where 
they  next  will  pitch  their  tents,"  writes  Washington,  "  I  know 
not."  He  conjectured  their  destination  to  be  New  York,  and 
made  his  arrangements  accordingly ;  but  he  was  mistaken. 
General  Howe  had  steered  for  Halifax,  there  to  wait  the  arrival 
of  strong  re-enforcements  from  England,  and  the  fleet  of  his 
brother,  Admiral  Lord  Howe  ;  who  was  to  be  commander-in- 
chief  of  the  naval  forces  on  the  North  American  station. 

It  was  thought  these  brothers  would  co-operate  admirably  in 
the  exercise  of  their  relative  functions  on  land  and  water.  Yet 
they  were  widely  different  in  their  habits  and  dispositions.  Sir 
William,  easy,  indolent,  and  self-indulgent,  "  hated  business," 
we  are  told,  "  and  never  did  any.  Lord  Howe  loved  it,  dwelt 
upon  it,  never  could  leave  it."  Beside  his  nautical  commands, 
he  had  been  treasurer  of  the  navy,  member  of  the  board  of 
admiralty,  and  had  held  a  seat  in  Parliament ;  where,  accord- 
ing to  Walpole,  he  was  "  silent  as  a  rock,"  excepting  when 
naval  affairs  were  under  discussion  ;  when  he  spoke  briefly  and 
to  the  point.  "  My  Lord  Howe,"  said  George  II.,  "  your  life 
has  been  a  continued  series  of  services  to  your  country."     He 


56  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

was  now  about  fifty-one  years  of  age,  tall,  and  well  propor- 
tioned like  his  brother,  but  wanting  his  ease  of  deportment. 
His  complexion  was  dark,  his  countenance  grave  and  strongly 
marked,  and  he  had  a  shy  reserve,  occasionally  mistaken  for 
haughtiness.  As  a  naval  officer,  he  was  esteemed  resolute  and 
enterprising,  yet  cool  and  firm.  In  his  3Tounger  days  he  had 
contracted  a  friendship  for  Wolfe  ;  "it  was  like  the  union  of 
cannon  and  gunpowder,"  said  Walpole.  Howe,  strong  in  mind, 
solid  in  judgment,  firm  of  purpose,  was  said  to  be  the  cannon  ; 
Wolfe,  quick  in  conception,  prompt  in  execution,  impetuous  in 
action  —  the  gunpowder.1  The  bravest  man,  we  are  told,  could 
not  wish  for  a  more  able,  or  more  gallant  commander  than 
Howe,  and  the  sailors  used  to  say  of  him,  "  Give  us  Black  Dick, 
and  we  fear  nothing." 

Such  is  his  lordship's  portrait  as  sketched  by  English  pencils  ; 
we  shall  see  hereafter  how  far  his  conduct  conforms  to  it.  At 
present  we  must  consider  the  state  of  the  American  army,  in  the 
appointments  and  commands  of  which  various  changes  had 
recently  taken  place. 

It  was  presumed  the  enemy  in  the  ensuing  campaign  would 
direct  their  operations  against  the  Middle  and  Southern  colonies. 
Congress  divided  those  colonies  into  two  departments ;  one, 
comprehending  New  York,  New  Jersey,  Pennsylvania,  Dela- 
ware and  Maryland,  was  to  be  under  the  command  of  a  major- 
general,  and  two  brigadier-generals ;  the  other,  comprising 
Virginia,  the  Carolinas  and  Georgia,  to  be  under  the  command 
of  a  major-general,  and  four  brigadiers. 

In  this  new  arrangement,  the  orders  destining  General  Lee 
to  Canada  were  superseded,  and  he  was  appointed  to  the  com- 
mand of  the  Southern  department,  where  he  was  to  keep  watch 
upon  the  movements  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton.  He  was  somewhat 
dissatisfied  with  the  change  in  his  destination.  '"As  I  am  the 
only  general  officer  on  the  continent,"  writes  he  to  Washington, 
"  who  can  speak  or  think  in  French,  I  confess  I  think  it  would 
have  been  more  prudent  to  have  sent  me  to  Canada  ;  but  I  shall 
obey  with  alacrity,  and  I  hope  with  success." 

In  reply,  Washington  observes,  u  I  was  just  about  to  con- 
gratulate you  on  your  appointment  to  the  command  in  Canada, 
when  I  received  the  account  that  your  destination  was  altered. 
As  a  Virginian,  I  must  rejoice  at  the  change,  but  as  an  Ameri- 
can, I  think  you  would  have  done  more  essential  service  to  the 
common  cause  in  Canada.     For,  besides  the  advantage  of  speak- 

»  Barrow's  Life  of  Earl  Howe,  p.  400. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  57 

ing  and  thinking  in  French,  an  officer  who  is  acquainted  with 
their  manners  and  customs,  and  has  travelled  in  their  country, 
must  certainly  take  the  strongest  hold  of  their  affection  and 
Confidence." 

The  command  in  Canada  was  given  to  General  Thomas,  who 
had  distinguished  himself  at  Roxbuiy,  and  was  promoted  to  the 
rank  of  major-general.  It  would  have  been  given  to  Schuyler, 
but  for  the  infirm  state  of  his  health ;  still  Congress  expressed 
a  reliance  on  his  efforts  to  complete  the  work  "  so  conspicuously 
begun  and  well  conducted  "  under  his  orders,  in  the  last  cam- 
paign ;  and,  as  not  merelv  the  success  but  the  very  exist- 
ence of  the  army  in  Canada  would  depend  on  supplies  sent  from 
these  colonies  across  the  lakes,  he  was  required,  until  further 
orders,  to  fix  his  head-quarters  at  Albany,  where,  without  being 
exposed  to  the  fatigue  of  the  camp  until  his  health  was  perfectly 
restored,  he  would  be  in  a  situation  to  forward  supplies ; 
to  superintend  the  operations  necessary  for  the  defence  of  New 
York  and  the  Hudson  River,  and  the  affairs  of  the  whole  middle 
department. 

Lee  set  out  for  the  South  on  the  7th  of  March,  carrying  with 
him  his  bold  spirit,  his  shrewd  sagacity,  and  his  whimsical  and 
splenetic  humors.  The  following  admirably  impartial  sketch 
is  given  of  him  by  Washington,  in  a  letter  to  his  brother 
Augustine:  "  He  is  the  first  in  military  knowledge  and  expe- 
rience we  have  in  the  whole  army.  He  is  zealously  attached 
to  the  cause ;  honest  and  well  meaning,  but  rather  fickle  and 
violent,  I  fear,  in  his  temper.  However,  as  he  possesses  an 
uncommon  share  of  good  sense  and  spirit,  I  congratulate  my 
countrymen  on  his  appointment  to  that  department."  1 
*  We  give  by  anticipation  a  few  passages  from  Lee's  letters, 
illustrative  of  his  character  and  career.  The  news  of  the 
evacuation  of  Boston  reached  him  in  Virginia.  In  a  letter 
to  Washington,  elated  Williamsburg,  April  5,  he  expresses 
himself  on  the  subject  with  generous  warmth.  "  My  dear 
general,"  writes  he,  "I  most  sincerely  congratulate  you;  I 
congratulate  the  public,  on  the  great  and  glorious  event,  your 
possession  of  Boston.  It  will  be  a  most  bright  page  in  the 
annals  of  America,  and  a  most  abominable  black  one  in  those 
of  the  beldam  Britain.  Go  on,  my  dear  general ;  crown  your- 
self with  glory,  and  establish  the  liberties  and  lustre  of  your 
country  on  a  foundation  more  permanent  than  the  Capitol 
rock." 

1  Force's  Am.  Archives,  4th  Series,  v.,  562. 


58  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Then  reverting  to  himself,  his  subacid  humors  work  up, 
and  he  shows  that  he  had  been  as  much  annoyed  in  Williams- 
burg, by  the  interference  of  committees,  as  he  had  been  in 
New  York.  "  My  situation,"  writes  he,  "  is  just  as  I  ex- 
pected. I  am  afraid  I  shall  make  a  shabby  figure,  without 
any  real  demerits  of  my  own.  I  am  like  a  dog  in  a  dancing- 
school  ;  I  know  not  where  to  turn  myself,  where  to  fix  myself. 
The  circumstances  of  the  country,  intersected  with  navigable 
rivers  ;  the  uncertainty  of  the  enemy's  designs  and  motions, 
who  can  fly  in  an  instant  to  any  spot  they  choose,  with  their 
janvas  wings,  throw  me,  or  would  throw  Julius  Caesar  into 
this  inevitable  dilemma ;  I  may  possibly  be  in  the  North, 
when,  as  Richard  says,  I  should  serve  m}r  sovereign  in  the 
West.  I  can  only  act  from  surmise,  and  have  a  very  good 
chance  of  surmising  wrong.  I  am  sorry  to  grate  your  ears 
with  a  truth,  but  must,  at  all  events,  assure  3-011,  that  the 
Provincial  Congress  of  New  York  are  angels  of  decision, 
when  compared  with  your  countrymen,  the  committee  of  safety 
assembled  at  Williamsburg.  Page,  Lee,  Mercer  and  Payne, 
are,  indeed,  exceptions ;  but  from  Pendleton,  Bland  the  Treas- 
urer and  Co.  — Libera  710s  domine!  " 

Lee's  letters  from  Virginia,  written  at  a  later  date,  were 
in  a  better  humor.  "There  is  a  noble  spirit  in  this  province 
pervading  all  orders  of  men  ;  if  the  same  becomes  universal, 
we  shall  be  saved.  I  am,  fortunately  for  my  own  happiness, 
and,  I  think,  for  the  well-being  of  the  community,  on  the 
best  terms  with  the  senatorial  part,  as  well  as  the  people  at 
large.  I  shall  endeavor  to  preserve  their  confidence  and  good 
opinion."  1 

And  in  a  letter  to  Washington  : 

"I  have  formed  two  companies  of  grenadiers  to  each  regi- 
ment, and  with  spears  thirteen  feet  long.  Their  rifles  (for 
they  are  all  riflemen)  sling  over  their  shoulders,  their  appear- 
ance is  formidable,  and  the  men  are  conciliated  to  the  weapon. 
.  .  .  I  am  likewise  furnishing  myself  with  four-ounced 
rifled  amusettes,  which  will  carry  an  infernal  distance ;  the 
two-ounced  hit  a  half  sheet  of  paper,  at  five  hundred  yards 
distance." 

On  Lee's  departure  for  the  South,  Brigadier-General  Lord 
Stirling  had  remained  in  temporary  command  at  New  York. 
Washington,  however,  presuming  that  the  British  fleet  had 
steered  for   that   port,  with   the   force    which   had   evacuated 

1  Force's  Am.  Archives,  4th  Series,  vol.  v.,  792. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  59 

Boston,  hastened  detachments  thither  under  Generals  Heath 
and  Sullivan,  and  wrote  for  three  thousand  additional  men  to 
be  furnished  by  Connecticut.  The  command  of  the  whole  he 
gave  to  General  Putnam,  who  was  ordered  to  fortify  the  city 
and  the  passes  of  the  Hudson,  according  t<^  the  plans  of  Gen- 
eral Lee.  In  the  mean  time,  Washington  delayed  to  come  on 
himself,  until  he  should  have  pushed  forward  the  main  body  of 
his  army  by  divisions. 

Lee's  anticipations  that  laxity  and  confusion  would  prevail 
after  his  departure,  were  not  realized.  The  veteran  Putnam, 
on  taking  command,  put  the  city  under  rigorous  military  rule. 
The  soldiers  were  to  retire  to  their  barracks  and  quarters  at  the 
beating  of  the  tattoo,  and  remain  there  until  the  reveille  in 
the  morning.  The  inhabitants  were  subjected  to  the  same  rule. 
None  would  be  permitted  to  pass  a  sentry,  without  the  counter- 
sign, which  would  be  furnished  to  them  on  applying  to  any  of 
the  brigade  majors.  All  communication  between  the  "  ministe- 
rial fleet"  and  shore  was  stopped  ;  the  ships  were  no  longer  to 
be  furnished  with  provisions.  Any  person  taken  in  the  act  of 
holding  communication  with  them  would  be  considered  an  ene- 
my, and  treated  accordingly. 

We  have  a  lively  picture  of  the  state  of  the  city,  in  letters 
written  at  the  time,  and  already  cited.  "  When  you  are  in- 
formed that  New  York  is  deserted  by  its  old  inhabitants,  and 
filled  with  soldiers  from  New  England,  Philadelphia,  Jersey,  etc., 
you  will  naturally  conclude  the  environs  of  it  are  not  very  safe 
from  so  undisciplined  a  multitude  as  our  Provincials  are  repre- 
sented to  be  ;  but  I  do  believe  there  are  very  few  instances  of  so 
great  a  number  of  men  together,  with  so  little  mischief  done  by 
them.  They  have  all  the  simplicity  of  ploughmen  in  their  man- 
ners, and  seem  quite  strangers  to  the  vices  of  older  soldiers : 
they  have  been  employed  in  creating  fortifications  in  every  part 
of  the  town.  .  .  .  Governor  Tryon  loses  his  credit  with  the 
people  here  prodigiously  ;  he  has  lately  issued  a  proclamation, 
desiring  the  deluded  people  of  this  colony  to  return  to  their  obedi- 
ence, promising  a  speedy  support  to  the  friends  of  government, 
declaring  a  door  of  mercy  open  to  the  penitent,  and  a  rod  for 
the  disobedient,  etc.  The  friends  of  government  were  provoked 
at  being  so  distinguished,  and  the  friends  to  liberty  hung  him  in 
effigy,  and  printed  a  dying  speech  for  him.  A  letter,  too,  was 
intercepted  from  him,  hastening  Lord  Howe  to  New  York,  as 
the  rebels  were  fortifying.  These  have  entirely  lost  him  the 
good  will  of  the  people.  .  .  .  You  cannot  think  how  sorry 
I  am  the  governor  has  so  lost  himself,  a  man  once  so  much  be- 


60  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

loved.  0  Lucifer,  once  the  sou  of  mom,  how  fallen  !  General 
Washington  is  expected  hourly  ;  General  Putnam  is  here,  with 
several  other  generals,  and  some  of  their  ladies.  .  .  .  The  va- 
riety of  reports  keeps  one's  mind  always  in  agitation.  Clinton 
and  Howe  have  set  ^he  continent  a  racing  from  Boston  to  Caro- 
lina. Clinton  came  into  our  harbor:  away  flew  the  women, 
children,  goods  and  chattels,  and  in  came  the  soldiers  flocking 
from  every  part.  No  sooner  was  it  known  that  he  was  not  going 
to  land  here,  than  expresses  were  sent  to  Virginia  and  Carolina, 
to  put  them  on  their  guard  ;  his  next  expedition  was  to  Virginia  ; 
there  they  were  ready  to  receive  him ;  from  thence  without 
attempting  to  land,  he  sailed  to  Carolina.  Now  General  Howe 
is  leading  us  another  dance."  1 

Washington  came  on  by  the  way  of  Providence,  Norwich  and 
New  London,  expediting  the  embarkation  of  troops  from  these 
posts,  and  arrived  at  New  York  on  the  13th  of  April.  Many  of 
the  works  which  Lee  had  commenced  were  by  this  time  finished  ; 
others  were  in  progress.  It  was  apprehended  the  principal  op- 
erations of  the  enemy  would  be  on  Long  Island,  the  high  grounds 
of  which,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Brooklyn,  commanded  the 
city.  Washington  saw  that  an  able  and  efficient  officer  was 
needed  at  that  place.  Greene  was  accordingly  stationed  there, 
with  a  division  of  the  army.  He  immediately  proceeded  to 
complete  the  fortifications  of  that  important  post,  and  to  make 
himself  acquainted  with  the  topography,  and  the  defensive 
points  of  the  surrounding  country. 

The  aggregate  force  distributed  at  several  extensive  posts  in 
New  York  and  its  environs,  and  on  Long  Island,  Staten  Island 
and  elsewhere,  amounted  to  little  more  than  ten  thousand  men  ; 
some  of  those  were  on  the  sick  list,  others  absent  on  command, 
or  on  furlough  ;  there  were  but  about  eight  thousand  available 
and  fit  for  duty.  These,  too,  were  without  pay  ;  those  recently 
enlisted,  without  arms,  and  no  one  could  say  where  arms  were 
to  be  procured. 

Washington  saw  the  inadequacy  of  the  force  to  the  purposes 
required,  and  was  full  of  solicitude  about  the  security  of  a  place, 
the  central  point  of  the  Confederacy,  and  the  grand  deposit  of 
ordnance  and  military  stores.  He  was  aware,  too,  of  the  dis- 
affection to  the  cause  among  many  of  the  inhabitants  ;  and 
apprehensive  of  treachery.  The  process  of  fortifying  the  place 
had  induced  the  ships-of-war  to  fall  down  into  the  outer  bay, 
within  the  Hook,  upward  of  twenty  miles  from  the  city ;  but 


1  Remembrancer,  vol.  iii.,  p.  85. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  Gl 

Governor  Tryon  was  still  on  board  of  one  of  them,  keeping  up 
an  active  correspondence  with  the  tories  on  Staten  and  Long 
Islands,  and  in  other  parts  of  the  neighborhood. 

Washington  took  an  early  occasion  to  address  an  urgent  let- 
ter to  the  committee  of  safety,  pointing  out  the  dangerous,  and 
even  treasonable  nature  of  this  correspondence.  He  had  more 
weight  and  influence  with  that  body  than  had  been  possessed  by 
General  Lee,  and  procured  the  passage  of  a  resolution  prohibit- 
ing, under  severe  penalties,  all  intercourse  with  the  king's  ships. 

Head-quarters,  at  this  time,  was  a  scene  of  incessant  toil  on 
the  part  of  the  commander-in-chief,  his  secretaries  and  aides- 
de-camp.  "I  give  in  to  no  kind  of  amusements  myself," 
writes  he,  "and  consequently  those  about  me  can  have  none, 
but  are  confined  from  morning  until  evening,  hearing  and 
answering  applications  and  letters."  The  presence  of  Mrs. 
Washington  was  a  solace  in  the  midst  of  these  stern  military 
cares,  and  diffused  a  feminine  grace  and  decorum,  and  a  cheer- 
ful spirit  over  the  domestic  arrangements  of  head-quarters, 
where  every  thing  was  conducted  with  simplicity  and  dignity. 
The  wives  of  some  of  the  other  generals  and  officers  rallied 
around  Mrs.  Washington,  but  social  intercourse  was  generally 
at  an  end.  "  We  all  live  here,"  writes  a  lady  of  New  York, 
"  like  nuns  shut  up  in  a  nunnery.  No  society  with  the  town, 
for  there  are  none  there  to  visit ;  neither  can  we  go  in  or  out 
after  a  certain  hour  without  the  countersign." 

In  addition  to  his  cares  about  the  security  of  New  York, 
Washington  had  to  provide  for  the  perilous  exigencies  of  the 
army  in  Canada.  Since  his  arrival  in  the  city,  four  regiments 
of  troops,  a  company  of  riflemen  and  another  of  artificers  had 
been  detached  under  the  command  of  Brigadier-General  Thomp- 
son, and  a  further  corps,  of  six  regiments  under  Brigadier- 
General  Sullivan,  with  orders  to  join  General  Thomas  as  soon 
as  possible. 

Still  Congress  inquired  of  him,  whether  further  re-enforce- 
ments to  the  army  in  Canada  would  not  be  necessary,  and 
whether  they  could  be  spared  from  the  army  in  New  York. 
His  reply  shows  the  peculiar  perplexities  of  his  situation,  and 
the  tormenting  uncertainty  in  which  he  was  kept,  as  to  where 
the  next  storm  of  war  would  break.  "  With  respect  to  sending 
more  troops  to  that  country,  I  am  really  at  a  loss  what  to  ad- 
vise, as  it  is  impossible,  at  present,  to  know  the  designs  of  the 
enemy.  Should  they  send  the  whole  force  under  General  Howe 
up  the  river  St.  Lawrence,  to  relieve  Quebec  and  recover  Canr 
ada,  the  troops  gone  and  now  going  will  be  insufficient  to  stop 


62  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

their  progress ;  and,  should  they  think  proper  to  send  that,  or 
an  equal  force,  this  way  from  Great  Britain,  for  the  purpose  of 
possessing  this  city  and  securing  the  navigation  of  Hudson's 
River,  the  troops  left  here  will  not  be  sufficient  to  oppose  them  5 
and  yet,  for  any  thing  we  know,  I  think  it  not  improbable  they 
may  attempt  both;  both  being  of  the  greatest  importance  to 
them,  if  they  have  men.  I  could  wish,  indeed,  that  the  army 
in  Canada  should  be  more  powerfully  re-enforced ;  at  the  same 
time,  I  am  conscious  that  the  trusting  of  this  important  post, 
which  is  now  become  the  grand  magazine  of  America,  to  the 
handful  of  men  remaining  here,  is  running  too  great  a  risk. 
The  securing  of  this  post  and  Hudson's  River  is  to  us  also  of 
so  great  importance,  that  I  cannot,  at  present,  advise  the  send- 
ing any  more  troops  from  hence ;  on  the  contrary,  the  general 
officers  now  here,  whom  I  thought  it  my  duty  to  consult,  think 
it  absolutely  necessary  to  increase  the  army  at  this  place  with 
at  least  ten  thousand  men  ;  especially  when  it  is  considered, 
that  from  this  place  only  the  army  in  Canada  must  draw  its 
supplies  of  ammunition,  provisions,  and  most  probably  of  men." 

Washington  at  that  time  was  not  aware  of  the  extraordinary 
expedients  England  had  recentlj'  resorted  to,  against  the  next 
campaign.  The  Duke  of  Brunswick,  the  Landgrave  of  Hesse 
Cassel,  and  the  Hereditary  Prince  of  Cassel,  Count  of  Hanau, 
had  been  subsidized  to  furnish  troops  to  assist  in  the  subjuga- 
tion of  her  colonies.  Four  thousand  three  hundred  Brunswick 
troops,  and  nearly  thirteen  thousand  Hessians,  had  entered  the 
British  service.  Beside  the  subsidy  exacted  by  the  German 
princes,  they  were  to  be  paid  seven  pounds  four  shillings  and 
four  pence  sterling  for  every  soldier  furnished  by  them,  and  as 
much  more  for  every  one  slain. 

Of  this  notable  arrangement,  Washington,  as  we  observed, 
was  not  yet  aware.  "  The  designs  of  the  enemy,"  writes  he, 
u  are  too  much  behind  the  curtain  for  me  to  form  any  accurate 
opinion  of  their  plan  of  operations  for  the  summer's  campaign. 
We  are  left  to  wander,  therefore,  in  the  field  of  conjecture."  1 

Within  a 'few  days  afterward,  he  had  vague  accounts  of 
"Hessians  and  Hanoverian  troops  coming  over;"  but  it  was 
not  until  the  17th  of  May,  when  he  received  letters  from  Gen- 
eral Schuyler,  enclosing  others  from  the  commanders  in  Canada, 
that  he  knew  in  what  direction  some  of  these  bolts  of  war  were 
launched  ;  and  this  calls  for  some  further  particulars  of  the 
campaign  on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence  ;  which  we  shall 
give  to  the  reader  in  the  ensuing  chapter. 

1  Letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  5th  May. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  63 


CHAPTEK  VIII. 

ARNOLD     BLOCKADES     QUEBEC — HIS     DIFFICULTIES — ARRIVAL     OF 

GENERAL  WOOSTER OF  GENERAL  THOMAS ABORTIVE  ATTEMPT 

ON  QUEBEC PREPARATIONS  FOR  RETREAT SORTIE  OF  CARLE- 
TON RETREAT  OF    THE  AMERICANS HALT  AT    POINT    DESCHAM- 

BAULT  — ALARM  IN  THE  COLONIES  AT  THE  RETREAT  OF  THE 
ARMY POPULAR  CLAMOR  AGAINST  SCHUYLER  —  SLANDERS  RE- 
FUTED. 

In  a  former  chapter,  we  left  Arnold  before  the  walls  of 
Quebec,  wounded,  crippled,  almost  disabled,  yet  not  disheart- 
ened:  blockading  that  "proud  town"  with  a  force  inferior, 
by  half,  in  number  to  that  of  the  garrison.  For  his  gallant 
services,  Congress  promoted  him  in  January  to  the  rank  of 
brigadier-general. 

Throughout  the  winter  he  kept  up  the  blockade  with  his 
shattered  army ;  though  had  Carleton  ventured  upon  sortie, 
he  might  have  been  forced,  to  decamp.  That  cautious  general, 
however,  remained  within  his  walls.  He  was  sure  of  re-en- 
forcements from  England  in  the  spring,  and,  in  the  mean  time, 
trusted  to  the  elements  of  dissolution  at  work  in  the  besieging 
army. 

Arnold,  in  truth,  had  difficulties  of  all  kinds  to  contend  with. 
His  military  chest  was  exhausted  ;  his  troops  were  in  want  of 
necessaries  ;  to  procure  supplies,  he  was  compelled  to  resort 
to  the  paper  money  issued  by  Congress,  which  was  uncurrent 
among  the  Canadians ;  he  issued  a  proclamation  making  the 
refusal  to  take  it  in  payment  a  penal  offence.  This  only  pro- 
duced irritation  and  disgust.  As  the  terms  of  their  enlistment 
expired,  his  men  claimed  their  discharge  and  returned  home. 
Sickness  also  thinned  his  ranks ;  so  that,  at  one  time,  his  force 
was  reduced  to  five  hundred  men,  and  for  two  months,  with  all 
his  recruitments  of  raw  militia,  did  not  exceed  seven  hundred. 

The  failure  of  the  attack  on  Quebec  had  weakened  the  cause 
among  the  Canadians ;  the  peasantry  had  been  displeased  by 
the  conduct  of  the  American  troops ;  they  had  once  welcomed 
them  as  deliverers  ;  the}T  now  began  to  regard  them  as  intru- 
ders. The  seigneurs,  or  noblesse,  also,  feared  to  give  further 
countenance  to  an  invasion,  which,  if  defeated,  might  involve 
them  in  ruin. 

Notwithstanding  all  these  discouragements,  Arnold  still  kept 


64  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

up  a  bold  face ;  cut  off  supplies  occasionally,  and  harassed 
the  place  with  alarms.  Having  repaired  his  batteries,  he 
opened  a  fire  upon  the  town,  but  with  little  effect;  the  best 
part  of  the  artillerists,  with  Lamb,  their  capable  commander, 
were  prisoners  within  the  walls. 

On  the  1st  day  of  April,  General  Wooster  arrived  from 
Montreal,  with  re-enforcements,  and  took  the  command.  The 
day  after  his  arrival,  Arnold,  by  the  falling  of  bis  horse,  again 
received  an  injury  on  the  leg  recently  wounded,  and  was 
disabled  for  upward  of  a  week.  Considering  himself  slighted 
by  General  Wooster,  who  did  not  consult  him  in  military  affairs, 
he  obtained  leave  of  absence  until  he  should  be  recovered  from 
his  lameness,  and  repaired  to  Montreal,  where  he  took  com- 
mand. 

General  Thomas  arrived  at  the  camp  in  the  course  of  April, 
and  found  the  army  in  a  forlorn  condition,  scattered  at  different 
posts,  and  on  the  island  of  Orleans.  It  was  numerically 
increased  to  upward  of  two  thousand  men,  but  several  hun- 
dred were  unfit  for  service.  The  small-pox  had  made  great 
ravages.  They  had  inoculated  each  other.  In  their  sick  and 
debilitated  state,  the}7  were  without  barracks,  and  almost  with- 
out medicine.  A  portion,  whose  term  of  enlistment  had  ex- 
pired, refused  to  do  duty,  and  clamored  for  their  discharge. 

The  winter  was  over,  the  river  was  breaking  up,  re-enforce- 
ments to  the  garrison  might  immediately  be  expected,  and 
then  the  case  would  be  desperate.  Observing  that  the  river 
about  Quebec  was  clear  of  ice,  General  Thomas  determined  on 
a  bold  effort.  It  was,  to  send  up  a  fire-ship  with  the  flood,  and, 
while  the  ships  in  the  harbor  were  in  flames,  and  the  town  in 
confusion,  to  scale  the  walls. 

Accordingly,  on  the  third  of  May,  the  troops  turned  out  with 
scaling  ladders  ;  the  fire-ship  came  up  the  river  under  easy 
sail,  and  arrived  near  the  shipping  before  it  was  discovered. 
It  was  fired  into.  The  crew  applied  a  slow  match  to  the  train 
and  pulled  off.  The  ship  was  soon  in  a  blaze,  but  the  flames 
caught  and  consumed  the  sails ;  her  way  was  checked,  and  she 
drifted  off  harmlessly  with  the  ebbing  tide.  The  rest  of  the 
plan  was,  of  course,  abandoned. 

Nothing  now  remained  but  to  retreat  before  the  enemy  should 
be  re-enforced.  Preparations  were  made  in  all  haste  to  embark 
the  sick  and  the  military  stores.  While  this  was  taking  place, 
five  ships  made  their  way  into  the  harbor,  on  the  6th  of  May, 
and  began  to  land  troops.  Thus  re-enforced,  General  Carleton 
sallied  forth,  with  eight  hundred  or  a  thousand  men.    We  quote 


LIFE  OF   WASIIINGION.  65 

his  own  letter  for  an  account  of  his  sortie.  "  As  soon  as  part 
of  the  29th  regiment  with  the  marines,  in  all  about  two  hundred, 
were  landed,  they,  with  the  greatest  part  of  the  garrison,  by  this 
time  much  improved,  and  in  high  spirits,  marched  out  of  the 
ports  of  St.  Louis  and  St.  Johns,  to  see  what  these  mighty 
boasters  were  about.  They  were  found  very  bus}T  in  their 
preparations  for  a  retreat.  A  few  shots  being  exchanged,  the 
line  marched  forward,  and  the  place  was  soon  cleared  of  these 
plunderers." 

By  his  own  account,  however,  these  "  mighty  boasters  "  had 
held  him  and  his  garrison  closely  invested  for  five  months  ; 
had  burned  the  suburbs  ;  battered  the  walls  ;  thrown  red-hot 
shot  among  the  shipping ;  made  repeated  and  daring  attempts 
to  carry  the  place  by  assault  and  stratagem,  and  rendered  it 
necessary  for  soldiers,  sailors,  marines,  and  even  judges  and 
other  civil  officers  to  mount  guard. 1  One  officer  declares,  in  a 
letter,  that  for  eighty  successive  nights  he  slept  in  his  clothes, 
to  be  ready  in  case  of  alarm. 

All  this,  too,  was  effected  by  a  handful  of  men,  exposed  in 
open  encampments  to  the  rigors  of  a  Canadian  winter.  If  in 
truth  they  were  boasters,  it  must  be  allowed  their  deeds  were 
equal  to  their  words. 

The  Americans  were  in  no  condition  to  withstand  Carleton's 
unlooked-for  attack.  They  had  no  intrenchments,  and  could 
not  muster  three  hundred  men  at  any  point.  A  precipitate 
retreat  was  the  consequence,  in  which  baggage,  artillery,  every 
thing  was  abandoned.  Even  the  sick  were  left  behind  ;  many 
of  who  u  crawled  away  from  the  camp  hospitals,  and  took 
refuge  in  the  woods,  or  among  the  Canadian  peasantry. 

General  Carleton  did  not  think  it  prudent  to  engage  in  a  pur- 
suit with  his  newly-landed  troops.  He  treated  the  prisoners 
with  great  humanity,  and  caused  the  sick  to  be  sought  out  in 
their  hiding-places,  and  brought  to  the  general  hospitals  ;  with 
assurances,  that,  when  healed,  they  should  have  liberty -to 
return  to  their  homes. 

General  Thomas  came  to  a  halt  at  Point  Deschambault,  about 
sixty  miles  above  Quebec,  and  called  a  council  of  war  to  con- 
sider what  was  to  be  done.  The  enemy's  ships  were  hastening 
up  the  St.  Lawrence ;  some  were  already  but  two  or  three 
leagues  distant.  The  camp  was  without  cannon  ;  powder, 
forwarded  by  General  Schuyler,  had  fallen  into  the  enemy's 
hands ;  there   were  not  provisions  enough  to  subsist  the  army 

*  Carleton  to  Lord  George  Germain,  May  14. 


66  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

for  more  than  two  or  three  days  ;  the  men-of-war,  too,  might 
run  up  the  river,  intercept  all  their  resources,  and  reduce  them 
to  the  same  extremity  they  had  experienced  before  Quebec.  It 
was  resolved,  therefore,  to  ascend  the  river  still  further. 

General  Thomas,  however,  determined  to  send  forward  the 
invalids,  but  to  remain  at  Point  Deschambault  with  about  five 
hundred  men,  until  he  should  receive  orders  from  Montreal,  and 
learn  whether  such  supplies  could  be  forwarded  immediately  as 
would  enable  him  to  defend  his  position.1 

The  despatches  of  General  Thomas,  setting  forth  the  dis- 
astrous state  of  affairs,  had  a  disheartening  effect  on  Schuyler, 
who  feared  the  army  would  be  obliged  to  abandon  Canada. 
"Washington,  on  the  contrary,  spoke  cheeringly  on  the  subject. 
"  We  must  not  despair.  A  manly  and  spirited  opposition  only 
can  insure  success,  and  prevent  the  enemy  from  improving  the 
advantage  they  have  obtained."  2 

He  regretted  that  the  troops  had  not  been  able  to  make  a 
stand  at  Point  Deschambault,  but  hoped  they  would  maintain 
a  post  as  far  down  the  river  as  possible.  The  lower  it  was,  the 
more  important  would  be  the  advantages  resulting  from  it,  as 
all  the  country  above  would  be  favorable,  and  furnish  assistance 
and  support ;  while  all  below  would  necessarily  be  in  the  power 
of  the  enemy. 

The  tidings  of  the  reverses  in  Canada  and  the  retreat  of  the 
American  army,  had  spread  consternation  throughout  the  New 
Hampshire  Grants,  and  the  New  England  frontiers,  which  would 
now  be  laid  open  to  invasion.  Committees  of  towns  and 
districts  assembled  in  various  places  to  consult  on  the  f  tanning 
state  of  affairs.  In  a  time  of  adversity  it  relieves  the  public 
mind  to  have  some  individual  on  whom  to  charge  its  disaster. 
General  Schuyler,  at  present,  was  to  be  the  victim.  We  have 
already  noticed  the  prejudice  and  ill-will,  on  the  part  of  the  New 
England  people,  which  had  harassed  him  throughout  the  cam- 
paign and  nearly  driven  him  from  the  service.  His  enemies 
now  stigmatized  him  as  the  cause  of  the  late  reverses.  He  had 
neglected,  they  said,  to  forward  re-enforcements  and  supplies  to 
the  army  in  Canada.  His  magnanimit}'  in  suffering  Sir  John 
Johnson  to  go  at  large,  while  in  his  power,  was  again  miscon- 
strued into  a  crime  :  he  had  thus  enabled  that  dangerous  man 
to  renew  his  hostilities.  Finally,  it  was  insinuated  that  he 
was  untrue  to  his  country,  if  not  positively  leagued  with  he! 
enemies. 

1  General  Thomas  to  Washington,  May  8.  *  Washington  to  Schuyler,  May  17. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  67 

These  imputations  were  not  generally  advanced ;  and  when 
advanced,  were  not  generally  countenanced  ;  but  a  committee  of 
King's  County  appears  to  have  given  them  credence,  addressing 
a  letter  to  the  commander-in-chief  on  the  subject,  accompanied 
by  documents. 

Washington,  to  whom  Schuyler's  heart  had  been  laid  open 
throughout  all  its  trials,  and  who  knew  its  rectitude,  received 
the  letter  and  documents  with  indignation  and  disgust,  and  sent 
copies  of  them  to  the  general.  "  From  these,"  said  he,  "  you 
will  readily  discover  the  diabolical  and  insidious  arts  and  schemes 
carried  on  by  the  tories  and  friends  of  government  to  raise  dis- 
trust, dissensions,  and  divisions  among  us.  Having  the  utmost 
confidence  in  your  integrity,  and  the  most  incontestable  proof  of 
your  great  attachment  to  our  common  country  and  its  interest, 
I  could  not  but  look  upon  the  charge  against  you  with  an  eye  of 
disbelief,  and  sentiments  of  detestation  and  abhorrence  ;  nor 
should  I  have  troubled  you  with  the  matter,  had  I  not  been 
informed  that  copies  were  sent  to  different  committees,  and  to 
Governor  Trumbull,  which  I  conceived  would  get  abroad,  and 
that  you,  should  you  find  I  had  been  furnished  with  them,  would 
consider  my  suppressing  them  as  an  evidence  of  my  belief,  or 
at  best  of  my  doubts,  of  the  charges."  ' 

We  will  go  forward,  and  give  the  sequel  of  this  matter. 
While  the  imputations  in  question  had  merely  floated  in  public 
rumor,  Schuyler  had  taken  no  notice  of  them  ;  "  but  it  is  now," 
writes  he  in  reply  to  Washington,  "  a  duty  which  I  owe  myself 
and  my  country,  to  detect  the  scoundrels,  and  the  only  means 
of  doing  this  is  by  requesting  that  an  immediate  inquiry  be 
made  into  the  matter ;  when  I  trust  it  will  appear  that  it  was 
more  a  scheme  calculated  to  ruin  me,  than  to  disunite  and  create 
jealousies  in  the  friends  of  America.  Your  Excellency  will, 
therefore,  please  to  order  a  court  of  inquiry  the  soonest  possi- 
ble ;  for  I  cannot  sit  easy  under  such  an  infamous  imputation  ; 
since  on  this  extensive  continent,  numbers  of  the  most  re- 
spectable characters  may  not  know  what  your  Excellency  and 
Congress  do  of  my  principles  and  exertions  in  the  common 
cause."  He  further  adds:  "I  am  informed  by  persons  of 
good  credit,  that  about  one  hundred  persons,  living  on  what 
are  commonly  called  the  New  Hampshire  Grants,  have  had  a 
design  to  seize  me  as  a  tory,  and  perhaps  still  have.  There 
never  was  a  man  so  infamously  scandalized  and  ill-treated  as 
I  am." 

1  Washington  to  Schuyler,  May  21c 


68  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

We  need  only  add,  that  the  Berkshire  committees  which,  in  a 
time  of  agitation  and  alarm,  had  hastily  given  countenance  to 
these  imputations,  investigated  them  deliberately  in  their  cooler 
moments,  and  acknowledged,  in  a  letter  to  Washington,  that 
they  were  satisfied  their  suspicions  respecting  General  Schuyler 
were  wholly  groundless.  "■  We  sincerely  hope,"  added  they, 
"  his  name  may  be  handed  down,  with  immortal  honor,  to  the 
latest  posterity,  as  one  of  the  great  pillars  of  the  American 
cause." 


CHAPTER  IX. 

GATES    SENT   TO    PHILADELPHIA  WITH   THE  CANADA  DESPATCHES 

PROMOTED     TO    THE     RANK     OF     MAJOR-GENERAL WASHINGTON 

SUMMONED    TO    PHILADELPHIA  —  PUTNAM    LEFT    IN    COMMAND 

CONFERENCE  WITH  CONGRESS ARMY  ARRANGEMENTS A  BOARD 

OF     WAR     INSTITUTED  THE     CLINTONS    OF      NEW     YORK MRS. 

WASHINGTON  INOCULATED REED  MADE  ADJUTANT-GENERAL. 

As  the  reverses  in  Canada  would  affect  the  fortunes  of  the 
Revolution  elsewhere,  Washington  sent  General  Gates  to  lay  the 
despatches  concerning  them  before  Congress.  "His  military 
experience,"  said  he,  "and  intimate  acquaintance  with  the 
situation  of  our  affairs,  will  enable  him  to  give  Congress  the 
fullest  satisfaction  about  the  measures  necessary  to  be  adopted 
at  this  alarming  crisis  ;  and,  with  his  zeal  and  attachment  to 
the  cause  of  America,  he  will  have  a  claim  to  their  notice  and 
favors." 

Scarce  had  Gates  departed  on  his  mission  (May  19),  when 
Washington  himself  received  a  summons  to  Philadelphia,  to 
advise  with  Congress  concerning  the  opening  campaign.  He 
was  informed  also  that  Gates,  on  the  16th  of  May,  had  been 
promoted  to  the  rank  of  major-general,  and  Mifllin  to  that  of 
brigadier-genenil,  and  a  wish  was  intimated  that  they  might 
take  the  command  of  Boston. 

Washington  prepared  to  proceed  to  Philadelphia.  His  gen- 
eral orders  issued  on  the  19th  of  May,  show  the  anxious  situa- 
tion of  affairs  at  New  York.  In  case  of  an  alarm  the  respective 
regiments  were  to  draw  up  opposite  to  their  encampments  or 
quarters,  until  orders  to  repair  to  the  alarm  posts.  The  alarm 
signals  for  regulars,  militia,  and  the  inhabitants  of  the  city, 
were,  in  the  day-time  —  two  cannon  fired  from  the  rampart  at 
Fort  George,  and  a  flag  hoisted  on  the  top  of  Washington's 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  69 

head-quarters.  In  the  night  —  two  cannon  fired  as  above,  and 
two  lighted  lanterns  hoisted  on  the  top  of  head-quarters.1 

In  his  parting  instructions  to  Putnam,  who,  as  the  oldest 
major-general  in  the  city,  would  have  the  command  during 
his  absence,  Washington  informed  him  of  the  intention  of 
the  Provincial  Congress  of  New  York  to  seize  the  principal 
tories,  and  disaffected  persons  in  the  city,  and  the  surrounding 
country,  especially  on  Long  Island,  and  authorized  him  to 
afford  military  aid,  if  required,  to  carry  the  same  into  execu- 
tion. He  was  also  to  send  Lord  Stirling,  Colonel  Putnam  the 
engineer,  and  Colonel  Knox,  if  he  could  be  spared,  up  to  the 
Highlands,  to  examine  the  state  of  the  forts  and  garrisons, 
and  report  what  was  necessary  to  put  them  in  a  posture  of 
defence.  Their  garrisons  were  chiefly  composed  of  parts  of  a 
regiment  of  New  York  troops,  commanded  by  Colonel  James 
Clinton,  of  Ulster  County,  and  were  said  to  be  suflicient. 

The  general,  accompanied  by  Mrs.  Washington,  departed 
from  New  York  on  the  21st  of  May,  and  they  were  invited  by 
Mr.  Hancock,  the  President  of  Congress,  to  be  his  guests  dur- 
ing their  sojourn  at  Philadelphia. 

Lee,  when  he  heard  of  Washington's  visit  there,  augured 
good  effects  from  it.  "I  am  extremely  glad,  dear  general," 
writes  he,  u  that  you  are  in  Philadelphia,  for  their  councils 
sometimes  lack  a  little  of  military  electricity."  Washing- 
ton, in  his  conferences  with  Congress,  appears  to  have  fur- 
nished this  electricity,  lie  roundly  expressed  his  conviction, 
that  no  accommodations  could  be  effected  with  Great  Britain, 
on  acceptable  terms.  Ministerialists  had  declared  in  Parlia- 
ment that,  the  sword  being  drawn,  the  most  coercive  measures 
would  be  persevered  in,  until  there  was  complete  submission. 
The  recent  subsidizing  of  foreign  troops  was  a  part  of  this 
policy,  and  indicated  unsparing  hostility.  A  protracted  war, 
therefore,  was  inevitable  ;  but  it  would  be  impossible  to  carry 
it  on  successfully  with  the  scanty  force  actually  embodied,  and 
with  transient  enlistments  of  militia. 

1  The  following  statement  of  the  batteries  at  New  York,  we  find  dated  May  22 : 

The  Grand  Battery,  on  the  south  part  of  the  town. 

Fort  George,  immediately  above  it. 

White  Hall  Battery,  on  the  left  of  the  Grand  Battery. 

Oyster  Battery,  behind  General  Washington's  head-quarters. 

Grenadier  Battery,  near  the  Brew  House  on  the  North  River. 

Jersey  Battery,  on  the  left  of  the  Grenadier  Battery. 

Bayard's  Hill  Redoubt,  on  Bayard's  Hill. 

Spencer's  Redoubt,  on  the  hill  where  his  brigade  is  encamped. 

Waterbury's  Battery  (fascines),  on  a  wharf  below  this  hill. 

Badlands  Redoubt,  on  a  hill  near  the  Jews'  burying  ground. 


70  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

In  consequence  of  his  representations,  resolutions  were 
passed  in  Congress  that  soldiers  should  be  enlisted  for  three 
years,  with  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars  for  each  recruit ;  that  the 
array  at  New  York  should  be  re-enforced  until  the  1st  of  De- 
cember, with  thirteen  thousand  eight  hundred  militia ;  that 
gondolas  and  fire-rafts  should  be  built,  to  prevent  the  men-of- 
war  and  enemy's  ships  from  coming  into  New  York  Bay,  or 
the  Narrows ;  and  that  a  flying  camp  of  ten  thousand  militia, 
furnished  by  Pennsylvania,  Delaware  and  Maryland,  and  like- 
wise engaged  until  the  1st  December,  should  be  stationed  in 
the  Jerseys  for  the  defence  of  the  Middle  colonies.  Wash- 
ington was,  morever,  empowered,  in  case  of  emergency,  to 
call  on  the  neighboring  colonies  for  temporary  aid  with  their 
militia. 

Another  important  result  of  his  conferences  with  Congress 
was  the  establishment,  of  a  war  office.  Military  affairs  had 
hitherto  been  referred  in  Congress  to  committees  casually  ap- 
pointed, and  had  consequently  been  subject  to  great  irregu- 
larity and  neglect.  Henceforth  a  permanent  committee,  en- 
titled the  Board  of  War  and  Ordnance,  was  to  take  cognizance 
of  them.  The  first  board  was  composed  of  five  members ; 
John  Adams,  Colonel  Benjamin  Harrison,  Roger  Sherman, 
James  Wilson,  and  Edward  Rutledge  ;  with  Richard  Peters  as 
secretary.     It  went  into  operation  on  the  12th  of  June. 

While  at  Philadelphia,  Washington  had  frequent  consulta- 
tions with  George  Clinton,  one  of  the  delegates  from  New 
York,  concerning  the  interior  defences  of  that  province, 
especially  those  connected  with  the  security  of  the  Highlands 
of  the  Hudson,  where  part  of  the  regiment  of  Colonel  James 
Clinton,  the  brother  of  the  delegate,  was  stationed.  The 
important  part  which  these  brothers  were  soon  to  act  in  the 
military  affairs  of  that  province,  and  ultimately  in  its  political 
history,  entitles  them  to  a  special  notice. 

They  were  of  the  old  Clinton  stock  of  England ;  being 
descended  from  General  James  Clinton,  an  adherent  of  roy- 
alty in  the  time  of  the  civil  wars,  but  who  passed  over  to 
Ireland,  after  the  death  of  Charles  I.  Their  father,  Charles 
Clinton,  grandson  of  the  general,  emigrated  to  America  in 
1729,  and  settled  in  Ulster,  now  Orange  County,  just  above 
the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson.  Though  not  more  than  fifty 
miles  from  the  city  of  New  York,  it  was  at  that  time  on  the 
borders  of  a  wilderness,  where  every  house  had  at  times  to  be 
a  fortress.  Charles  Clinton,  like  most  men  on  our  savage 
frontier  in  those  days,  was  a  warrior  by  necessity,  if  not  by 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  71 

choice.  He  took  an  active  part  in  Indian  and  French  wars, 
commanded  a  provincial  regiment  stationed  at  Fort  Herkimer, 
joined  in  the  expedition  under  General  Bradstreet,  when  it 
passed  up  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk,  and  was  present  at  the 
capture  of  Fort  Frontenac.  His  sons,  James  and  George,  one 
twenty,  the  other  seventeen  years  of  age,  served  in  the  same 
campaign,  the  one  as  captain  the  other  as  lieutenant ;  thus 
taking  an  early  lesson  in  that  school  of  American  soldiers,  the 
French  war. 

James,  whose  propensities  were  always  military,  continued  in 
the  provincial  army  until  the  close  of  that  war ;  and  afterward, 
when  settled  on  an  estate  in  Ulster  County,  was  able  and  active 
in  organizing  its  militia.  George  applied  himself  to  the  law, 
and  became  successful  at  the  bar,  in  the  same  county.  Their 
father,  having  laid  aside  the  sword,  occupied  for  many  years, 
with  discernment  and  integrity,  the  honorable  station  of  Judge 
of  the  Court  of  Common  Pleas.  He  died  in  Ulster  County,  in 
1773,  in  the  eighty-third  year  of  his  age,  "  in  full  view  of  that 
revolution  in  which  his  sons  were  to  act  distinguished  parts." 
With  his  latest  breath  he  charged  them  "  to  stand  by  the  liber- 
ties of  their  country." 

They  needed  no  such  admonition.  From  the  very  first,  they 
had  been  heart  and  hand  in  the  cause.  George  had  champi- 
oned it  for  years  in  the  New  York  legislature,  signalizing  him- 
self by  his  zeal  as  one  of  an  intrepid  minority  in  opposing 
ministerial  oppression.  He  had  but  recently  taken  his  seat  as 
delegate  to  the  Continental  Congress. 

James  Clinton,  appointed  colonel  on  the  30th  of  June,  1775, 
had  served  with  his  regiment  of  New  York  troops  under 
Montgomery  at  the  siege  of  St.  Johns,  and  the  capture  of 
Montreal,  after  which  he  had  returned  home.  He  had  sub- 
sequently been  appointed  to  the  command  of  a  regiment  in 
one  of  the  four  battalions  raised  for  the  defence  of  New  York. 
We  shall  soon  have  occasion  to  speak  further  of  these  patriot 
brothers. 

The  prevalence  of  the  small-pox  had  frequently  rendered 
Washington  uneasy  on  Mrs.  Washington's  account  during  her 
visits  to  the  army  ;  he  was  relieved,  therefore,  by  her  submit- 
ting to  inoculation  during  their  sojourn  in  Philadelphia,  and 
having  a  very  favorable  time. 

He  was  gratified,  also,  by  procuring  the  appointment  of  his 
late  secretary,  Joseph  Reed,  to  the  post  of  adjutant-general, 
vacated  b}T  the  promotion  of  General  Gates,  thus  placing  him 
once  more  by  his  side. 


72  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER   X. 

AFFAIRS    IN    CANADA DISASTER    AT    THE    CEDARS  —  HOSTILE    DE« 

SIGNS      OF     THE     JOHNSONS A     BLOODY     SUMMER     EXPECTED  — 

FORTS    IN   THE  HIGHLANDS COLONEL  JAMES    CLINTON     IN     COM- 
MAND  FORTIFICATIONS      AT      KING'S      BRIDGE      AND      ON      LONG 

ISLAND. 

Despatches  from  Canada  continued  to  be  disastrous.  Gen- 
eral Arnold,  who  was  in  command  at  Montreal',  had  established 
a  post  on  the  St.  Lawrence,  about  forty  miles  above  that  place, 
on  a  point  of  land  called  the  Cedars ;  where  he  had  stationed 
Colonel  Bedel,  with  about  four  hundred  men,  to  prevent  goods 
being  sent  to  the  enemy,  in  the  upper  country,  and  to  guard 
against  surprise  from  them,  or  their  Indians. 

In  the  latter  part  of  May,  Colonel  Bedel  received  intelligence 
that  a  large  body  of  British,  Canadians,  and  Indians,  under  the 
command  of  Captain  Forster,  were  coming  down  from  Oswe- 
gatchie  to  attack  him.  Leaving  Major  Butterfield  in  command 
of  the  post,  he  hastened  down  to  Montreal,  to  obtain  re-enforce- 
ments. Arnold  immediately  detached  one  hundred  men,  under 
Major  Shelburne,  and  prepared  to  follow  in  person,  with  a 
much  greater  force.  In  the  mean  time,  the  post  at  the  Cedars 
had  been  besieged,  and  Major  Butterfield  intimidated  into  a 
surrender,  by  a  threat  from  Captain  Forster,  that  resistance 
would  provoke  a  massacre  of  his  whole  garrison  by  the  Indians. 
The  re-enforcements  under  Major  Shelburne  were  assailed  within 
four  miles  of  the  Cedars,  by  a  large  party  of  savages,  and  cap- 
tured after  a  sharp  skirmish,  in  which  several  were  killed  on 
both  sides. 

Arnold  received  word  of  these  disasters  while  on  the  march. 
He  instantly  sent  forward  some  Caughnawaga  Indians  to  over- 
take the  savages,  and  demand  a  surrender  of  the  prisoners,  with 
a  threat  that,  in  case  of  a  refusal,  and  that  any  of  them  were 
murdered,  he  would  sacrifice  every  Indian  who  fell  into  his 
hands,  and  would  follow  the  offenders  to  their  towns,  and 
destroy  them  by  fire  and  sword.  He  now  embarked  four  hun- 
dred of  his  men  in  bateaux,  and  pushed  on  with  the  remainder 
by  land.  Arriving  at  St.  Anne's,  above  the  rapids  of  the  St. 
Lawrence,  he  discovered  several  of  the  enemy's  bateaux,  taking 
the  prisoners  off  from  an  island,  a  league  distant.  It  was  a 
tormenting  sight,  as  it  was  not  in  his  power  to  relieve  them- 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  73 

His  bateaux  were  a  league  behind,  coming  up  the  rapids  very 
slowly.  He  sent  several  expresses  to  hurry  them.  It  was 
sunset  before  they  arrived  and  he  could  embark  all  his  people  ; 
in  the  mean  time,  his  Caughnawaga  messengers  returned  with 
an  answer  from  the  savages.  They  had  five  hundred  prisoners 
collected  together,  they  said,  at  Quinze  Chiens,  where  they 
were  posted;  should  he  offer  to  land  and  attack  them,  they 
would  kill  every  prisoner,  and  give  no  quarter  to  any  who 
should  fall  into  their  hands  thereafter. 

"Words  cannot  express  my  feelings,"  writes  Arnold,  "at 
the  delivery  of  this  message.  Torn  by  the  conflicting  passions 
of  revenge  and  humanity  ;  a  sufficient  force  to  take  ample  re- 
venge, raging  for  action,  urged  me  on  one  hand  ;  and  human- 
ity for  five  hundred  unhappy  wretches,  who  were  on  the  point 
of  being  sacrificed,  if  our  vengeance  was  not  delayed,  pleaded 
equally  strong  on  the  other."  In  this  situation,  he  ordered  the 
boats  to  row  immediately  for  the  island,  whither  he  had 
seen  the  enemy  taking  their  prisoners.  Before  he  reached  it, 
the  savages  had  conveyed  them  all  away,  excepting  live,  whom 
he  found  naked,  and  almost  starved,  and  one  or  two,  whom, 
being  unwell,  they  had  butchered.  Arnold  now  pushed  for 
Quinze  Chiens,  about  four  miles  distant,  on  the  mainland.  Here 
was  the  whole  force  of  the  enemy,  civilized  and  savage,  in- 
trenched and  fortified.  As  Arnold  approached,  they  opened  a 
fire  upon  his  boats,  with  small-arms,  and  two  brass  six-pounders. 
He  rowed  near  the  land,  without  returning  a  shot.  By  this 
time  it  was  too  dark  to  distinguish  any  thing  on  shore,  and 
being  unacquainted  with  the  ground,  he  judged  it  prudent  to 
return  to  St.  Johns. 

Here  he  called  a  council  of  war,  and  it  was  determined  to 
attack  the  enemy  early  in  the  morning.  In  the  course  of  the 
night,  a  flag  was  sent  by  Captain  Forster,  with  articles  for  an 
exchange  of  prisoners,  which  had  been  entered  into  by  him  and 
Major  Shelburne.  As  the  terms  were  not  equal,  they  were  ob- 
jected to  by  Arnold,  and  a  day  passed  before  they  were  adjusted. 
A  cartel  was  then  signed,  by  which  the  prisoners,  consisting  of 
two  majors,  nine  captains,  twenty  subalterns,  and  four  hundred 
and  forty-three  privates,  were  to  be  exchanged  for  an  equal 
number  of  British  prisoners  of  the  same  rank,  and  were  to  be 
sent  to  the  south  shore  of  the  St.  Lawrence,  near  Caughnawaga, 
whence  to  return  to  their  homes.  Nine  days  were  allowed  for 
the  delivery  of  the  prisoners,  during  which  time  hostilities 
should  be  suspended. 

Arnold,  in  a  letter  to  the  commissioners  of  Congress  then  at 


74  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Montreal,  giving  an  account  of  this  arrangement,  expressed  his 
indignation  at  the  conduct  of  the  king's  officers,  in  employing 
savages  to  screen  their  butcheries,  and  suffering  their  prisoners 
to  be  killed  in  cold  blood.  "I  intend  being  with  you  this 
evening,"  added  he,  "  to  consult  on  some  effectual  measures  to 
take  with  these  savages,  and  still  more  savage  British  troops, 
who  are  still  at  Quinze  Chiens.  As  soon  as  our  prisoners  are 
released,  I  hope  it  will  be  in  our  power  to  take  ample  vengeance, 
or  nobly  fall  in  the  attempt."  l 

The  accounts  which  reached  Washington  of  these  affairs  were 
vague  and  imperfect,  and  kept  him  for  some  days  in  painful 
suspense.  The  disasters  at  the  Cedars  were  attributed  entirely 
to  the  base  and  cowardly  conduct  of  Bedel  and  Butterworth, 
and  he  wrote  to  Schuyler  to  have  good  courts  appointed,  and 
bring  them,  and  every  other  officer  guilty  of  misconduct,  to 
trial. 

"The  situation  of  our  affairs  in  Canada,"  observes  he,  "is 
truly  alarming.  I  sincerely  wish  the  next  letters  from  the 
northward  may  not  contain  the  melancholy  advices  of  General 
Arnold's  defeat,  and  the  loss  of  Montreal.  The  most  vigorous 
exertions  will  be  necessary  to  retrieve  our  circumstances  there, 
and  I  hope  you  will  strain  every  nerve  for  that  purpose.  Un- 
less it  can  be  done  now,  Canada  will  be  lost  to  us  forever." 

While  his  mind  was  agitated  by  these  concerns,  letters  from 
Schuyler  showed  that  mischief  was  brewing  in  another  quarter. 

Colonel  Guy  Johnson,  accompanied  by  the  Sachem  Brant  and 
the  Butlers,  had  been  holding  councils  with  the  Indians,  and 
designed,  it  was  said,  to  come  back  to  the  Mohawk  country,  at 
the  head  of  a  British  and  savage  force.  A  correspondence  was 
carried  on  between  him  and  his  cousin,  Sir  John  Johnson,  who 
was  said  to  be  preparing  to  co-operate  with  his  Scotch  depend- 
ents and  Indian  allies. 

Considering  this  a  breach  of  Sir  John's  parole,  Schuyler  had 
sent  Colonel  Elias  Dayton  with  a  force  to  apprehend  him.  Sir 
John,  with  a  number  of  his  armed  tenants,  retreated  for  refuge 
among  the  Indians,  on  the  borders  of  the  lakes.  Dayton  took 
temporary  possession  of  Johnson  Hall,  placed  guards  about  it, 
seized  upon  Sir  John's  papers,  and  read  them  in  presence  of 
Lady  Johnson,  and  subsequently  conveyed  her  ladyship  as  a 
kind  of  hostage  to  Albany. 

Shortly  afterward  came  further  intelligence  of  the  designs 
of  the  Johnsons.     Sir  John,  with  his  Scotch  warriors  and  In- 

1  Arnold  to  the  Commis.  of  Cong.,  27th  May. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  75 

diau  allies,  was  said  to  be  actually  coming  clown  the  valley  of 
the  Mohawk,  bent  on  revenge,  and  prepared  to  lay  every  thing 
waste  ;  and  Schuyler  collecting  a  force  at  Albany  to  oppose  him. 
Washington  instantly  wrote  to  Schuyler,  to  detach  Colonel 
Dayton  with  his  regiment  on  that  service,  with  instructions  to 
secure  a  post  where  Fort  Stanwix  formerly  stood,  in  the  time 
of  the  French  war.  As  to  Schuyler  himself,  Washington,  on 
his  own  responsibility,  directed  him  to  hold  a  conference  with 
the  Six  Nations,  and  with  any  others  whom  he  and  his  brother 
commissioners  on  Indian  affairs  might  think  necessary,  and 
secure  their  active  services,  without  waiting  further  directions 
from  Congress ;  that  body  having  recently  resolved  to  employ 
Indian  allies  in  the  war,  the  enemy  having  set  the  example. 

"  We  expect  a  bloody  summer  in  New  York  and  Canada," 
writes  Washington  to  his  brother  Augustine,  "  and  I  am  sorry 
to  say  that  we  are  not,  either  in  men  or  arms,  prepared  for  it. 
However,  it  is  to  be  hoped,  that,  if  our  cause  is  just,  as  I  most 
religiously  believe  it,  the  same  Providence  which  has  in  many 
instances  appeared  for  us,  will  still  go  on  to  afford  its  aid." 

Lord  Stirling,  who,  by  Washington's  orders,  had  visited  and 
inspected  the  defences  in  the  Highlands,  rendered  a  report  of 
their  condition,  of  which  we  give  the  purport.  Fort  Mont- 
gomery, at  the  lower  part  of  the  Highlands,  was  on  the  west 
bank  of  the  river,  north  of  Dunderberg  (or  Thunder  Hill).  It 
was  situated  on  a  bank  one  hundred  feet  high.  The  river  at 
that  place  was  about  half  a  mile  wide.  Opposite  the  fort  was 
the  promontory  of  Anthony's  Nose,  many  hundred  feet  high, 
accessible  only  to  goats,  or  men  expert  in  climbing.  A  body  of 
riflemen  stationed  here,  might  command  the  decks  of  vessels. 
Fort  Montgomery  appeared  to  Lord  Stirling  the  proper  place 
for  a  guard  post. 

Fort  Constitution  was  about  six  miles  higher  up  the  river,  on 
a  rocky  island  of  the  same  name,  at  a  narrow  strait  where  the 
Hudson,  shouldered  by  precipices,  makes  a  sudden  bend  round 
West  Point.  A  redoubt,  in  the  opinion  of  Lord  Stirling,  would 
be  needed  on  the  point,  not  only  for  the  preservation  of  Fort 
Constitution,  but  for  its  own  importance. 

The  garrison  of  that  fort  consisted  of  two  companies  of 
Colonel  James  Clinton's  regiment,  and  Captain  Wisner's  com- 
pany of  minute  men,  in  all  one  hundred  and  sixty  rank  and  file. 
Fort  Montgomery  was  garrisoned  by  three  companies  of  the 
same  regiment,  about  two  hundred  rank  and  file.  Both  garri- 
sons were  miserably  armed.  The  direction  of  the  works  of  both 
forts  was  in  the  hands  of  commissioners  appointed  by  the  Pro- 


76  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

viocial  Congress  of  New  York.  The  general  command  of  the 
posts  required  to  be  adjusted.  Several  persons  accused  of 
being  "  notorious  tories,"  had  recently  been  sent  into  Fort 
Montgomery  by  the  district  committees  of  the  counties  of 
Albany,  Dutchess  and  Westchester,  with  directions  to  the  com- 
manding officers,  to  keep  them  at  hard  labor  until  their  further 
order.     They  were  employed  upon  the  fortifications. 

In  view  of  all  these  circumstances,  Washington,  on  the  14th 
of  June,  ordered  Colonel  James  Clinton  to  take  command  of 
both  posts,  and  of  all  the  troops  stationed  at  them.  He  seemed 
a  fit  custodian  for  them,  having  been  a  soldier  from  his  youth  ; 
brought  up  on  a  frontier  subject  to  Indian  alarms  and  incur- 
sions, and  acquainted  with  the  strong  points  and  fastnesses  of 
the  Highlands. 

King's  Bridge,  and  the  heights  adjacent,  considered  by  Gen- 
eral Lee  of  the  utmost  importance  to  the  communication  be- 
tween New  York  and  the  mainland,  and  to  the  security  of  the 
Hudson,  were  reconnoitred  by  Washington  on  horseback,  about 
the  middle  of  the  month  ;  ordering  where  works  should  be  laid 
out.  Breastworks  were  to  be  thrown  up  for  the  defence  of  the 
bridge,  and  an  advanced  work  (subsequently  called  Fort  Inde- 
pendence) was  to  be  built  beyond  it,  on  a  hill  commanding 
Spyt  den  Duivel  Creek,  as  that  inlet  of  the  Hudson  is  called 
which  links  it  with  the  Harlem  River. 

A  strong  work,  intended  as  a  kind  of  citadel,  was  to  crown 
a  rocky  height  between  two  and  three  miles  south  of  the 
bridge,  commanding  the  channel  of  the  Hudson  ;  and  below 
it  were  to  be  redoubts  on  the  banks  of  the  river  at  Jeffrey's 
Point.  In  honor  of  the  general,  the  citadel  received  the  name 
of  Fort  Washington. 

Colonel  Rufus  Putnam  was  the  principal  engineer,  who  had 
the  direction  of  the  works.  General  Mifflin  encamped  in  their 
vicinity,  with  part  of  the  two  battalions  from  Pennsylvania,  to 
be  employed  in  their  construction,  aided  by  the  militia. 

While  these  preparations  were  made  for  the  protection  of  the 
Hudson,  the  works  about  Brooklyn  on  Long  Island  were  carried 
on  with  great  activity,  under  the  superintendence  of  General 
Greene.  In  a  word,  the  utmost  exertions  were  made  at  every 
point,  to  put  the  city,  its  environs,  and  the  Hudson  River, 
in  a  state  of  defence,  before  the  arrival  of  another  hostile 
armament. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  77 


CHAPTER   XI. 

RETREAT  OF  GENERAL   THOMAS HIS  DEATH GENERAL  SULLIVAN 

IN  COMMAND SCENE  ON  THE  SOREL  —  SANGUINE  EXPECTATIONS 

OE  SULLIVAN WASHINGTON'S  OPINION  OF  SULLIVAN'S  CHARAC- 
TER  GATES  APPOINTED  TO  THE  COMMAND  IN  CANADA RE-EN- 
FORCEMENTS OF  THE  ENEMY REVERSES THOMPSON  CAPTURED 

RETREAT  OF  SULLIVAN —  CLOSE  OF  THE  INVASION  OF  CANADA. 

Operations  in  Canada  were  drawing  to  a  disastrous  close. 
General  Thomas,  finding  it  impossible  to  make  a  stand  at  Point 
Deschambault,  had  continued  his  retreat  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Sorel,  where  he  found  General  Thompson  with  part  of  the  troops 
detached  by  Washington,  from  New  York,  who  were  making 
some  preparations  for  defence.  Shortly  after  his  arrival,  he 
was  taken  ill  with  the  small-pox,  and  removed  to  Chamblee. 
He  had  prohibited  inoculation  among  his  troops,  because  it  put 
too  many  of  their  scanty  number  on  the  sick  list ;  he  probably 
fell  a  victim  to  his  own  prohibition,  as  he  died  of  that  malady 
on  the  2d  of  June. 

On  his  death,  General  Sullivan,  who  had  recently  arrived 
with  the  main  detachment  of  troops  from  New  York,  succeeded 
to  the  command  ;  General  Wooster  having  been  recalled.  He 
advanced  immediately  with  his  brigade  to  the  mouth  of  the 
Sorel,  where  he  found  General  Thompson  with  but  very  few 
troops  to  defend  that  post,  having  detached  Colonel  St.  Clair, 
with  six  or  seven  hundred  men,  to  Three  Rivers,  about  fifty 
miles  down  the  St.  Lawrence,  to  give  check  to  an  advanced 
corps  of  the  enemy  of  about  eight  hundred  regulars  and  Cana- 
dians, under  the  veteran  Scot,  Colonel  Maclean.  In  the  mean 
time  General  Thompson,  who  was  left  with  but  two  hundred 
men  to  defend  his  post,  was  sending  off  his  sick  and  his  heavy 
baggage,  to  be  prepared  for  a  retreat,  if  necessary.  u  It 
really  was  affecting,"  writes  Sullivan  to  Washington,  "  to  see 
the  banks  of  the  Sorel  lined  with  men,  women  and  children, 
leaping  and  clapping  their  hands  for  joy,  to  see  me  arrive  ;  it 
gave  no  less  joy  to  General  Thompson ,  who  seemed  to  be  wholly 
forsaken,  and  left  to  fight  against  an  unequal  force  or  retreat 
before  them." 

Sullivan  proceeded  forthwith  to  complete  the  works  on  the 
Sorel ;  in  the  mean  time  he  detached  General  Thompson  with 
additional  troops  to  overtake  St.  Clair,  and  assume  command  of 


78  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

the  whole  party,  which  would  then  amount  to  two  thousand  men. 
He  was  by  no  means  to  attack  the  encampment  at  Three  Rivers, 
unless  there  was  great  prospect  of  success,  as  his  defeat  might 
prove  the  total  loss  of  Canada.  "  I  have  the  highest  opinion 
of  the  bravery  and  resolution  of  the  troops  you  command," 
says  Sullivan  in  his  instructions,  "  and  doubt  not  but,  under 
the  direction  of  a  kind  Providence,  you  will  open  the  way  for 
our  recovering  that  ground  which  former  troops  have  so  shame- 
fully lost." 

Sullivan's  letter  to  Washington,  written  at  the  same  time,  is 
full  of  sanguine  anticipation.  It  was  his  fixed  determination  to 
gain  post  at  Deschambault,  and  fortify  it  so  as  to  make  it  inac- 
cessible. "The  enemy's  ships  are  now  above  that  place," 
writes  he;  "but  if  General  Thompson  succeeds  at  Three 
Rivers,  I  will  soon  remove  the  ships  below  Richelieu  Falls,  and 
after  that,  approach  Quebec  as  fast  as  possible." 

"Our  affairs  here,"  adds  he,  "have  taken  a  strange  turn 
since  our  arrival.  The  Canadians  are  flocking  by  hundreds  to 
take  a  part  with  us.  The  only  reason  of  their  disaffection 
was,  because  our  exertions  were  so  feeble  that  they  doubted 
much  of  our  success,  and  even  of  our  ability  to  protect  them. 

"  I  venture  to  assure  you,  and  the  Congress,  that  I  can  in  a 
few  days  reduce  the  army  to  order,  and  with  the  assistance  of 
a  kind  Providence,  put  a  new  face  to  our  affairs  here,  which  a 
few  days  since  seemed  almost  impossible." 

The  letter  of  Sullivan  gave  Washington  an  unexpected  gleam 
of  sunshine.  "Before  it  came  to  hand,"  writes  he  in  reply, 
"  I  almost  dreaded  to  hear  from  Canada,  as  my  advices  seemed 
to  promise  nothing  favorable,  but  rather  further  misfortunes. 
But  I  now  hope  that  our  affairs,  from  the  confused,  distracted, 
and  almost  forlorn  state  in  which  you  found  them,  will  change, 
and  assume  an  aspect  of  order  and  success."  Still  his  saga- 
cious mind  perceived  a  motive  for  this  favorable  coloring  of 
affairs.  Sullivan  was  aiming  at  the  command  in  Canada  ;  and 
Washington  soberly  weighed  his  merits  for  the  appointment,  in 
a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress.  "  He  is  active,  spirited, 
and  zealously  attached  to  the  cause.  He  has  his  wants,  and 
he  has  his  foibles.  The  latter  are  manifested  in  his  little 
tincture  of  vanity,  and  in  an  over-desire  of  being  popular, 
which  now  and  then  lead  him  into  embarrassments.  His  wants 
are  common  to  us  all.  He  wants  experience  to  move  upon  a 
grand  scale  ;  for  the  limited  and  contracted  knowledge,  which 
any  of  us  have  in  military  matters,  stands  in  very  little  stead." 
This  want  was  overbalanced,  on  the  part  of  General  Sullivau, 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  79 

by  sound  judgment,  some  acquaintance  with  men  and  books, 
and  an  enterprising  genius. 

"  As  the  security  of  Canada  is  of  the  last  importance  to  the 
well-being  of  these  colonies,"  adds  Washington,  "  I  should  like 
to  know  the  sentiments  of  Congress,  respecting  the  nomination 
of  any  officer  to  that  command.  The  character  I  have  drawn 
of  General  Sullivan  is  just,  according  to  my  ideas  of  him. 
Congress  will  therefore  determine  upon  the  propriety  of  con- 
tinuing him  in  Canada,  or  sending  another,  as  they  shall  see 
fit."1 

Scarce  had  Washington  despatched  this  letter,  when  he 
received  one  from  the  President  of  Congress,  dated  the  18th  of 
June,  informing  him  that  Major-General  Gates  had  been 
appointed  to  command  the  forces  in  Canada,  and  requesting 
him  to  expedite  his  departure  as  soon  as  possible.  The 
appointment  of  Gates  has  been  attributed  to  the  influence  of 
the  Eastern  delegates,  with  whom  he  was  a  favorite  ;  indeed, 
during  his  station  at  Boston,  he  had  been  highly  successful  in 
cultivating  the  good  graces  of  the  New  England  people.  He 
departed  for  his  command  on  the  26th  of  June,  vested  with 
extraordinary  powers  for  the  regulation  of  affairs  in  that  "  dis- 
tant, dangerous,  and  shifting  scene."  "  I  would  fain  hope," 
writes  Washington,  "  his  arrival  there  will  give  our  affairs  a 
complexion  different  from  what  they  have  worn  for  a  long  time 
past,  and  that  many  essential  benefits  will  result  from  it." 

Despatches  just  received  from  General  Sullivan  had  given  a 
different  picture  of  affairs  in  Canada  from  that  contained  in  his 
previous  letter.  In  fact,  when  he  wrote  that  letter,  he  was 
ignorant  of  the  actual  force  of  the  enemy  in  Canada,  which  had 
recently  been  augmented  to  about  13,000  men  ;  several  regi- 
ments having  arrived  from  Ireland,  one  from  England,  another 
from  General  Howe,  and  a  body  of  Brunswick  troops  under  the 
Baron  Riedesel.  Of  these,  the  greater  part  were  on  the  way  up 
from  Quebec  in  divisions,  by  land  and  water,  with  Generals 
Carleton,  Burgoyne,  Philips  and  Riedesel;  while  a  considerable 
number  under  General  Fraser  had  arrived  at  Three  Rivers, 
and  others,  under  General  Nesbit,  lay  near  them  on  board  of 
transports. 

Sullivan's  despatch,  dated  on  the  8th  of  June,  at  the  mouth 
of  the  Sorel,  began  in  his  former  sanguine  vein,  anticipating 
the  success  of  General  Thompson's  expedition  to  Three  Rivers. 
4 'He  has  proceeded  in  the  manner  proposed,  and  made  his 

1  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  July  12,  1776. 


80  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

attack  at  daylight,  for  at  that  time  a  very  heavy  cannonading 
began,  which  lasted  with  some  intervals  to  twelve  o'clock.  It  is 
now  near  one  p.m.  ;  the  firing  has  ceased,  except  some  irregnlai 
firing  with  cannon,  at  a  considerable  distance  of  time  one  from 
the  other.  At  eight  o'clock  a  very  heavy  firing  of  small-arms 
was  heard  even  here,  at  the  distance  of  forty-five  miles.  I  am 
almost  certain  that  victory  has  declared  in  our  favor,  as  the 
irregular  firing  of  the  cannon  for  such  a  length  of  time  after 
the  small-arms  ceased,  shows  that  our  men  are  in  possession 
of  the  ground." 

The  letter  was  kept  open  to  give  the  particulars  of  this  sup- 
posed victory ;  it  closed  with  a  dismal  reverse.  General 
Thompson  had  coasted  in  bateaux  along  the  right  bank  of  the 
river  at  that  expanse  called  Lake  St.  Pierre,  and  arrived  at 
Nicolete,  where  he  found  St.  Clair  and  his  detachment.  He 
crossed  the  river  in  the  night,  and  landed  a  few  miles  above 
Three  Rivers,  intending  to  surprise  the  enemy  before  daylight ; 
he  was  not  aware  at  the  time  that  additional  troops  had  arrived 
under  General  Burgoyne. 

After  lauding,  he  marched  with  rapidity  toward  Three  Rivers, 
but  was  led  by  treacherous  guides  into  a  morass,  and  obliged  to 
return  back  nearly  two  miles.  Day  broke,  and  he  was  dis- 
covered from  the  ships.  A  cannonade  was  opened  upon  his 
men  as  they  made  their  way  slowly  for  an  hour  and  a  half 
through  a  swamp.  At  length  they  arrived  in  sight  of  Three 
Rivers,  but  it  was  to  find  a  large  force  drawn  up  in  battle  array, 
under  General  Fraser,  by  whom  they  were  warmly  attacked  and 
after  a  brief  stand  thrown  in  confusion.  Thompson  attempted 
to  rally  his  troops,  and  partly  succeeded,  until  a  fire  was  opened 
upon  them  in  rear  by  Nesbit,  who  had  landed  from  his  ships. 
Their  rout  now  was  complete.  General  Thompson,  Colonel 
Irvine,  and  about  two  hundred  men  were  captured,  twenty-five 
were  slain,  and  the  rest  pursued  for  several  miles  through  a  deep 
swamp.  After  great  fatigues  and  sufferings,  they  were  able  to 
get  on  board  of  their  boats,  which  had  been  kept  from  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  In  these  they  made  their  way 
back  to  the  Sorel,  bringing  General  Sullivan  a  sad  explanation 
of  all  the  firing  he  had  heard,  and  the  alarming  intelligence  of 
the  overpowering  force  that  was  coming  up  the  river. 

"This,  my  dear  general,"  writes  Sullivan,  in  the  conclusion 
of  his  letter,  "is  the  state  of  this  unfortunate  enterprise. 
What  you  will  next  hear  I  cannot  say.  I  am  every  moment 
informed  of  the  vast  number  of  the  enemy  which  have  arrived. 
I  have  only  two  thousand  five  hundred  and  thirty-three  rank  and 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  81 

file.  Most  of  the  officers  seem  discouraged,  and,  of  course, 
their  men.  I  am  employed  day  and  night  in  fortifying  and 
securing  my  camp,  and  am  determined  to  hold  it  as  long  as  a 
person  will  stick  by  me." 

He  had,  indeed,  made  the  desperate  resolve  to  defend  the 
mouth  of  the  Sorel,  but  was  induced  to  abandon  it  by  the 
unanimous  opinion  of  his  officers,  and  the  evident  unwilling- 
ness of  his  troops.  Dismantling  his  batteries,  therefore,  he 
retreated  with  his  artillery  and  stores,  just  before  the  arrival 
of  the  enemy,  and  was  followed,  step  by  step  along  the  Sorel, 
by  a  strong  column  under  General  Burgoyne. 

On  the  18th  of  June  he  was  joined  by  General  Arnold  with 
three  hundred  men,  the  garrison  of  Montreal,  who  had  crossed 
at  Longueil  just  in  time  to  escape  a  large  detachment  of  the 
enemy.  Thus  re-enforced,  and  the  evacuation  of  Canada 
being  determined  on  in  a  council  of  war,  Sullivan  succeeded 
in  destroying  every  thing  at  Chamblee  and  St.  Johns  that  he 
could  not  carry  away,  breaking  down  bridges,  and  leaving  forts 
and  vessels  in  flames,  and  continued  his  retreat  to  the  Isle  aux 
Noix,  where  he  made  a  halt  for  some  days,  until  he  should 
receive  positive  orders  from  Washington  or  General  Schuyler. 
In  a  letter  to  Washington,  he  observes,  "I  am  extremely  sorry 
it  was  not  in  my  power  to  fulfil  your  Excellency's  wishes,  by 
leading  on  our  troops  to  victory."  After  stating  the  reason  of 
his  failure,  he  adds,  "  I  think  we  shall  secure  all  the  public 
stores  and  baggage  of  the  army,  and  secure  our  retreat  with 
very  little  loss.  Whether  we  shall  have  well  men  enough  to 
carry  them  on,  I  much  doubt,  if  we  don't  remove  quickly  ; 
unless  Heaven  is  pleased  to  restore  health  to  this  wretched 
army,  now,  perhaps,  the  most  pitiful  one  that  ever  was 
formed." 

The  low,  unhealthy  situation  of  the  Isle  aux  Noix  obliged 
him  soon  to  remove  his  camp  to  the  Isle  la  Motte,  whence,  on 
receiving  orders  to  that  effect  from  General  Schuyler,  he 
ultimately  embarked  with  his  forces,  sick  and  well,  for  Crown 
Point. 

Thus  ended  this  famous  invasion  ;  an  enterprise  bold  in  its 
conceptions,  daring  and  hardy  in  its  execution  ;  full  of  ingen- 
ious expedients  and  hazardous  exploits  ;  and  which,  had  not 
unforeseen  circumstances  counteracted  its  well-devised  plans, 
might  have  added  all  Canada  to  the  American  confederacy. 


82  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XII. 

DESIGNS    OF     THE    ENEMY    AGAINST     NEW    YORK    AND     THE     HUDSON 

PLOT    OF    TKYON    AND    THE    TORIES ARRIVAL    OF    A    FLEET 

ALARM  POSTS TREACHERY  UP   THE    HUDSON FRESH    ARRIVALS 

GENERAL    HOWE    AT    STATEN    ISLAND WASHINGTON'S    PREPA- 
RATIONS. 

The  gre.it  aim  of  the  British,  at  present,  was  to  get  posses- 
sion of  New  York  and  the  Hudson,  and  make  them  the  basis 
of  military  operations.  This  they  hoped  to  effect  on  the  arrival 
of  a  powerful  armament,  hourly  expected,  and  designed  for 
operations  on  the  seaboard.     , 

At  this  critical  juncture  there  was  an  alarm  of  a  conspiracy 
among  the  tories  in  the  city  aud  on  Long  Island,  suddenly  to 
take  up  arms  and  co-operate  with  the  British  troops  on  their 
arrival.  The  wildest  reports  were  in  circulation  concerning  it. 
Some  of  the  tories  were  to  break  down  King's  Bridge,  others 
were  to  blow  up  the  magazines,  spike  the  guns,  and  massacre 
all  the  field-officers.  Washington  was  to  be  killed  or  delivered 
up  to  the  encnvy.  Some  of  his  own  body-guard  were  said  to 
be  in  the  plot.  Several  publicans  of  the  city  were  pointed  out, 
as  having  aided  or  abetted  the  plot.  One  was  landlord  of  the 
Highlander,  at  the  corner  of  Beaver  Street  and  Broadway. 
Another  dispensed  liquor  under  the  sign  of  Robin  Hood. 
Another,  named  Lowry,  described  as  a  "fat  man  in  a  blue 
coat,"  kept  tavern  in  a  low  house  opposite  the  Oswego  market. 
Another,  James  Houlding,  kept  a  beer  house  in  Tryon  Row, 
opposite  the  gates  of  the  upper  barracks.  It  would  seem  as 
if  a  network  of  corruption  and  treachery  had  been  woven 
throughout  the  city  by  means  of  these  liquor  dealers.  One  of 
the  most  noted,  however,  was  Corbie,  whose  tavern  was  said 
to  be  '.'  to  the  south-east  of  General  Washington's  house,  to 
the  westward  of  Bayard's  Woods,  aud  north  of  Lispenard's 
Meadows,"  from  which  it  would  appear  that,  at  that  time,  the 
general  wras  quartered  at  what  was  formerly  called  Richmond 
Hill ;  a  mansion  surrounded  by  trees,  at  a  short  distance  from 
the  city,  in  rather  an  isolated  situation. 

A  committee  of  the  New  York  Congress,  of  which  John  Jay 
was  chairman,  traced  the  plot  up  to  Governor  Tryon,  who, 
from  his  safe  retreat  on  shipboard,  acted  through  agents  on 
shore.     The  most  important  of  these  was  David  Matthews,  the 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  83 

tory  mayor  of  the  city.  He  was  accused  of  disbursing  money 
to  enlist  men,  purchase  arms,  and  corrupt  the  soldiery. 

Washington  was  authorized  and  requested  by  the  committee, 
to  cause  the  mayor  to  be  apprehended,  and  all  his  papers  se- 
cured. Matthews  was  at  that  time  residing  at  Flatbush  on 
Long  Island,  at  no  great  distance  from  General  Greene's  en- 
campment. Washington  transmitted  the  warrant  of  the  com- 
mittee to  the  general  on  the  21st,  with  directions  that  it  should 
"  be  executed  with  precision,  and  exactly  by  one  o'clock  of  the 
ensuing  morning,  by  a  careful  officer." 

Precisely  at  the  hour  of  one,  a  detachment  from  Greene's 
brigade  surrounded  the  house  of  the  mayor,  and  secured  his  per- 
son ;  but  no  papers  were  found,  though  diligent  search  was  made. 

Numerous  other  arrests  took  place,  and  among  the  number, 
some  of  Washington's  body-guard.  A  great  dismay  fell  upon 
the  tories.  Some  of  those  on  Long  Island  who  had  proceeded 
to  arm  themselves,  finding  the  plot  discovered,  sought  refuge  in 
woods  and  morasses.  Washington  directed  that  those  arrested, 
who  belonged  to  the  army,  should  be  tried  by  a  court-martial, 
and  the  rest  handed  over  to  the  secular  power. 

According  to  statements  made  before  the  committee,  five 
guineas  bounty  was  offered  by  Governor  Tryon  to  each  man  who 
should  enter  the  king's  service  ;  with  a  promise  of  two  hundred 
acres  of  land  for  himself,  one  hundred  for  his  wife,  and  fifty  for 
each  child.  The  men  thus  recruited  were  to  act  on  shore,  in 
co-operation  with  the  king's  troops  when  they  came. 

Corbie's  tavern,  near  Washington's  quarters,  was  a  kind  of 
rendezvous  of  the  conspirators.  There  one  Gilbert  Forbes,  a 
gunsmith,  "a  short,  thick  man,  with  a  white  coat,"  enlisted 
men,  gave  them  money,  and  "swore  them  on  the  book  to  se- 
crecy." From  this  house  a  correspondence  was  kept  up  with 
Governor  Tryon  on  shipboard,  through  a  "mulatto-colored 
negro,  dressed  in  blue  clothes."  At  this  tavern  it  was  sup- 
posed Washington's  body-guards  were  tampered  with.  Thomas 
Hickey,  one  of  the  guards,  a  dark-complexioned  man,  five  feet 
six  inches  high,  and  well  set,  was  said  not  only  to  be  enlisted, 
but  to  have  aided  in  corrupting  his  comrades ;  among  others, 
Greene  the  drummer,  and  Johnson  the  fifer. 

It  was  further  testified  before  the  committee,  that  one  Sergeant 
Graham,  an  old  soldier,  formerly  of  the  royal  artillery,  had  been 
employed  by  Governor  Tryon  to  prowl  round  and  survey  the 
grounds  and  works  about  the  city,  and  on  Long  Island,  and 
that,  on  information  thus  procured,  a  plan  of  operations  had 
been  concerted.     On  the  arrival  of  the  fleet,  a  man-of-war  should 


84  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

cannonade  the  batteiy  at  Red  Hook  ;  while  that  was  doiug,  a 
detachment  of  the  army  should  land  below  with  cannon,  and  by 
a  circuitous  march  surprise  and  storm  the  works  on  Long  Island. 
The  shipping  then,  with  the  remainder  of  the  army,  were  to 
divide,  one  part  to  run  up  the  Hudson,  the  other  up  the  East 
River  ;  troops  were  to  land  above  New  York,  secure  the  pass  at 
King's  Bridge,  and  cut  off  all  communication  between  the  city 
and  country.1 

Much  of  the  evidence  given  was  of  a  dubious  kind.  It  was 
certain  that  persons  had  secretly  been  enlisted,  and  sworn  to 
hostile  operations,  but  Washington  did  not  think  that  any  regu- 
lar plan  had  been  digested  by  the  conspirators.  "  The  matter," 
writes  he,  "  I  am  in  hopes,  by  a  timely  discovery,  will  be  sup- 
pressed." 2 

According  to  the  mayor's  own  admission  before  the  commit- 
tee, he  had  been  cognizant  of  attempts  to  enlist  tories  and 
corrupt  Washington's  guards,  though  he  declared  that  he  had 
discountenanced  them.  He  had,  on  one  occasion,  also,  at  the 
request  of  Governor  Tiyon,  paid  money  for  him  to  Gilbert 
Forbes,  the  gunsmith,  for  rifles  and  round-bored  guns  which  he 
had  already  furnished,  and  for  others  which  he  was  to  make. 
He  had  done  so,  however  (according  to  his  account) ,  with  great 
reluctance,  and  after  much  hesitation  and  delay,  warning  the 
gunsmith  that  he  would  be  hanged  if  found  out.  The  mayor, 
with  a  number  of  others,  were  detained  in  prison  to  await  a 
trial. 

Thomas  Hickey,  the  individual  of  Washington's  guard,  was 
tried  before  a  court-martial.  He  was  an  Irishman,  and  had 
been  a  deserter  from  the  British  army.  The  court-martial  found 
him  guilty  of  mutiny  and  sedition,  and  treacherous  correspond- 
ence with  the  enemy,  and  sentenced  him  to  be  hanged. 

The  sentence  was  approved  by  Washington,  and  was  carried 
promptly  into  effect,  in  the  most  solemn  and  impressive  manner, 
to  serve  as  a  warning  and  example  in  this  time  of  treachei*}7  and 
danger.  On  the  morning  of  the  28th,  all  the  officers  and  men 
off  duty,  belonging  to  the  brigades  of  Heath,  Spencer,  Stirling 
and  Scott,  assembled  under  arms  at  their  respective  parades  at 
10  o'clock,  and  marched  thence  to  the  ground.  Twenty  men 
from  each  brigade,  with  bayonets  fixed,  guarded  the  prisoner 
to  the  place  of  execution,  which  was  a  field  near  the  Bowery 
Lane.  There  he  was  hanged  in  the  presence,  we  are  told,  of 
near  twenty  thousand  persons. 

1  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  vi.,  1177. 

8  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  June  28. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  85 

While  the  city  was  still  brooding  over  this  doleful  spectacle, 
four  ships-of-war,  portentous  visitants,  appeared  off  the  Hook, 
stood  quietly  in  at  the  Narrows,  and  dropped  anchor  in  the  bay. 

In  his  orderly  book,  Washington  expressed  a  hope  that  the 
unhappy  fate  of  Thomas  Hickey,  executed  that  day  for  mutiny, 
sedition,  and  treachery,  would  be  a  warning  to  every  soldier 
in  the  line,  to  avoid  the  crimes  for  which  he  suffered.1 

On  the  29th  of  June  an  express  from  the  look-out  on  Staten 
Island  announced  that  forty  sail  were  in  sight.  They  were,  in 
fact,  ships  from  Halifax,  bringing  between  nine  and  ten  thou- 
sand of  the  troops  recently  expelled  from  Boston  ;  together 
with  six  transports  filled  with  Highland  troops,  which  had 
joined  the  fleet  at  sea.  At  sight  of  this  formidable  armament 
standing  into  the  harbor,  Washington  instantly  sent  notice  of 
its  arrival  to  Colonel  James  Clinton,  who  had  command  of  the 
posts  in  the  Highlands,  and  urged  all  possible  preparations  to 
give  the  enemy  a  warm  reception  should  they  push  their  frigates 
up  the  river. 

According  to  general  orders  issued  from  head-quarters  on 
the  following  day  (June  30),  the  officers  and  men,  not  on  duty, 
were  to  march  from  their  respective  regimental  parades  to  their 
alarm  posts,  at  least  once  every  day,  that  they  might  become 
well  acquainted  with  them.  They  were  to  go  by  routes  least 
exposed  to  a  fire  from  the  shipping,  and  all  the  officers,  from  the 
highest  to  the  lowest,  were  to  make  themselves  well  acquainted 
with  the  grounds.  Upon  a  signal  of  the  enemy's  approach,  or 
upon  any  alarm,  all  fatigue  parties  were  immediately  to  repair 
to  their  respective  corps  with  their  arms,  ammunition  and 
accoutrements,  ready  for  instant  action. 

1  As  a  specimen  of  the  reports  which  circulated  throughout  the  country,  concerning 
this  conspiracy,  we  give  an  extract  from  a  letter,  written  from  Wethersfield,  in  Connect- 
icut, 9th  of  July,  1776,  by  the  Reverend  John  Marsh. 

"  You  have  heard  of  the  infernal  plot  that  has  been  discovered.  About  ten  days 
before  any  of  the  conspirators  were  taken  up,  a  woman  went  to  the  General  and  desired 
a  private  audience.  He  granted  it  to  her,  and  she  let  him  know  that  his  life  was  in  dan- 
ger, and  gave  him  such  an  account  of  the  conspiracy  as  gained  his  confidence,  lie 
opened  the  matter  to  a  few  friends,  on  whom  he  could  depend.  A  strict  watch  was  kept 
night  and  day,  until  a  favorable  opportunity  occurred  ;  when  the  General  went  to  bed  as 
usual,  arose  about  two  o'clock,  told  his  lady  he  was  a  going,  with  some  of  the  Provincial 
Congress,  to  order  some  Tories  seized  —  desired  she  would  make  herself  easy,  and  go  to 
sleep.  He  went  off  without  any  of  his  aides-de-camp,  except  the  captain  of  his  life-guard, 
was  joined  by  a  number  of  chosen  men,  with  lanterns,  and  proper  instruments  to  break 
open  houses,  and  before  six  o'clock  next  morning,  had  forty  men  under  guard  at  the  City 
Hall,  among  whom  was  the  Mayor  of  the  city,  several  merchants,  and  five  or  six  of  his 
own  life-guard.  Upon  examination,  one  Forbes  confessed  that  the  plan  was  to  assas- 
sinate the  General,  and  as  many  of  the  superior  officers  as  they  could,  and  to  blow  up 
the  magazine  upon  the  appearance  of  the  enemy's  fleet,  and  to  go  off  in  boats  prepared 
for  that  purpose  to  join  the  enemy.  Thos.  Hickey,  who  has  been  executed,  went  from 
this  place.  He  came  from  Ireland  a  few  years  ago.  What  will  be  done  with  the  Mayor 
is  uncertain.  He  can't  be  tried  by  court-martial,  and,  it  is  said,  there  is  no  law  of  that 
colony  by  which  he  can  be  condemned.    May  he  have  his  deserts." 


86  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

It  was  ascertained  that  the  ramifications  of  the  conspiracy 
lately  detected,  extended  up  the  Hudson.  Many  of  the  dis- 
affected in  the  upper  counties  were  enlisted  in  it.  The 
committee  of  safety  at  Cornwall,  in  Orange  County,  sent 
word  to  Colonel  James  Clinton,  Fort  Constitution,  of  the 
mischief  that  was  brewing.  James  Half,  a  tory,  had  con- 
fessed before  them,  that  he  was  one  of  a  number  who  were  to 
join  the  British  troops  as  soon  as  they  should  arrive.  It  was 
expected  the  latter  would  push  up  the  river  and  land  at 
Verplanck's  Point ;  whereupon  the  guns  at  the  forts  in  the 
Highlands  were  to  be  spiked  by  soldiers  of  their  own  garri- 
sons ;  and  the  tories  throughout  the  country  were  to  be  up  in 
arms.1 

Clinton  received  letters,  also,  from  a  meeting  of  committees 
in  the  precincts  of  Newburgh,  apprising  him  that  persons  dan- 
gerous to  the  cause  were  lurking  in  that  neighborhood,  and 
requesting  him  to  detach  twenty-five  men  under  a  certain  lieu- 
tenant acquainted  with  the  woods,  "  to  aid  in  getting  some  of 
these  rascals  apprehended  and  secured." 

While  city  and  country  were  thus  agitated  by  apprehensions 
of  danger  internal  and  external,  other  arrivals  swelled  the  num- 
ber of  ships  in  the  Bay  of  New  York  to  one  hundred  and  thirty 
men-of-war  and  transports.  The}'  made  no  movement  to  ascend 
the  Hudson,  but  anchored  off  Staten  Island,  where  they  landed 
their  troops,  and  the  hill  sides  were  soon  whitened  with  their 
tents. 

In  the  frigate  Greyhound,  one  of  the  four  ships  which  first 
arrived,  came  General  Howe.  He  had  preceded  the  fleet  in 
order  to  confer  with  Governor  Tryon  and  inform  himself  of 
the  state  of  affairs.  In  a  letter  to  his  government  he  writes  :  "  I 
met  with  Governor  Tryon  on  board  of  a  ship  at  the  Hook,  and 
many  gentlemen,  fast  friends  of  government,  attending  him, 
from  whom  I  have  the  fullest  information  of  the  state  of  the 
rebels.  .  .  .  We  passed  the  Narrows  with  three  ships-of-war 
and  the  first  division  of  transports,  landed  the  grenadiers  and 
light  infantry  as  the  ships  came  up  on  this  island,  to  the  great 
joy  of  a  most  loyal  people,  long  suffering  on  that  account  under 
the  oppression  of  the  rebels  stationed  among  them  ;  who  precip- 
itately fled  on  the  approach  of  the  shipping.  .  .  .  There  is 
great  reason  to  expect  a  numerous  body  of  the  inhabitants  to 
join  the  army  from  the  province  of  York,  the  Jerseys  and 
Connecticut,  who,  in  this  time  of   universal   oppression,  only 

1  Extracts  from  minutes  of  the  committee,  Am.  Archives,  4th  S.,  vi.,  1112. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  87 

wait  for  opportunities  to  give  proofs  of  their  loyalty  and 
zeal."1 

Washington  beheld  the  gathering  storm  witli  an  anxious 
e}Te,  aware  that  General  Howe  only  awaited  the  arrival  of  his 
brother,  the  admiral,  to  commence  hostile  operations.  He 
wrote  to  the  President  of  Congress,  urging  a  call  on  the 
Massachusetts  government  for  its  quota  of  continental  troops  ; 
and  the  formation  of  a  flying  camp  of  ten  thousand  men,  to 
be  stationed  in  the  Jerseys  as  a  central  force,  read}'  to  act  in 
any  direction  as  circumstances  might  require. 

On  the  2d  of  July,  he  issued  a  general  order,  calling  upon 
the  troops  to  prepare  for  a  momentous  conflict  which  was  to 
decide  their  liberties  and  fortunes.  Those  who  should  signal- 
ize themselves  by  acts  of  bravery,  would  be  noticed  and 
rewarded ;  those  who  proved  craven  would  be  exposed  and 
punished.  No  favor  would  be  shown  to  such  as  refused  or 
neglected  to  do  their  duty  at  so  important  a  crisis. 


CHAPTER  XIII. 

FIRST    APPEARANCE    OF   ALEXANDER    HAMILTON  —  HIS    EARLY    DAYS 

GENERAL    HUGH    MERCER    IN    COMMAND    OF   THE    FLYING   CAMP 

DECLARATION       OF       INDEPENDENCE ANNOUNCED       TO       THE 

ARMY DOWNFALL    OF   THE   KING'S    STATUE. 

About  this  time,  we  have  the  first  appearance  in  the  military 
ranks  of  the  Revolution,  of  one  destined  to  take  an  active  and 
distinguished  part  in  public  affairs  ;  and  to  leave  the  impress 
of  his  genius  on  the  institutions  of  the  country. 

As  General  Greene  one  day,  on  his  way  to  Washington's 
head-quarters,  was  passing  through  a  field  —  then  on  the 
outskirts  of  the  city,  now  in  the  heart  of  its  busiest  quarter, 
and  known  as  "  the  Park  "  — he  paused  to  notice  a  provincial 
company  of  artillery,  and  was  struck  with  its  able  perform- 
ances, and  with  the  tact  and  talent  of  its  commander.     He  was 


1  Governor  Tryon,  in  a  letter  dated  about  tht«  time  from  on  board  of  the  Duchess  of 
Gordon,  off  Staten  Island,  writes  :  "  The  testimony  given  by  the  inhabitants  of  the 
island,  of  loyalty  to  his  majesty,  and  attachment  to  his  government,  I  flatter  myself  will 
be  general  throughout  the  province,  as  soon  as  the  army  gets  the  main  body  of  the  rebels 
between  them  and  the  sea;  which  will  leave  all  the  back  country  open  to  the  command 
of  the  king's  friends,  and  yield  a  plentiful  resource  of  provisions  for  the  army,  and 
place  them' in  a  better  situation  to  cut  off  the  rebels'  retreat  when  forced  from  their 
stronghold." — Am.  Arch.,  bth  S.,  i.,  122. 


88  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

a  mere  youth,  apparently  about  twenty  years  of  age  ;  small  in 
person  and  stature,  but  remarkable  for  his  alert  and  manly 
bearing.     It  was  Alexander  Hamilton. 

Greene  was  an  able  tactician,  and  quick  to  appreciate  any 
display  of  military  science ;  a  little  conversation  sufficed  to 
convince  him  that  the  youth  before  him  had  a  mind  of  no 
ordinary  grasp  and  quickness.  He  invited  him  to  his  quarters, 
and  from  that  time  cultivated  his  friendship. 

Hamilton  was  a  native  of  the  island  of  Nevis,  in  the  West 
Indies,  and  at  a  very  early  age  had  been  put  in  a  counting- 
house  at  Santa  Cruz.  His  nature,  however,  was  aspiring. 
41 1  contemn  the  grovelling  condition  of  a  clerk  to  which  my 
fortune  condemns  me,"  writes  he  to  a  youthful  friend,  "  and 
would  willingly  risk  my  life,  though  not  my  character,  to  exalt 
my  station.  ...  I  mean  to  prepare  the  way  for  futurity.  I 
am  no  philosopher,  and  may  be  justly  said  to  build  castles  in 
the  air ;  yet  we  have  seen  such  schemes  succeed,  when  the 
projector  is  constant.  I  shall  conclude  by  saying,  I  wish  there 
was  a  war.'' 

Still  he  applied  himself  with  zeal  and  fidelity  to  the  duties 
of  his  station,  and  such  were  the  precocity  of  his  judgment, 
and  his  aptness  at  accounts,  that,  before  he  was  fourteen  years 
of  age,  he  was  left  for  a  brief  interval,  during  the  absence  of 
the  principal,  at  the  head  of  the  establishment.  While  his 
situation  in  the  house  gave  him  a  practical  knowledge  of 
business,  and  experience  in  finance,  Ins  leisure  hours  were 
devoted  to  self-cultivation.  He  made  himself  acquainted  with 
mathematics  and  chemistry,  and  indulged  a  strong  propensity 
to  literature.  Some  early  achievements  of  his  pen  attracted 
attention,  and  showed  such  proof  of  talent,  that  it  was  deter- 
mined to  give  him  the  advantage  of  a  regular  education.  He 
was  accordingly  sent  to  Elizabethtown,  in  the  Jerseys,  in  the 
autumn  of  1772,  to  prepare,  by  a  course  of  studies,  for  admis- 
sion into  King's  (now  Columbia)  College,  at  New  York.  He 
entered  the  college  as  a  private  student,  in  the  latter, part  of 
1773,  and  endeavored,  by  diligent  application,  to  fit  himself  for 
the  medical  profession. 

The  contentions  of  the  colonies  with  the  mother  country 
gave  a  different  direction  and  impulse  to  his  ardent  and  aspiring 
mind.  He  soon  signalized  himself  by  the  exercise  of  his  pen, 
sometimes  in  a  grave,  sometimes  in  a  satirical  manner.  On 
the  Cth  of  July,  1774,  there  was  a  general  meeting  of  the 
citizens  in  the  "  Fields,"  to  express  their  abhorrence  of  the 
Boston  Port    Bill.     Hamilton  was  present,  and,  prompted  by 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  89 

his  excited  feelings  and  the  instigation  of  youthful  com- 
panions, ventured  to  address  the  multitude.  The  vigor  and 
maturity  of  his  intellect,  contrasted  with  his  youthful  appear- 
ance, won  the  admiration  of  his  auditors  ;  even  his  diminutive 
size  gave  additional  effect  to  his  eloquence. 

The  war,  for  which  in  his  boyish  days  he  had  sighed,  was  ap- 
proaching. Me  now  devoted  himself  to  military  studies,  espe- 
cialhr  pyrotechnics  and  gunnery,  and  formed  an  amateur  corps 
outof  a  number  of  his  fellow  students,  and  the  young  gentlemen 
of  the  city.  In  the  month  of  March,  1 770,  he  became  captain 
of  artillery,  in  a  provincial  corps,  newly  raised,  and  soon,  by 
able  drilling,  rendered  it  conspicuous  for  discipline. 

It  was  while  exercising  his  artillery  company  that  he  attracted, 
as  we  have  mentioned,  the  attention  of  General  Greene.  Fur- 
ther acquaintance  heightened  the  general's  opinion  of  his  ex- 
traordinary merits,  and  he  took  an  early  occasion  to  introduce 
him  to  the  commander-in-chief,  by  whom  we  shall  soon  find  him 
properly  appreciated. 

A  valuable  accession  to  the  army,  at  this  anxious  time,  was 
Washington's  neighbor,  and  former  companion  in  arms.  Hugh 
Mercer,  the  veteran  of  Culloden  and  Fort  Duquesne.  His  mil- 
itary spirit  was  alert  as  ever  ;  the  talent  he  had  shown  in  organ- 
izing the  Virginia  militia,  and  his  zeal  and  efficiency  as  a 
member  of  the  committee  of  safety,  had  been  properly  appre- 
ciated by  Congress,  and  on  the  5th  of  June  he  had  received  the 
commission  of  brigadier-general.  He  was  greeted  by  Washing- 
ton with  the  right  hand  of  fellowship.  The  flying  camp  was 
about  forming.  The  committee  of  safety  of  Pennsylvania  were 
forwarding  some  of  the  militia  of  that  province  to  the  Jerseys, 
to  perform  the  service  of  the  camp  until  the  militia  levies,  spe- 
cified by  Congress,  should  arrive.  Washington  had  the  nomina- 
tion of  some  continental  officer  to  the  command.  He  gave  it 
to  Mercer,  of  whose  merits  he  felt  sure,  and  sent  him  over  to 
Paulus  Hook,  in  the  Jerseys,  to  make  arrangements  for  the 
Pennsylvania  militia  as  they  should  come  in  ;  recommending 
him  to  Brigadier-General  William  Livingston,  as  an  officer  on 
whose  experience  and  judgment  great  confidence  might  be 
reposed. 

Livingston  was  a  man  inexperienced  in  arms,  but  of  educa- 
tion, talent,  sagacity  and  ready  wit.  He  was  of  the  New  York 
family  of  the  same  name,  but  had  resided  for  some  time  in  the 
Jerseys,  having  a  spacious  mansion  in  Elizabethtown,  which  he 
had  named  Liberty  Hall.  Mercer  and  he  were  to  consult  to- 
gether, and  concert  plans  to  repel  invasions ;  the  New  Jersey 


90  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

militia,  however,  were  distinct  from  the  flying  camp,  and  only 
called  out  for  local  defence.  New  Jersey's  greatest  danger  of 
invasion  was  from  Staten  Island,  where  the  British  were  throw- 
ing up  works,  and  whence  they  might  attempt  to  cross  to 
Amboy.  The  flying  camp  was  therefore  to  be  stationed  in 
the  neighborhood  of  that  place. 

"The  known  disaffection  of  the  people  of  Amboy,"  writes 
Washington,  "and  the  treachery  of  those  on  Staten  Island, 
who,  after  the  fairest  professions,  have  shown  themselves,  our 
most  inveterate  enemies,  have  induced  me  to  give  directions 
that  all  persons  of  known  enmity  and  doubtful  character,  should 
be  removed  from  those  places." 

According  to  General  Livingston's  humorous  account,  his  own 
village  of  Elizabethtown  was  not  much  more  reliable,  being 
peopled  in  those  agitated  times  by  "unknown,  unrecommended 
strangers,  guilty-looking  tories,  and  very  knavish  whigs." 

While  danger  was  gathering  round  New  York,  and  its  inhab- 
itants were  in  mute  suspense  and  fearful  anticipations,  the 
General  Congress  at  Philadelphia  was  discussing,  with  closed 
doors,  what  John  Adams  pronounced  —  "  The  greatest  question 
ever  debated  in  America,  and  as  great  as  ever  was  or  will  be 
debated  among  men."  The  result  was,  a  resolution  passed 
unanimously,  on  the  2d  of  July,  "that  these  United  Colonies 
are,  and  of  right  ought  to  be,  free  and  independent  States." 

"  The  2d  of  July,"  adds  the  same  patriotic  statesman,  "  will 
be  the  most  memorable  epoch  in  the  history  of  America.  I  am 
apt  to  believe  that  it  will  be  celebrated  by  succeeding  genera- 
tions, as  the  great  anniversary  festival.  It  ought  to  be  com- 
memorated as  the  day  of  deliverance,  by  solemn  acts  of  devotion 
to  Almighty  God.  It  ought  to  be  solemnized  with  pomp  and 
parade,  with  shows,  games,  sports,  guns,  bells,  bonfires  and 
illuminations,  from  one  end  of  this  continent  to  the  other  from 
this  time  forth  forevermore." 

The  glorious  event  has,  indeed,  given  rise  to  an  annual  jubi- 
lee, but  not  on  the  day  designated  by  Adams.  The  Fourth  of 
July  is  the  day  of  national  rejoicing,  for  on  that  day  the 
04  Declaration  of  Independence,"  that  solemn  and  sublime  doc- 
ument, was  adopted.  Tradition  gives  a  dramatic  effect  to  its 
announcement.  It  was  known  to  be  under  discussion,  but  the 
closed  doors  of  Congress  excluded  the  populace.  The}7  awaited, 
in  throngs,  srn  appointed  signal.  In  the  steeple  of  the  state - 
house  was  a  bell,  imported  twenty -three  years  previously  from 
London  by  the  Provincial  Assembly  of  Pennsylvania.  It  bore 
the  portentous  text  from  scripture  :  "Proclaim  liberty  through- 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  91 

out  all  the  land,  unto  all  the  inhabitants  thereof."  A  joyous 
peal  from  that  bell  gave  notice  that  the  bill  had  been  passed. 
It  was  the  knell  of  British  domination. 

No  one  felt  the  importance  of  the  event  more  deeply  than 
John  Adams,  for  no  one  had  been  more  active  in  producing  it. 
We  quote  his  words  written  at  the  moment.  "When  I  look 
back  to  the  year  1761,  and  recollect  the  argument  concerning 
writs  of  assistance  in  the  superior  court,  which  I  have  hitherto 
considered  as  the  commencement  of  the  controversy  between 
Great  Britain  and  America,  and  run  through  the  whole  period 
from  that  time  to  this,  and  recollect  the  series  of  political  events, 
the  chain  of  causes  and  effects,  I  am  surprised  at  the  sudden- 
ness, as  well  as  the  greatness  of  this  Revolution  ;  Great  Britain 
has  been  filled  with  folly,  America  with  wisdom." 

His  only  regret  was,  that  the  Declaration  of  Independence  had 
not  been  made  sooner.  "  Had  it  been  made  seven  months  ago," 
said  he,  fc'  we  should  have  mastered  Quebec,  and  been  in  posses- 
sion of  Canada,  and  might  before  this  hour  have  formed  alliances 
with  foreign  states.  Many  gentlemen  in  high  stations,  and 
of  great  influence,  have  been  duped  by  the  ministerial  bubble  of 
commissioners  to  treat,  and  have  been  slow  and  languid  in  pro- 
moting measures  for  the  reduction  of  that  province." 

Washington  hailed  the  declaration  with  joy.  It  is  true,  it 
was  but  a  formal  recognition  of  a  state  of  things  which  had  long 
existed,  but  it  put  an  end  to  all  those  temporizing  hopes  of 
reconciliation  which  had  clogged  the  military  action  of  the 
country. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  he  caused  it  to  be  read  at  six  o'clock  in 
the  evening,  at  the  head  of  each  brigade  of  the  arm}'.  "The 
general  hopes,"  said  he  in  his  orders,  "that  this  important 
event  will  serve  as  a  fresh  incentive  to  every  officer  and  soldier, 
to  act  with  fidelity  and  courage,  as  knowing  that  now  the  peace 
and  safety  of  his  country  depend,  under  God,  solely  on  the  suc- 
cess of  our  arms  ;  and  that  he  is  now  in  the  service  of  a  state, 
possessed  of  sufficient  power  to  reward  his  merit,  and  advance 
him  to  the  highest  honors  of  a  free  country." 

The  excitable  populace  of  New  York  were  not  content  with 
the  ringing  of  bells  to  proclaim  their  joy.  There  was  a  leaden 
statue  of  George  III.  in  the  Bowling  Green,  in  front  of  the  fort. 
Since  kingly  rule  is  at  an  end,  why  retain  its  effigy?  On  the 
same  evening,  therefore,  the  statue  was  pulled  down  amid  the 
shouts  of  the  multitude,  and  broken  up  to  be  run  into  bullets 
"  to  be  used  in  the  cause  of  independence." 

Some  of  the  soldiery  having  been  implicated  in  this  popular 


92  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

effervescence,  Washington  censured  it  in  general  orders,  as 
having  much  the  appearance  of  a  riot  and  a  want  of  discipline, 
and  the  army  was  forbidden  to  indulge  in  any  irregularities  of 
the  kind.  It  was  his  constant  effort  to  inspire  his  countrymen 
in  arms  with  his  own  elevated  idea  of  the  cause  in  which  they 
were  engaged,  and  to  make  them  feel  that  it  was  no  ordinary 
warfare,  admitting  of  vulgar  passions  and  perturbations.  "  The 
general  hopes  and  trusts,"  said  he,  "  that  every  officer  and  man 
will  endeavor  so  to  live  and  act  as  becomes  a  Christian  soldier, 
defending  the  dearest  rights  and  liberties  of  his  country."  1 


CHAPTER  XIV. 

ARRIVAL  OF    MORE  SHIPS MOVEMENTS  OF   THE    PHOENIX    AND    THE 

ROSE PANIC  IN    THE  CITY HOSTILE  SHIPS    UP  THE    HUDSON 

STIR    OF    WAR    ALONG    THE    RIVER GENERAL    GEORGE    CLINTON, 

AND  THE  MILITIA  OF  ULSTER  COUNTY FRESH  AGITATION  OF  NEW 

YORK ARRIVAL  OF  LORD  HOWE. 

The  exultation  of  the  patriots  of  New  York,  caused  by  the 
Declaration  of  Independence,  was  soon  overclouded.  On  the 
12th  of  July,  several  ships  stood  in  from  sea,  and  joined 
the  naval  force  below.  Every  nautical  movement  was  now  a 
matter  of  speculation  and  alarm,  and  all  the  spy-glasses  in  the 
city  were  incessantly  reconnoitring  the  bay. 

"The  enemy  are  now  in  the  harbor,"  writes  an  American 
officer,  "although  they  have  not  yet  ventured  themselves 
within  gunshot  of  the  city,  but  we  hourly  expect  to  be  called 
into  action.  The  whole  army  is  out  between  two  and  three 
every  morning,  at  their  respective  alarm  posts,  and  remain  there 
until  sunrise.  I  am  morally  certain  that  it  will  not  bo  long 
before  we  have  an  engagement." 

Scarce  had  this  letter  been  penned,  when  two  ships-of-war 
were  observed  getting  under  way,  and  standing  toward  the  city. 
One  was  the  Phoenix,  of  forty  guns  ;  the  other  the  Rose,  of 
twenty  guns,  commanded  by  Captain  Wallace,  of  unenviable 
renown,  who  had  marauded  the  New  England  coast,  and  domi- 
neered over  Rhode  Island.  The  troops  were  immediately  at 
their  alarm  posts.  It  was  about  half-past  three  o'clock  in  the 
afternoon,  as  the  ships  and  three  tenders  came  sweeping  up 

»  Orderly  Book,  July  9,  Sparks,  Hi.,  456. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  93 

the  bay  with  the  advantage  of  wind  and  tide,  and  shaped  tluir 
course  up  the  Hudson.  The  batteries  of  the  city  and  of  Pauius 
Hook  on  the  opposite  Jersey  shore,  opened  a  fire  upon  them. 
They  answered  it  with  broadsides.  There  was  a  panic  through- 
out the  city.  Women  and  children  ran  hither  and  thither  about 
the  streets,  mingling  their  shrieks  and  cries  with  the  thundering 
of  the  cannon.  "The  attack  has  begun!  The  city  is  to  be 
destroyed  !     What  will  become  of  us?  " 

The  Phoenix  and  the  Rose  continued  their  course  up  the 
Hudson.  They  had  merely  fired  upon  the  batteries  as  they 
passed ;  and  on  their  own  part  had  sustained  but  little  damage, 
their  decks  having  ramparts  of  sand-bags.  The  ships  below 
remained  in  sullen  quiet  at  their  anchors,  and  showed  no  inten- 
tion of  following  them.  The  firing  ceased.  The  fear  of  a 
general  attack  upon  the  city  died  away,  and  the  agitated  citi- 
zens breathed  more  freely. 

Washington,  however,  apprehended  this  movement  of  the 
ships  might  be  with  a  different  object.  They  might  be  sent  to 
land  troops  and  seize  upon  the  passes  of  the  Highlands.  Forts 
Montgomery  and  Constitution  were  far  from  complete,  and  were 
scantily  manned.  A  small  force  might  be  sufficient  to  surprise 
them.  The  ships  might  intend,  also,  to  distribute  arms  among 
the  tories  in  the  river  counties,  and  prepare  them  to  co-operate 
in  the  apprehended  attack  upon  New  York. 

Thus  thinking,  the  moment  Washington  saw  these  ships 
standing  up  the  river,  he  sent  off  an  express  to  put  General 
Mifiiin  on  the  alert,  who  was  stationed  with  his  Philadelphia 
troops  at  Fort  Washington  and  King's  Bridge.  The  same 
express  carried  a  letter  from  him  to  the  New  York  Convention, 
at  that  time  holding  its  sessions  at  White  Plains  in  West- 
chester County,  apprising  it  of  the  impending  danger.  His 
immediate  solicitude  was  for  the  safety  of  Forts  Constitution 
and  Montgomery. 

Fortunately  George  Clinton,  the  patriotic  legislator,  had 
recently  been  appointed  brigadier-general  of  the  militia  of 
Ulster  and  Orange  counties.  Called  to  his  native  State  by  his 
military  duties  in  this  time  of  danger,  he  had  only  remained  in 
Congress  to  vote  for  the  Declaration  of  Independence,  and  then 
hastened  home.  He  was  now  at  New  Windsor,  in  Ulster 
County,  just  above  the  Highlands.  Washington  wrote  to  him 
on  the  afternoon  of  the  12th,  urging  him  to  collect  as  great  a 
force  as  possible  of  the  New  York  militia,  for  the  protection 
of  the  Highlands  against  this  hostile  irruption,  and  to  solicit 
aid,  if  requisite,  from  the  western  parts  of  Connecticut.     "I 


94  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

have  the  strongest  reason  to  believe,"  added  he,  "  it  will  be 
absolutely  necessary,  if  it  were  only  to  prevent  an  insurrection 
of  your  own  tories." 

Long  before  the  receipt  of  Washington's  letter,  Clinton  had 
been  put  on  the  alert.  About  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning  of 
the  13th,  an  alarm  gun  from  his  brother  at  Fort  Constitution, 
thundered  through  the  echoing  defiles  of  the  mountains. 
Shortly  afterward,  two  river  sloops  came  to  anchor  above  the 
Highlands  before  the  general's  residence.  Their  captains  in- 
formed him  that  New  York  had  been  attacked  on  the  preceding 
afternoon.  They  had  seen  the  cannonade  from  a  distance,  and 
judged  from  the  subsequent  firing,  that  the  enemy's  ships  were 
up  the  river  as  far  as  King's  Bridge. 

Clinton  was  as  prompt  a  soldier  as  he  had  been  an  intrepid 
legislator.  The  neighboring  militia  were  forthwith  put  in 
motion.  Three  regiments  were  ordered  out ;  one  was  to  repair 
to  Fort  Montgomery  ;  another  to  Fort  Constitution ;  the  third 
to  rendezvous  at  Newburgh,  just  above  the  Highlands,  ready  to 
hasten  to  the  assistance  of  Fort  Constitution,  should  another 
signal  be  given.  All  the  other  regiments  under  his  command 
were  to  be  prepared  for  service  at  a  moment's  notice.  In 
ordering  these  hasty  levies,  however,  he  was  as  considerate  as 
he  was  energetic.  The  colonels  were  directed  to  leave  the 
frontier  companies  at  home,  to  protect  the  country  against  the 
Indians,  and  some  men  out  of  each  company  to  guard  against 
internal  enemies. 

Another  of  his  sagacious  measures  was  to  send  expresses  to 
all  the  owners  of  sloops  and  boats  twenty  miles  up  the  west  side 
of  the  river,  to  haul  them  off  so  as  to  prevent  their  grounding. 
Part  of  them  were  to  be  ready  to  carry  over  the  militia  to  the 
forts ;  the  rest  were  ordered  down  to  Fort  Constitution,  where 
a  chain  of  them  might  be  drawn  across  the  narrowest  part  of 
the  river,  to  be  set  on  fire,  should  the  enemy's  ships  attempt  to 
pass. 

Having  made  these  prompt  arrangements,  he  proceeded  early 
in  the  afternoon  of  the  same  day,  with  about  forty  of  his 
neighbors,  to  Fort  Constitution  ;  whence  leaving  some  with  his 
brother,  he  pushed  down  on  the  same  evening  to  Fort  Mont- 
gomery, where  he  fixed  his  head-quarters,  as  being  nearer  the 
enemy  and  better  situated  to  discover  their  motions. 

Here,  on  the  following  day  (July  14),  he  received  Wash- 
ington's letter,  written  two  days  previously  ;  but  by  this  time  he 
had  anticipated  its  orders,  and  stirred  up  the  whole  country. 
On  that  same  evening,  two  or  three  hundred  of  the  hardy  Ulster 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  95 

yeomanry,  roughly  equipped,  part  of  one  of  the  regiments  he 
had  ordered  out,  marched  into  Fort  Montgomery,  headed  by 
their  colonel  (Woodhull) .  Early  the  next  morning  five  hundred 
of  another  regiment  arrived,  and  he  was  told  that  parts  of  two 
other  regiments  were  on  the  way. 

"The  men,"  writes  he  to  Washington,  "turn  out  of  their 
harvest  fields  to  defend  their  country  with  surprising  alacrity. 
The  absence  of  so  many  of  them,  however,  at  this  time,  wher 
their  harvests  are  perishing  for  want  of  the  sickle,  will  greatly 
distress  the  country.  I  could  wish,  therefore,  that  a  less 
number  might  answer  the  purpose." 

On  no  one  could  this  prompt  and  brave  gathering  of  the 
yeomanry  produce  a  more  gratifying  effect,  than  upon  the  com- 
mander-in-chief :  and  no  one  could  be  more  feelingly  alive,  in 
the  midst  of  stern  military  duties,  to  the  appeal  in  behalf  of  the 
peaceful  interests  of  the  husbandman. 

While  the  vigilant  Clinton  was  preparing  to  defend  the  passes 
of  the  Highlands,  danger  was  growing  more  imminent  at  the 
mouth  of  the  Hudson. 

New  York  has  always  been  a  city  prone  to  agitations.  That 
into  which  it  was  thrown  on  the  afternoon  of  the  12th  of  July, 
by  the  broadsides  of  the  Phoenix  and  the  Rose,  was  almost  im- 
mediately followed  by  another.  On  the  same  evening  there  was 
a  great  booming  of  cannon,  with  clouds  of  smoke,  from  the 
shipping  at  anchor  at  Staten  Island.  Every  spy-glass  was  again 
in  requisition.  The  British  fleet  were  saluting  a  ship  of  the 
line,  just  arrived  from  sea.  She  advanced  grandly,  every  man- 
of-war  thundering  a  salute  as  she  passed.  At  her  foretop  mast- 
head she  bore  St.  George's  flag.  "It  is  the  admiral's  ship !  " 
cried  the  nautical  men  on  the  look-out  at  the  Battery.  "It  is 
the  admiral's  ship  !  "  was  echoed  from  mouth  to  mouth,  and  the 
word  soon  flew  throughout  the  city,  "  Lord  Howe  is  come  !  " 


96  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XV. 

PRECAUTIONS    AGAINST   TORIES SECRET    COMMITTEES  DECLARA- 
TION OF  LORD  HOWE HIS  LETTER  TO  THE  COLONIAL  GOVERNOR 

HIS  LETTER  TO  WASHINGTON  REJECTED INTERVIEW  BETWEEN 

THE    BRITISH    ADJUTANT-GENERAL  AND    COLONEL  REED RECEP- 
TION OF  THE  ADJUTANT-GENERAL  BY  WASHINGTON THE  PHCENIX 

AND  ROSE  IN  THE  TAPPAN  SEA  AND  HAVERSTRAW    BAY ARMING 

OF   THE  RIVER  YEOMANRY GEORGE    CLINTON  AT   THE  GATES   OF 

THE  HIGHLANDS. 

,  Lord  Howe  was  indeed  come,  and  affairs  now  appeared  to  be 
approaching  a  crisis.  In  consequence  of  the  recent  conspiracy, 
the  Convention  of  New  York,  seated  at  White  Plains  in  West- 
chester County,  had  a  secret  committee  stationed  in  New  York 
for  the  purpose  of  taking  cognizance  of  traitorous  machinations. 
To  this  committee  Washington  addressed  a  letter  the  day  after 
his  lordship's  arrival,  suggesting  the  policy  of  removing  from 
the  city  and  its  environs,  "all  persons  of  known  disaffection 
and  enmity  to  the  cause  of  America;  "  especially  those  con- 
fined in  jail  for  treasonable  offences ;  who  might  become  ex- 
tremely dangerous  in  case  of  an  attack  and  alarm.  He  took  this 
step  with  great  reluctance,  but  felt  compelled  to  it  by  circum- 
stances. The  late  conspiracy  had  shown  him  that  treason  might 
be  lurking  in  his  camp.  And  he  was  well  aware  that  the  city 
and  the  neighboring  country,  especially  Westchester  County, 
and  Queens  and  Suffolk  counties  on  Long  Island,  abounded  with 
"tories,"  ready  to  rally  under  the  royal  standard  whenever 
backed  by  a  commanding  force, 

In  consequence  of  his  suggestion,  thirteen  persons  in  confine- 
ment for  traitorous  offences,  were  removed  to  the  jail  of  Litch- 
field in  Connecticut.  Among  the  number  was  the  late  ma3ror ; 
but  as  his  offence  was  not  of  so  deep  a  dye  as  those  whereof  the 
rest  stood  charged,  it  was  recommended  by  the  president  of 
the  Convention  that  he  should  be  treated  with  indulgence. 

The  proceedings  of  Lord  Howe  soon  showed  the  policy  of 
these  precautions.  His  lordship  had  prepared  a  declaration, 
addressed  to  the  people  at  large,  informing  them  of  the  powers 
vested  in  his  brother  and  himself  as  commissioners  for  restoring 
peace  ;  and  inviting  communities  as  well  as  individuals,  who,  in 
the  tumult  and  disasters  of  the  times,  had  deviated  from  their 
allegiance   to  the  crown,  to  merit   and   receive   pardon    by   a 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  97 

prompt  return  to  their  duty.  It  was  added,  that  proper  consid- 
eration would  be  had  of  the  services  of  all  who  should  contribute 
to  the  restoration  of  public  tranquillity. 

His  lordship  really  desired  peace.  According  to  a  contem- 
porary, he  came  to  America  "  as  a  mediator,  not  as  a 
destroyer,"1  and  had  founded  great  hopes  in  the  efficacy  of 
this  document  in  rallying  back  the  people  to  their  allegiance  ; 
it  was  a  sore  matter  of  regret  to  him,  therefore,  to  find  that,  in 
consequence  of  his  tardy  arrival,  his  invitation  to  loyalty  had 
been  forestalled  by  the  Declaration  of  Independence. 

Still  it  might  have  an  effect  in  bringing  adherents  to  the  royal 
standard  ;  he  sent  a  flag  on  shore,  therefore,  bearing  a  circular 
letter,  written  in  his  civil  and  military  capacity,  to  the  colonial 
governor,  requesting  him  to  publish  his  address  to  the  people 
as  widely  as  possible. 

We  have  heretofore  shown  the  tenacity  with  which  Washing- 
ton, in  his  correspondence  with  Generals  Gage  and  Howe, 
exacted  the  consideration  and  deference  due  to  him  as  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  American  armies  ;  he  did  this  not  from 
oflicial  pride  and  punctilio,  but  as  the  guardian  of  American 
rights  and  dignities.  A  further  step  of  the  kind  was  yet  to  be 
taken.  The  British  officers,  considering  the  Americans  in  arms 
rebels  without  valid  commissions,  were  in  the  habit  of  denying 
them  all  military  title.  Washington's  general  oliicers  had  urged 
him  not  to  submit  to  this  tacit  indignity,  but  to  reject  all  letters 
directed  to  him  without  a  specification  of  his  official  rank. 

An  occasion  now  presented  itself  for  the  adjustment  of  this 
matter.  Within  a  day  or  two  an  officer  of  the  British  navy, 
Lieutenant  Brown,  came  with  a  flag  from  Lord  Howe,  seeking 
a  conference  with  Washington.  Colonel  Reed,  the  adjutant- 
general,  embarked  in  a  barge,  and  met  him  half  way  between 
Governor's  and  Staten  Islands.  The  lieutenant  informed  him 
that  he  was  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from  Lord  Howe  to  Mr. 
Washington.  Colonel  Reed  replied,  that  he  knew  no  such 
person  in  the  American  army.  The  lieutenant  produced  and 
offered  the  letter.  It  was  addressed  to  George  Washington, 
Esquire.  He  was  informed  that  it  could  not  be  received  with 
such  a  direction.  The  lieutenant  expressed  much  concern. 
The  letter,  he  said,  was  of  a  civil,  rather  than  a  military  nature 
—  Lord  Howe  regretted  he  had  not  arrived  sooner — he  had 
great  powers  —  it  was  much  to  be  wished  the  letter  could  be 
received. 


-1  Letter  of  Mr.  Dennis  de  Berdt  to  Mr.  Joseph  Reed.    Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  i., 
372. 


98  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

While  the  lieutenant  was  embarrassed  and  agitated,  Reed 
maintained  his  coolness,  politely  declining  to  receive  the  letter, 
as  inconsistent  with  his  duty.  They  parted ;  but  after  the 
lieutenant  had  been  rowed  some  little  distance,  his  barge  was 
put  about,  and  Reed  waited  to  hear  what  further  he  had  to  say. 
It  was  to  ask  by  what  title  General  —  but,  catching  himself,  Mr* 
Washington  chose  to  be  addressed. 

Reed  replied  that  the  general's  station  in  the  army  was  well 
known  ;  and  they  could  not  be  at  a  loss  as  to  the  proper  mode 
of  addressing  him,  especially  as  this  matter  had  been  discussed 
in  the  preceding  summer,  of  which,  he  presumed,  the  admiral 
could  not  be  ignorant.  The  lieutenant  again  expressed  his  dis- 
appointment and  regret,  and  their  interview  closed. 

On  the  19th,  an  aide-de-camp  of  General  Howe  came  with  a 
flag,  and  requested  to  know,  as  there  appeared  to  be  an  .obstacle 
to  a  correspondence  between  the  two  generals,  whether  Colonel 
Patterson,  the  British  adjutant-general,  could  be  admitted  to  an 
interview  with  General  Washington.  Colonel  Reed,  who  met 
the  flag,  consented  in  the  name  of  the  general,  and  pledged  his 
honor  for  the  safety  of  the  adjutant-general  during  the  inter- 
view, which  was  fixed  for  the  following  morning. 

At  the  appointed  time,  Colonel  Reed  and  Colonel  Webb,  one 
of  Washington's  aides,  met  the  flag  in  the  harbor,  took  Colonel 
Patterson  into  their  barge,  and  escorted  him  to  town,  passing 
in  front  of  the  grand  battery.  The  customary  precaution  of 
blindfolding  was  dispensed  with  ;  and  there  was  a  lively  and 
sociable  conversation  the  whole  way.  Washington  received 
the  adjutant-general  at  head-quarters  with  much  form  and  cere- 
mony, in  full  military  array,  with  his  officers  and  guards  about 
him. 

Colonel  Patterson,  addressing  him  by  the  title  of  your  excel- 
lency,  endeavored  to  explain  the  address  of  the  letter  as  con- 
sistent with  propriety,  and  founded  on  a  similar  address  in  the 
previous  summer  to  General  Howe.  That  General  Howe  did 
not  mean  to  derogate  from  the  respect  or  rank  of  General 
Washington,  but  conceived  such  an  address  consistent  with 
what  had  been  used  by  ambassadors  or  plenipotentiaries  where 
difficulties  of  rank  had  arisen.  He  then  produced,  but  did  not 
offer,  a  letter  addressed  to  George  Washington,  Esquire,  etc., 
etc.,  hoping  that  the  et  ceteras,  which  implied  every  thing,  would 
remove  all  impediments. 

Washington  replied,  that  it  was  true,  the  et  ceteras  implied 
every  thing,  but  they  also  implied  any  thing.  His  letter  alluded 
to,  of  the  previous  summer,  was  in  reply  to  one  addressed'  in 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  99 

like  manner.  A  letter,  he  added,  addressed  to  a  person  acting 
in  a  public  character,  should  have  some  inscriptions  to  designate 
it  from  a  mere  private  letter ;  and  he  should  absolutely  decline 
any  letter  addressed  to  himself  as  a  private  person,  when  it 
related  to  his  public  station. 

Colonel  Patterson,  finding  the  letter  would  not  be  received, 
endeavored,  as  far  as  he  could  recollect,  to  communicate  the 
scope  of  it  in  the  course  of  a  somewhat  desultory  conversation. 
What  he  chiefly  dwelt  upon  was,  that  Lord  Howe  and  his 
brother  had  been  specially  nominated  commissioners  for  the 
promotion  of  peace,  which  was  esteemed  a  mark  of  favor  and 
regard  to  America ;  that  they  had  great  powers,  and  would 
derive  the  highest-  pleasure  from  effecting  an  accommodation  ; 
and  he  concluded  by  adding,  that  he  wished  his  visit  to  be 
considered  as  making  the  first  advance  toward  that  desirable 
object. 

Washington  replied  that,  by  what  had  appeared  (alluding,  no 
doubt,  to  Lord  Howe's  circular),  their  powers,  it  would  seem, 
were  only  to  grant  pardons.  Now  those  who  had  committed 
no  fault  needed  no  pardon  ;  and  such  was  the  case  with  the 
Americans,  who  were  only  defending  what  they  considered  their 
indisputable  rights. 

Colonel  Patterson  avoided  a  discussion  of  this  matter,  which, 
he  observed,  would  open  a  very  wide  field ;  so  here  the  confer- 
ence, which  had  been  conducted  on  both  sides  with  great  cour- 
tesy, terminated.  The  colonel  took  his  leave,  excusing  himself 
from  partaking  of  a  collation,  having  made  a  late  breakfast, 
and  was  again  conducted  to  his  boat.  He  expressed  himself 
highly  sensible  of  the  courtesy  of  his  treatment,  in  having  the 
usual  ceremony  of  blindfolding  dispensed  with. 

Washington  received  the  applause  of  Congress  and  of  the 
public  for  sustaining  the  dignity  of  his  station.  His  conduct  in 
this  particular  was  recommended  as  a  model  to  all  American 
officers  in  corresponding  with  the  enemy ;  and  Lord  Howe  in- 
formed his  government  that,  thenceforward,  it  would  be  politic 
to  change  the  superscription  of  his  letters. 

In  the  mean  time  the  irruption  of  the  Phoenix  and  the  Rose 
into  the  waters  of  the  Hudson  had  roused  a  belligerent  spirit 
along  its  borders.  The  lower  part  of  that  noble  river  is  com- 
manded on  the  eastern  side  by  the  bold  woody  heights,  of  Man- 
hattan Island  and  Westchester  County,  and  on  the  western 
side  by  the  rocky  cliffs  of  the  Palisades.  Beyond  those 
cliffs,  the  river  expands  into  a  succession  of  what  may  almost 
be    termed    lakes ;    first   the    Tappan    Sea,    then    Haverstraw 


100  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Bay,  then  the  BajT  of  Peekskill ;  separated  from  each  othei 
by  long  stretching  points,  or  high  beetling  promontories,  but 
affording  ample  sea  room  and  safe  anchorage.  Then  come 
the  redoubtable  Highlands,  that  strait,  fifteen  miles  in  length, 
where  the  river  bends  its  course,  narrow  and  deep,  between 
rocky,  forest-clad  mountains.  u  He  who  has  command  of  that 
great  defile,"  said  an  old  navigator,  "  may  at  any  time  throttle 
the  Hudson." 

The  New  York  Convention,  aware  of  the  impending  danger, 
despatched  military  envoys  to  stir  up  the  }'eomanry  along  the 
river,  and  order  out  militia.  Powder  and  ball  were  sent  to 
Tarrytown,  before  which  the  hostile  ships  were  anchored,  and 
yeoman  troops  were  stationed  there  and  along  the  neighboring 
shores  of  the  Tappan  Sea.  In  a  little  while  the  militia  of 
Dutchess  County  and  Cortlandt's  Manor  were  hastening,  rudely 
armed,  to  protect  the  public  stores  at  Peekskill,  and  mount 
guard  at  the  entrance  of  the  Highlands. 

No  one  showed  more  zeal  in  this  time  of  alarm,  than  Colonel 
Pierre  Van  Cortlandt,  of  an  old  colonial  family,  which  held  its 
manorial  residence  at  the  mouth  of  the  Croton.  With  his  regi- 
ment he  kept  a  dragon  watch  along  the  eastern  shore  of  the 
Tappan  Sea  and  Haverstraw  Bay  ;  while  equal  vigilance  was 
maintained  night  and  day  along  the  western  shore,  from  Nyack 
quite  up  to  the  Donderberg,  by  Colonel  Hay  and  his  regiment 
of  Haverstraw.  Sheep  and  cattle  were  driven  inland,  out  of 
the  reach  of  maraud.  Sentinels  were  posted  to  keep  a  lookout 
from  heights  and  headlands  and  give  the  alarm  should  any  boats 
approach  the  shore,  and  rustic  marksmen  were  ready  to  assemble 
in  a  moment,  and  give  them  a  warm  reception. 

The  ships-of-war  which  caused  this  alarm  and  turmoil,  lay 
quietly  anchored  in  the  broad  expanses  of  the  Tappan  Sea  and 
Haverstraw  Bay  ;  shifting  their  ground  occasionally,  and  keep- 
ing out  of  musket  shot  of  the  shore,  apparently  sleeping  in  the 
summer  sunshine,  with  awnings  stretched  above  their  decks ; 
while  their  boats  were  out  taking  soundings  quite  up  to  the 
Highlands,  evidently  preparing  for  further  operations.  At 
night,  too,  their  barges  were  heard  rowing  up  and  down  the 
river  on  mysterious  errands;  perriaugers,  also,  paid  them  furtive 
visits  occasionally ;  it  was  surmised,  with  communications  and 
supplies  from  tories  on  shore. 

While  the  ships  were  anchored  in  Haverstraw  Bay,  one  of 
the  tenders  stood  into  the  Bay  of  Peekskill,  and  beat  up  with- 
in long  shot  of  Fort  Montgomery,  where  General  George  Clinton 
was  ensconced  with  six  hundred  of  the  militia  of  Orange  and 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  101 

Ulster  counties.  As  the  tender  approached,  a  thirty- two 
pounder  was  brought  to  range  upon  her.  The  ball  passed 
through  her  quarter ;  whereupon  she  put  about,  and  ran  round 
the  point  of  the  Donderberg,  where  the  boat  landed,  plundered 
a  solitary  house  at  the  foot  of  the  mountain,  and  left  it  in 
flames.  The  marauders,  on  their  way  back  to  the  ships,  were 
severely  galled  by  rustic  marksmen,  from  a  neighboring  pro- 
montory. 

The  ships,  now  acquainted  with  the  channel,  moved  up  within 
six  miles  of  Fort  Montgomery.  General  Clinton  apprehended 
they  might  mean  to  take  advantage  of  a  dark  night,  and  slip  by 
him  in  the  deep  shadows  of  the  mountains.  The  shores  were 
high  and  bold,  the  river  was  deep,  the  navigation  of  course  safe 
and  easy.  Once  above  the  Highlands,  they  might  ravage  the 
country  beyond,  .and  destroy  certain  vessels  of  war  which  were 
being  constructed  at  Poughkeepsie. 

To  prevent  this,  he  stationed  a  guard  at  night  on  the  furthest 
point  in  view,  about  two  miles  and  a  half  below  the  fort,  pre- 
pared to  kindle  a  blazing  fire  should  the  ships  appear  in  sight. 
Large  piles  of  dry  brushwood  mixed  with  combustibles,  were 
prepared  at  various  places  up  and  down  the  shore  opposite  to 
the  fort,  and  men  stationed  to  set  fire  to  them  as  soon  as  a 
signal  should  be  given  from  the  lower  point.  The  fort,  there- 
fore, while  it  remained  in  darkness,  would  have  a  fair  chance 
with  its  batteries  as  the  ships  passed  between  it  and  these 
conflagrations. 

A  private  committee  sent  up  by  the  New  York  Convention, 
had  a  conference  with  the  general,  to  devise  further  means 
of  obstructing  the  passage  of  ships  up  the  river.  Fire  rafts 
were  to  be  brought  from  Poughkeepsie  and  kept  at  hand  ready 
for  action.  These  were  to  be  lashed  two  together,  with  chains, 
between  old  sloops  filled  with  combustibles,  and  sent  down 
with  a  strong  wind  and  tide,  to  drive  upon  the  ships.  An 
iron  chain,  also,  was  to  be  stretched  obliquely  across  the  river 
from  Fort  Montgomery  to  the  foot  of  Anthony's  Nose,  thus,  as 
it  were,  chaining  up  the  gate  of  the  Highlands. 

For  a  protection  below  the  Highlands,  it  was  proposed  to 
station  whale-boats  about  the  coves  and  promontories  of  Tappan 
Sea  and  Haverstraw  Bay  ;  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy,  cruise  about 
at  night,  carry  intelligence  from  post  to  post,  seize  any  river 
craft  that  might  bring  the  ships  supplies,  and  cut  off  their  boats 
when  attempting  to  land.  Galleys,  also,  were  prepared,  with 
nine-pounders  mounted  at  the  bows. 

Colonel  Hay,  of  Haverstraw,  in  a  letter  to  Washington,  re- 


102  LIFB    OF    WASHINGTON. 

joices  that  the  national  Congress  are  preparing  to  protect  this 
great  highway  of  the  country,  and  anticipates  that  the  banks 
of  the  Hudson  were  about  to  become  the  chief  theatre  of  the 
war. 

NOTE.— The  Van  Coktlandt  Family.  — Two  members  of  this  old  and  honor- 
able  family  were  conspicuous  patriots  throughout  the  Revolution.  Pierre  Van  Cortlandt, 
the  father,  at  this  time  about  56  years  of  age,  a  stanch  friend  and  ally  of  George  Clinton, 
was  member  of  the  first  Provincial  Congress,  and  President  of  the  Committee  of  Public 
Safety.  Governor  Tryon  had  visited  him  in  his  old  manor  house  at  the  mouth  of  the 
Croton,  in  1774,  and  made  him  offers  of  royal  favors,  honors,  grants  of  land,  etc.,  if  he 
would  abandon  the  popular  cause.  His  offers  were  nobly  rejected.  The  Cortlandt 
family  suffered  in  consequence,  being  at  one  time  obliged  to  abandon  their  manorial 
residence;  but  the  head  remained  true  to  the  cause,  and  subsequently  filled  the  office  of 
Lieutenant-Governor  with  great  dignity. 

His  son  Pierre,  mentioned  in  ihe  above  chapter,  and  then  about  27  years  of  age,  had 
likewise  resisted  the  overtures  of  Tryon,  destroying  a  major's  commission  in  the  Cort- 
landt militia,  which  he  sent  him.  Congress,  in  1775,  made  him  lieutenant-colonel  in  the 
Continental  service,  in  which  capacity  we  now  find  him,  acquitting  himself  with  zeal  and 
ability. 


CHAPTER  XVI. 

QUESTION    OF   COMMAND    BETWEEN    GATES     AND     SCHUYLER CON- 
DITION    OF     THE     ARMY     AT     CROWN     POINT  DISCONTENT     AND 

DEPARTURE     OF     SULLIVAN FORTIFICATIONS    AT    TICONDEROGA 

THE  QUESTION  OF  COMMAND  ADJUSTED SECRET  DISCONTENTS 

SECTIONAL    JEALOUSIES  IN  THE    ARMY SOUTHERN    TROOPS 

SMALL  WOOD'S       MACARONI      BATTALION  CONNECTICUT       LIGHT 

HORSE. 

While  the  security  of  the  Hudson  from  invading  ships  was 
claiming  the  attention  of  Washington,  he  was  equally  anxious 
to  prevent  an  irruption  of  the  enemy  from  Canada.  He  was 
grieved,  therefore,  to  find  there  was  a  clashing  of  authorities 
between  the  generals  who  had  charge  of  the  Northern  frontier. 
Gates,  on  his  way  to  take  command  of  the  army  in  Canada,  had 
heard  with  surprise  in  Albany,  of  its  retreat  across  the  New 
York  frontier.  He  still  considered  it  under  his  orders,  and  was 
proceeding  to  act  accordingly  ;  when  General  Schuyler  observed, 
that  the  resolution  of  Congress,  and  the  instructions  of  Wash- 
ington, applied  to  the  army  only  while  in  Canada ;  the  moment 
it  retreated  within  the  limits  of  New  York,  it  came  within  his 
(Schuyler's)  command.  A  letter  from  Schuyler  to  Washing- 
ton, written  at  the  time,  says :    "If   Congress  intended    that 


PHILIP  SCHUYLER. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  103 

General  Gates  should  command  the  Northern  army,  wherever 
it  may  be,  as  he  assures  me  they  did,  it  ought  to  have  been  sig- 
nified to  me,  and  I  should  then  have  immediately  resigned  the 
command  to  him ;  but  until  such  intention  is  properly  conveyed 
to  me,  I  never  can.  I  must,  therefore,  entreat  your  Excellency 
to  lay  this  letter  before  Congress,  that  they  may  clearly  and 
explicitly  signify  their  intentions,  to  avert  the  dangers  and  evils 
that  may  arise  from  a  disputed  command." 

That  there  might  be  no  delay  in  the  service  at  this  critical 
juncture,  the  two  generals  agreed  to  refer  the  question  of 
command  to  Congress,  and  in  the  mean  time  to  act  in  concert. 
They  accordingly  departed  together  for  Lake  Champlain,  to 
prepare  against  an  anticipated  invasion  by  Sir  Guy  Carleton. 
They  arrived  at  Crown  Point  on  the  6th  of  July,  and  found 
there  the  wrecks  of  the  army  recently  driven  out  of  Canada. 
They  had  been  harassed  in  their  retreat  by  land ;  their  trans- 
portation on  the  lake  had  been  in  leaky  boats,  without  awn- 
ings, where  the  sick,  suffering  from  small-pox,  lay  on  straw, 
exposed  to  a  burning  July  sun ;  no  food  but  salt  pork,  often 
rancid,  hard  biscuit  or  unbaked  flour,  and  scarcely  any  medi- 
cine. Not  more  than  six  thousand  men  had  reached  Crown 
Point,  and  half  of  those  were  on  the  sick  list ;  the  shattered 
remains  of  twelve  or  fifteen  very  fine  battalions.  Some  few 
were  sheltered  in  tents,  some  under  sheds,  and  others  in 
huts  hastily  formed  of  bushes  ;  scarce  one  of  which  but  con- 
tained a  dead  or  dying  man.  Two  thousand  eight  hundred 
were  to  be  sent  to  a  hospital  recently  established  at  the  south 
end  of  Lake  George,  a  distance  of  fifty  miles  ;  when  they  were 
gone,  with  those  who  were  to  row  them  in  boats,  there  would 
remain  but  the  shadow  of  an  army.1 

In  a  council  of  war,  it  was  determined  that,  under  present 
circumstances,  the  post  of  Crown  Point  was  not  tenable ; 
neither  was  it  capable  of  being  made  so  this  summer,  without 
a  force  greatly  superior  to  any  they  might  reasonably  expect ; 
and  that,  therefore,  it  was  expedient  to  fall  back,  and  take  a 
strong  position  at  Ticonderoga. 

General  Sullivan  had  been  deeply  hurt  that  Gates,  his 
former  inferior  in  rank,  should  have  been  appointed  over 
him  to  the  command  of  the  army  in  Canada ;  considering  it 
a  tacit  intimation  that  Congress  did  not  esteem  him  competent 
to  the  trust  which  had  devolved  upon  him.  He  now,  there- 
fore,   requested   leave  of   absence,    in   order  to   wait   on    the 

Colonel  John  Trumbull's  Autobiography,  p.  285,  Appendix. 

/^^^^ 

jfy^    OF  THE    ^r 
ft     iimi\/cdcitV 


104  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

commander-in-chief.  It  was  granted  with  reluctance.  Before 
departing,  he  communicated  to  the  army,  through  General 
Schuyler,  his  high  and  grateful  sense  of  their  exertions  in 
securing  a  retreat  from  Canada,  and  the  cheerfulness  with 
which  his  commands  had  been  received  and  obeyed. 

On  the  9th  of  July,  Schuyler  and  Gates  returned  to  Ticon- 
deroga,  accompanied  by  Arnold.  Instant  arrangements  were 
made  to  encamp  the  troops,  and  land  the  artillery  and  stores 
as  fast  as  they  should  arrive.  Great  exertions,  also,  were 
made  to  strengthen  the  defences  of  the  place.  Colonel  John 
Trumbull,  who  was  to  have  accompanied  Gates  to  Canada, 
as  adjutant-general,  had  been  reconnoitring  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Ticonderoga,  and  had  pitched  upon  a  place  for  a  for- 
tification on  the  eastern  side  of  the  lake,  directly  opposite 
the  east  point  of  Ticonderoga,  where  Fort  Independence  was 
subsequently  built.  He  also  advised  the  erection  of  a  work 
on  a  lofty  eminence,  the  termination  of  a  mountain  ridge, 
which  separates  Lake  George  from  Lake  Champlain.  His 
advice  was  unfortunately  disregarded.  The  eminence,  sub- 
sequently called  Mount  Defiance,  looked  down  upon  and  com- 
manded the  narrow  parts  of  both  lakes.  We  shall  hear  more 
of  it  hereafter. 

Preparations  were  made,  also,  to  augment  the  naval  force 
on  the  lakes.  Ship  carpenters  from  the  Eastern  States  were 
employed  at  Skenesbo rough,  to  build  the  hulls  of  galleys  and 
boats,  which,  when  launched,  were  to  be  sent  down  to  Ticon- 
deroga for  equipment  and  armament,  under  the  superintendence 
of  General  Arnold. 

Schuyler  soon  returned  to  Albany,  to  superintend  the 
general  concerns  of  the  Northern  department.  He  was  in- 
defatigable in  procuring  and  forwarding  the  necessary  materials 
and  artillery  for  the  fortification  of  Ticonderoga. 

The  question  of  command  between  him  and  Gates  was  ap- 
parently at  rest.  A  letter  from  the  President  of  Congress, 
dated  July  8,  informed  General  Gates,  that  according  to  the  res- 
olution of  that  body  under  which  he  had  been  appointed,  his 
command  was  totally  independent  of  General  Schuyler,  while 
the  army  was  in  Canada,  but  no  longer.  Congress  had  no 
design  to  divest  General  Schuyler  of  the  command  while  the 
troops  were  on  this  side  of  Canada. 

To  Schuyler,  under  the  same  date,  the  president  writes : 
"The  Congress  highly  approve  of  3-our  patriotism  and  mag- 
nanimity in  not  suffering  any  difference  of  opinion  to  hurt  the 
public  service. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  105 

"  A  mutual  confidence  and  good  understanding  are  at  this 
time  essentially  necessaiw,  so  that  I  am  persuaded  they  will 
take  place  on  all  occasions  between  yourself  and  General 
Gates." 

Gates  professed  himself  entirely  satisfied  with  the  explana- 
tion he  had  received,  and  perfectly  disposed  to  obey  the  com- 
mands of  Schuyler.  "  1  am  confident,"  added  he,  "  we  shall, 
as  the  Congress  wish,  go  hand  in  hand  to  promote  the  public 
welfare." 

Schuyler,  too,  assured  both  Congress  and  Washington,  "  that 
the  difference  in  opinion  between  Gates  and  himself  had  not 
caused  the  least  ill-will,  nor  interrupted  that  harmony  necessary 
to  subsist  between  their  officers." 

Samuel  Adams,  however,  who  was  at  that  time  in  Congress, 
had  strong  doubts  in  the  matter. 

"  Schuyler  and  Gates  are  to  command  the  troops,"  writes  he, 
"  the  former  while  they  are  without,  the  latter  while  they  are 
within  the  bounds  of  Canada.  Admitting  these  generals  to 
have  the  accomplishments  of  a  Marlborough,  or  a  Eugene,  I 
cannot  conceive  that  such  a  disposition  of  them  will  be  attended 
with  any  good  effects,  unless  harmony  subsists  between  them. 
Alas,  I  fear  this  is  not  the  case.  Already  disputes  have  arisen, 
which  they  have  referred  to  Congress ;  and,  although  they  affect 
to  treat  each  other  with  a  politeness  becoming  their  rank,  in  my 
mind,  altercations  between  commanders  who  have  pretensions 
nearly  equal  (I  mean  in  point  of  command),  forebode  a  repeti- 
tion of  misfortune.  I  sincerely  wish  my  apprehensions  may 
prove  groundless."  * 

We  have  a  letter  before  us  also,  written  to  Gates,  by  his 
friend  Joseph  Trumbull,  commissary-general,  on  whose  ap- 
pointment of  a  deputy,  the  question  of  command  had  arisen. 
Trumbull's  letter  was  well  calculated  to  inflame  the  jealousy  of 
Gates.  "I  find  you  are  in  a  cursed  situation,"  writes  he; 
"  your  authority  at  an  end  ;  and  commanded  by  a  person  who 
will  be  willing  to  have  you  knocked  in  the  head,  as  General 
Montgomery  was,  if  he  can  have  the  money  chest  in  his  power." 

Governor  Trumbull,  too,  the  father  of  the  commissary-gen- 
eral, observes  subsequently :  "  It  is  justly  to  be  expected  that 
General  Gates  is  discontented  with  his  situation,  finding  him- 
self limited  and  removed  from  the  command,  to  be  a 
wretched  spectator  of  the  ruin  ot  the  army,  without  power  of 
attempting  to  save  them."  2     We  shall  have  frequent  occasion 

i  S.  Adams  to  R.  H.  Lee.     Am.  Arch.,  5th  Series,  i.,  347. 
2  Governor  Trumbull  to  Mr.  William  Williams. 


106  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

hereafter  to  notice  the  discord  in  the  service  caused  .by  this 
rankling  discontent. 

As  to  General  Sullivan,  who  repaired  to  Philadelphia  and 
tendered  his  resignation,  the  question  of  rank  which  had 
aggrieved  him  was  explained  in  a  manner  that  induced  him  to 
continue  in  service.  It  was  universally  allowed  that  his  retreat 
had  been  ably  conducted  through  all  kinds  of  difficulties  and 
disasters. 

A  greater  source  of  solicitude  to  Washington  than  this  jealousy 
between  commanders,  was  the  sectional  jealousy  springing  up 
among  the  troops.  In  a  letter  to  Schuyler  (July  1 7)  he  says,  "  I 
must  entreat  your  attention  to  do  away  the  unhappy  and  perni- 
cious distinctions  and  jealousies  between  the  troops  of  different 
governments.  Enjoin  this  upon  the  officers,  and  let  them  incul- 
cate and  press  home  to  the  soldiery,  the  necessity  of  order  and 
harmony  among  those  who  are  embarked  in  one  common  cause, 
and  mutually  contending  for  all  that  freemen  hold  dear." 

Nowhere  were  these  sectional  jealousies  more  prevalent  than  in 
the  motley  army  assembled  from  distant  quarters  under  Wash- 
ington's own  command.  Reed,  the  adjutant-general,  speaking 
on  this  subject,  observes :  "The  Southern  troops,  comprising 
the  regiments  south  of  the  Delaware,  looked  with  very  unkind 
feelings  on  those  of  New  England  ;  especially  those  from  Con- 
necticut, whose  peculiarities  of  deportment  made  them  the 
objects  of  ill-disguised  derision  among  their  fellow-soldiers."  l 

Among  the  troops  thus  designated  as  Southern,  were  some 
from  Virginia  under  a  Major  Leitch ;  others  from  Maryland, 
under  Colonel  Small  wood  ;  others  from  Delaware,  led  by  Colonel 
Haslet.  There  were  four  Continental  battalions  from  Pennsyl- 
vania, commanded  by  Colonels  Shee,  St.  Clair,  Wayne,  and 
Magaw  ;  and  provincial  battalions,  two  of  which  were  severally 
commanded  by  Colonels  Miles  and  Atlee.  The  Continental 
battalion  under  Colonel  Shee  was  chiefly  from  the  city  of  Phila- 
delphia, especially  the  officers ;  among  whom  were  Lambert 
Cadwalader  and  William  Allen,  members  of  two  of  the  principal, 
and  most  aristocratic  families,  and  Alexander  Graydon,  to 
whose  memoirs  we  are  indebted  for  some  graphic  pictures  of 
Lhe  times. 

These  Pennsylvania  troops  were  under  the  command  of 
Brigadier-General  Mifflin,  who,  in  the  preceding  year,  had 
acted  as  Washington's  aide-de-camp,  and  afterward  as  quar- 
termaster-general.     His    townsman    and    intimate,    Graydon, 

*  Life  of  Reed,  vol.i.,  p.  239. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  107 

characterizes  him  as  a  man  of  education  and  cultivated  man- 
ners, with  a  great  talent  at  haranguing;  highly  animated  in 
his  appearance,  full  of  activity  and  apparently  of  fire;  but 
rather  too  much  of  a  bustler,  harassing  his  men  unnecessa- 
rily. "  He  assumed,"  adds  Graydon,  "  a  little  of  the  veteran, 
from  having  been  before  Boston."  His  troops  were  chiefly 
encamped  near  King's  Bridge,  and  employed  In  constructing 
works  at  Fort  Washington. 

Small  wood's  Maryland  battalion  was  one  of  the  brightest  in 
point  of  equipment.  The  scarlet  and  buff  uniforms  of  those 
Southerners  contrasted  vividly  with  the  rustic  attire  of  the 
yeoman  battalions  from  the  East.  Their  officers,  too,  looked 
down  upon  their  Connecticut  compeers,  who  could  only  be  dis- 
tinguished from  their  men  by  wearing  a  cockade.  "  There 
were  none,"  sa}*s  Graydon,  "  by  whom  an  uuofficer-like  appear- 
ance and  deportment  could  be  tolerated  less  than  by  a  city- 
bred  Marylander ;  who,  at  this  time,  was  distinguished  by  the 
most  fashionable  cut  coat,  the  most  macaroni  cocked-hat,  and 
hottest  blood  in  the  Union."  Alas,  for  the  homespun-clad 
officers  from  Connecticut  River  ! 

The  Pennsylvania  regiment  under  Shee,  according  to  Gray- 
don, promoted  balls  and  other  entertainments,  in  contradistinc- 
tion to  the  fast-days  and  sermons  borrowed  from  New  England. 
There  was  nothing  of  the  puritanical  spirit  among  the  Pcnnsyl- 
vaman  soldiery.  In  the  same  sectional  spirit,  he  speaks  of  the 
Connecticut  light  horse  :  "  Old-fashioned  men,  truly  irregulars  ; 
whether  their  clothing,  equipment,  or  caparisons  were  regarded, 
it  would  have  been  difficult  to  have  discovered  any  circumstance 
of  uniformity.  Instead  of  carbines  and  sabres,  they  generally 
carried  fowling-pieces,  some  of  them  very  long,  such  as  in 
Pennsylvania  are  used  for  shooting  ducks.  Here  and  there 
one  appeared  in  a  clingy  regimental  of  scarlet,  with  a  tri- 
angular, tarnished,  laced  hat.  These  singular  dragoons  were 
volunteers,  who  came  to  make  a  tender  of  their  services  to  the 
commander-in-chief.  But  they  staid  not  long  in  New  York. 
As  such  a  body  of  cavalry  had  not  been  counted  upon,  there 
was  in  all  probability  a  want  of  forage  for  their  jades,  which, 
in  the  spirit  of  ancient  knighthood,  they  absolutely  refused  to 
descend  from  ;  and  as  the  general  had  no  use  for  cavaliers  in 
his  insular  operations,  they  were  forthwith  dismissed,  with 
suitable  acknowledgments  for  their  truly  chivalrous  ardor."  * 

The  troops  thus  satirized,  were  a  body  of  between  four  and 

i  Gray  don's  Memoirs,  p.  155. 


108  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

five  hundred  Connecticut  light  horse,  under  Colonel  Thomas 
Seymour.  On  an  appeal  for  aid  to  the  governor  of  their  State, 
they  had  voluntarily  hastened  on  in  advance  of  the  militia,  to 
render  the  most  speedy  succor.  Supposing,  from  the  sudden- 
ness and  urgency  of  the  call  upon  their  services,  that  they 
were  immediately  to  be  called  into  action  and  promptly  to 
return  home,  tliey  had  come  off  in  such  haste,  that  many  were 
unprovided  even  with  a  blanket  or  a  change  of  clothing. 

Washington  speaks  of  them  as  being  for  the  most  part,  if 
not  all,  men  of  reputation  and  property.  They  were,  in  fact, 
mostly  farmers.  As  to  their  sorry  jades,  they  were  rough 
country  horses,  such  as  farmers  keep,  not  for  show,  but  ser- 
vice. As  to  their  dingy  regimentals,  we  quote  a  word  in  their 
favor  from  a  writer  of  that  day.  "  Some  of  these  worthy 
soldiers  assisted  in  their  present  uniforms  at  the  reduction  of 
Louisburg,  and  their  '  lank  cheeks  and  war-worn  coats,'  are 
viewed  with  more  veneration  by  their  honest  countrymen,  than 
if  they  were  glittering  nabobs  from  India,  or  bashaws  with 
nine  tails."1 

On  arriving,  their  horses,  from  scarcity  of  forage,  had  to  be 
pastured  about  King's  Bridge.  In  fact,  Washington  informed 
them  that,  under  present  circumstances,  they  could  not  be  of 
use  as  horsemen  ;  on  which  they  concluded  to  stay,  and  do 
duty  on  foot  till  the  arrival  of  the  new  levies.2  In  a  letter  to 
Governor  Trumbull  (July  11),  Washington  observes:  "The 
officers  and  men  of  that  corps  have  manifested  so  firm  an 
attaclu^jnt  to  the  cause  we  are  engaged  in,  that  they  have  con- 
sented to  remain  here,  till  such  a  body  of  troops  are  marched 
from  your  colony  as  will  be  a  sufficient  re-enforcement,  so  as  to 
admit  of  their  leaving  this  city  with  safety.  .  .  .  They  have 
the  additional  merit  of  determining  to  sta}7,  even  if  they  are 
obliged  to  maintain  their  horses  at  their  own  expense."  3 

In  a  very  few  days,  however,  the  troopers,  on  being  re- 
quested to  mount  guard  like  other  soldiers,  grew  restless  and 
uneasy.  Colonel  Seymour,  and  his  brother  field-officers,  there- 
fore, addressed  a  note  to  Washington,  stating  that,  by  the 
positive  laws  of  Connecticut,  the  light  horse  were  expressly 
exempted  from  staying  in  garrison,  or  doing  duty  on  foot, 
apart  from  their  horses  ;  and  that  they  found  it  impossible  to 
detain  their  men  any  longer  under  that  idea,  they  having  come 
"  without  the  least  expectation  or  preparation  for  such  ser- 
vices."    They  respectfully,  therefore,  asked   a  dismission   in 

1  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  i.,  175.  2  Webb  to  Governor  Trumbull. 

3  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  j,,  1(J2, 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON,  109 

form.  Washington's  brief  reply  shows  that  he  was  nettled  by 
their  conduct. 

"  Gentlemen :  In  answer  to  yours  of  this  date,  I  can  only 
repeat  to  you  what  I  said  last  night,  and  that  is,  that  if  your 
men  think  themselves  exempt  from  the  common  duty  of  a  sol- 
dier—  will  not  mount  guard,  do  garrison  duty,  or  service  sepa- 
rate from  their  horses  — they  can  no  longer  be  of  any  use  here, 
where  horses  cannot  be  brought  to  action,  and  I  do  not  care 
how  soon  they  are  dismissed." 

In  fact,  the  assistance  of  these  troops  was  much  needed ; 
yet  he  apprehended  the  exemption  from  fatigue  and  garrison 
duty  which  they  demanded  as  a  right,  would,  if  granted,  set 
a  dangerous  example  to  others,  and  be  productive  of  many  evil 
consequences. 

In  the  hurry  of  various  concerns  he  directed  his  aide-de-camp, 
Colonel  Webb,  to  write  in  his  name  to  Governor  Trumbull  on 
the  subject. 

Colonel  Seymour,  on  his  return  home,  addressed  a  long  letter 
to  the  governor  explanatory  of  his  conduct.  "  I  can't  help 
remarking  to  your  honor,"  adds  he,  "that  it  may  with  truth 
be  said,  General  Washington  is  a  gentleman  of  extreme  care 
and  caution  :  that  his  requisitions  for  men  are  fully  equal  to 
the  necessities  of  the  case.  ...  I  should  have  stopped  here, 
but  am  this  moment  informed  that  Mr.  Webb,  General  Wash- 
ington's aide-de-camp,  has  written  to  your  honor  something 
dishonorable  to  the  light  horse.  Whatever  it  may  be  I  know 
not,  but  this  I  do  know,  that  it  is  a  general  observation  both 
in  camp  and  country,  if  the  butterflies  and  coxcombs  were 
away  from  the  army,  we  should  not  be  put  to  so  much  difficulty 
in  obtaining  men  of  common  sense  to  engage  in  the  defence 
of  their  country."  1 

As  to  the  Connecticut  infantry  which  had  been  furnished  by 
Governor  Trumbull  in  the  present  emergency,  they  likewise 
were  substantial  farmers,  whose  business,  he  observed,  would 
require  their  return,  when  the  necessity  of  their  further  stay  in 
the  army  should  be  over.  They  were  all  men  of  simple  rural 
manners,  from  an  agricultural  State,  where  great  equality  of 
condition  prevailed ;  the  officers  were  elected  by  the  men  out 
of  their  own  ranks,  they  were  their  own  neighbors,  and  every 
way  their  equals.  All  this,  as  yet,  was  but  little  understood 
or  appreciated  by  the  troops  from  the  South,  among  whom 
military  rank  was  more  defined  and  tenaciously  observed,  and 

1  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  i.,  513. 


110  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

where  the  officers  were  men  of  the  cities,  and  of  more  aristo- 
cratic habits. 

We  have  drawn  out  from  contemporary  sources  these  few 
particulars  concerning  the  sectional  jealousies  thus  early  spring- 
ing up  among  the  troops  from  the  different  States,  to  show  the 
difficulties  with  which  Washington  had  to  contend  at  the  out- 
set, and  which  formed  a  growing  object  of  solicitude  through- 
out the  rest  of  his  career. 

John  Adams,  speaking  of  the  violent  passions  and  discordant 
interests  at  work  throughout  the  country,  from  Florida  to 
Canada,  observes:  "It  requires  more  serenity  of  temper,  a 
deeper  understanding,  and  more  courage  than  fell  to  the  lot  of 
Marlborough,  to  ride  in  this  whirlwind."  l 


CHAPTER  XVII. 

SOUTHERN    CRUISE    OF    SIR    HENRY     CLINTON FORTIFICATIONS    AT 

CHARLESTON  —  ARRIVAL   THERE    OF    GENERAL    LEE BATTLE    AT 

SULLIVAN'S  ISLAND WASHINGTON    ANNOUNCES   THE    RESULT  TO 

THE    ARMY. 

Letters  from  General  Lee  gave  Washington  intelligence  of 
the  fate  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  expedition  to  the  South ;  that 
expedition  which  had  been  the  subject  of  so  much  surmise  and 
perplexity.  Sir  Henry  in  his  cruise  along  the  coast  had  been 
repeatedly  foiled  by  Lee.  First,  as  we  have  shown,  when  he 
looked  in  at  New  York  ■;  next,  when  he  paused  at  Norfolk  in 
Virginia ;  and  lastly,  when  he  made  a  bold  attempt  at  Charles- 
ton in  South  Carolina ;  for  scarce  did  his  ships  appear  off  the 
bar  of  the  harbor,  than  the  omnipresent  Lee  was  marching  his 
troops  into  the  city. 

Within  a  year  past,  Charleston  had  been  fortified  at  various 
points.  Fort  Johnson,  on  James  Island,  three  miles  from  the 
city,  and  commanding  the  breadth  of  the  channel,  was  garri- 
soned by  a  regiment  of  South  Carolina  regulars  under  Colonel 
Gadsden.  A  strong  fort  had  recently  been  constructed  nearly 
opposite,  on  the  south-west  point  of  Sullivan's  Island,  about 
six  miles  below  the  city.  It  was  mounted  with  twenty-six 
guns,  and  garrisoned  by  three  hundred  and  seventy -five  regu- 
lars and  a  few  militia,  and  commanded  by  Colonel  William 

1  Am  Archives,  4th  Series,  v.,  1112. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  Ill 

Moultrie,  of  South  Carolina,  who  had  constructed  it.  This  fort, 
in  connection  with  that  on  James  Island,  was  considered  the 
key  of  the  harbor. 

Cannon  had  also  been  mounted  on  Iladdrell's  Point  on  the 
mainland,  to  the  north-west  of  Sullivan's  Island,  and  along 
the  bay  in  front  of  the  town. 

The  arrival  of  General  Lee  gave  great  joy  to  the  people 
of  Charleston,  from  his  high  reputation  for  military  skill 
and  experience.  According  to  his  own  account  in  a  letter  to 
Washington,  the  town  on  his  arrival  was  wt  utterly  defence- 
less." He  was  rejoiced  therefore,  when  the  enemy,  instead 
of  immediately  attacking  it,  directed  his  whole  force  against 
the  fort  on  Sullivan's  Island.  "  He  has  lost  an  opportunity," 
said  Lee,  u  such  as  I  hope  will  never  occur  again,  of  taking 
the  town." 

The  British  ships,  in  fact,  having  passed  the  bar  with  some 
difficulty,  landed  their  troops  on  Long  Island,  situated  to  the 
east  of  Sullivan's  Island,  and  separated  from  it  by  a  small  creek 
called  the  Breach.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  meditated  a  combined 
attack  with  his  land  and  naval  forces  on  the  fort  commanded  by 
Moultrie ;  the  capture  of  which,  he  thought,  would  insure  the 
reduction  of  Charleston. 

The  Americans  immediately  threw  up  works  on  the  north- 
eastern extremity  of  Sullivan's  Island,  to  prevent  the  passage  of 
the  enemy  over  the  Breach,  stationing  a  force  of  regulars  and 
militia  there,  under  Colonel  Thompson.  General  Lee  encamped 
on  Iladdrell's  Point,  on  the  mainland,  to  the  north  of  the  island, 
whence  he  intended  to  keep  up  a  communication  by  a  bridge  of 
boats,  so  as  to  be  ready  at  any  moment  to  aid  either  Moultrie  or 
Thompson. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  on  the  other  hand,  had  to  construct  batter- 
ies on  Long  Island,  to  oppose  those  of  Thompson,  and  cover 
the  passage  of  his  troops  by  boats  or  by  the  ford.  Thus  time 
was  consumed,  and  the  eneury  were,  from  the  1st  to  the  28th  of 
June,  preparing  for  the  attack  ;  their  troops  suffering  from  the 
intense  heat  of  the  sun  on  the  burning  sands  of  Long  Island, 
and  both  fleet  and  army  complaining  of  brackish  water  and 
scanty  and  bad  provisions. 

At  length  on  the  28th  of  June,  the  Thunder  Bomb  commenced 
the  attack,  throwing  shells  at  the  fort  as  the  fleet,  under  Sir 
Peter  Parker,  advanced.  About  eleven  o'clock  the  ships  dropped 
their  anchors  directly  before  the  front  battery.  "  I  was  at  this 
time  in  a  boat,"  writes  Lee,  "  endeavoring  to  make  the  island  ; 
but  the  wind  and  tide  being  violently  against  us,  drove  us  ou 


112  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

the  main.  They  immediately  commenced  the  most  furious  fire 
I  ever  heard  or  saw.  I  confess  I  was  in  pain,  from  the  little 
confidence  I  reposed  in  our  troops  ;  the  officers  being  all  boys, 
and  the  men  raw  recruits.  What  augmented  my  anxiety  was, 
that  we  had  no  bridge  finished  for  retreat  or  communication  ; 
and  the  creek  or  cove  which  separates  it  from  the  continent  is 
near  a  mile  wide.  .  I  had  received,  likewise,  intelligence  that 
their  land  troops  intended  at  the  same  time  to  land  and  assault. 
I  never  in  my  life  felt  myself  so  uneasy  ;  and  what  added  to  my 
uneasiness  was,  that  I  knew  our  stock  of  ammunition  was  mis- 
erably low.  I  had  once  thought  of  ordering  the  commanding 
officer  to  spike  his  guns,  and,  when  his  ammunition  was  spent, 
to  retreat  with  as  little  loss  as  possible.  However,  I  thought 
proper  previously  to  send  to  town  for  a  fresh  supply,  if  it  could 
possibly  be  procured,  and  ordered  my  aide-de-camp,  Mr.  Byrd 
(who  is  a  lad  of  magnanimous  courage),  to  pass  over  in  a 
small  canoe,  and  report  the  state  of  the  spirit  of  the  garrison. 
If  it  had  been  low,  I  should  have  abandoned  all  thoughts  of 
defence.  His  report  was  flattering.  I  then  determined  to 
maintain  the  post  at  all  risks,  and  passed  the  creek  or  cove 
in  a  small  boat,  in  order  to  animate  the  garrison  in  propria  per- 
sona ;  but  I  found  they  had  no  occasion  for  such  an  encourage- 
ment. 

"They  were  pleased  with  my  visit,  and  assured  me  they 
never  would  abandon  the  post  but  with  their  lives.  The  cool 
courage  they  displayed  astonished  and  enraptured  me,  for  I  do 
assure  you,  my  dear  general,  I  never  experienced  a  better  fire. 
Twelve  full  hours  it  was  continued  without  intermission.  The 
noble  fellows  who  were  mortally  wounded,  conjured  their  breth- 
ren never  to  abandon  the  standard  of  liberty.  Those  who  lost 
their  limbs  deserted  not  their  posts.  Upon  the  whole,  they 
acted  like  Romans  in  the  third  century." 

Much  of  the  foregoing  is  corroborated  by  the  statement  of  a 
British  historian.  "While  the  continued  fire  of  our  ships," 
writes  he,  "seemed  sufficient  to  shake  the  fierceness  of  the 
bravest  enemy,  and  daunt  the  courage  of  the  most  veteran  sol- 
dier, the  return  made  by  the  fort  could  not  fail  calling  for  the 
respect,  as  well  as  of  highly  incommoding  the  brave  seamen  of 
Britain.  In  the  midst  of  that  dreadful  roar  of  artillery,  they 
stuck  with  the  greatest  constancy  and  firmness  to  their  guns ; 
fired  deliberately  and  slowly,  and  took  a  cool  and  effective  aim. 
The  ships  suffered  accordingly,  they  were  torn  almost  to  pieces, 
and  the  slaughter  was  dreadful.  Never  did  British  valor  shine 
more  conspicuous,  aud  never  did  our  marine  in  an  engagement 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  113 

of  the  same  nature  with  any  foreign  enemy  experience  so  rude 
an  encounter."  1 

The  fire  from  the  ships  did  not  produce  the  expected  effect. 
The  fortifications  were  low,  composed  of  earth  and  palmetto 
wood,  which  is  soft,  and  makes  no  splinters,  and  the  merlons 
were  extremely  thick.  At  one  time  there  was  a  considerable 
pause  in  the  American  fire,  and  the  enemy  thought  the  fort 
was  abandoned.  It  was  only  because  the  powder  was  exhausted. 
As  soon  as  a  supply  could  be  forwarded  from  the  mainland  by 
General  Lee,  the  fort  resumed  its  fire  with  still  more  deadly 
effect.  Through  unskilful  pilotage,  several  of  the  ships  ran 
aground,  where  one,  the  frigate  Action,  remained  ;  the  rest 
were  extricated  with  difficulty.  Those  which  bore  the  brunt  of 
the  action  were  much  cut  up.  One  hundred  and  seventy-five 
men  were  killed,  and  nearly  as  many  wounded.  Captain  Scott, 
commanding  the  Experiment,  of  fifty  guns,  lost  an  arm,  and 
was  otherwise  wounded.  Captain  Morris,  commanding  the 
Actreon,  was  slain.  So  also  was  Lord  Campbell,  late  governor 
of  the  province,  who  served  as  a  volunteer  on  board  of  the 
squadron. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  two  thousand  troops  and  five  or  six 
hundred  seamen,  attempted  repeatedly  to  cross  from  Long 
Island,  and  co-operate  in  the  attack  upon  the  fort,  but  was  as 
often  foiled  by  Colonel  Thompson,  with  his  battery  of  two  can- 
non, and  a  body  of  South  Carolina  rangers  and  North  Carolina 
regulars.  "  Upon  the  whole,"  says  Lee,  "  the  South  and  North 
Carolina  troops  and  Virginia  rifle  battalion  we  have  here,  are 
admirable  soldiers." 

The  combat  slackened  before  sunset,  and  ceased  before  ten 
o'clock.  Sir  Peter  Parker,  who  had  received  a  severe  contusion 
in  the  engagement,  then  slipped  his  cables,  and  drew  off  his 
shattered  ships  to  Five  Fathom  Hole.  The  Actaeon  remained 
aground. 

On  the  following  morning  Sir  Llenry  Clinton  made  another 
attempt  to  cross  from  Long  Island  to  Sullivan's  Island ;  but 
was  again  repulsed,  and  obliged  to  take  shelter  behind  his 
breastworks.  Sir  Peter  Parker,  too,  giving  up  all  hope  of 
reducing  the  fort  in  the  shattered  condition  of  his  ships,  ordered 
that  the  Action  should  be  set  on  fire  and  abandoned.  The 
crew  left  her  in  flames,  with  the  guns  loaded,  and  the  colors 
flying.  The  Americans  boarded  her  in  time  to  haul  down  her 
colors'  and  secure  them  as  a  trophy,  discharge  her  guns  at  one 

1  Hist.  Civil  War  in  America.    Dublin,  1779.    Annual  Register. 


114  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

of  the  enemy's  ships,  and  load  three  boats  with  stores.  They 
then  abandoned  her  to  her  fate,  and  in  half  an  hour  she  blew 
up. 

Within  a  few  days  the  troops  were  re-embarked  from  Long 
Island  ;  the  attempt  upon  Charleston  was  for  the  present  aban- 
doned, and  the  fleet  once  more  put  to  sea. 

In  this  action,  one  of  the  severest  in  the  whole  course  of  the 
war,  the  loss  of  the  Americans  in  killed  and  wounded,  was  but 
thirty-five  men.  Colonel  Moultrie  derived  the  greatest  glory 
from  the  defence  of  Sullivan's  Island  ;  though  the  thanks  of 
Congress  were  voted  as  well  to  General  Lee,  Colonel  Thompson, 
and  those  under  their  command. 

"  For  God's  sake,  my  dear  general,"  writes  Lee  to  Washing- 
ton, u  urge  the  Congress  to  furnish  me  with  a  thousand  cavalry. 
With  a  thousand  cavalry  I  could  insure  the  safety  of  these 
Southern  provinces ;  and  without  cavalry,  I  can  answer  for 
nothing.  From  want  of  this  species  of  troops  we  had  infallibly 
lost  this  capital,  but  the  dilatoriness  and  stupidity  of  the  enemy 
saved  us." 

The  tidings  of  this  signal  repulse  of  the  enemy  came  most 
opportunely  to  Washington,  when  he  was  apprehending  an 
attack  upon  New  York.  He  writes  in  a  familiar  vein  to 
Schuyler  on  the  subject.  "  Sir  Peter  Parker  and  his  fleet  got 
a  severe  drubbing  in  an  attack  upon  our  works  on  Sullivan's 
Island,  just  by  Charleston  in  South  Carolina ;  a  part  of  their 
troops,  at  the  same  time,  in  attempting  to  land,  were  repulsed." 
He  assumed  a  different  tone  in  announcing  it  to  the  army  in  a 
general  order  of  the  21st  July.  "  This  generous  example  of 
our  troops  under  the  like  circumstances  with  us,  the  general 
hopes,  will  animate  every  officer  and  soldier  to  imitate,  and  even 
outdo  them,  when  the  enemy  shall  make  the  same  attempt  on 
us.  With  such  a  bright  example  before  us  of  what  can  be  done 
by  brave  men  fighting  in  defence  of  their  country,  we  shall  be 
loaded  with  a  double  share  of  shame  and  infamy  if  we  do  not 
acquit  ourselves  with  courage,  and  manifest  a  determined  reso 
lution  to  conquer  or  die." 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  115 


CHAPTER   XVIII. 

tutnam's  military  projects  —  ciievaux-de-frise  at  fort  Wash- 
ington  MEDITATED     ATTACK     ON     STATEN     ISLAND ARRIVAL 

OF  SHIPS HESSIAN  RE-ENFORCEMENTS  SCOTCH  HIGHLANDERS 

SIR     HENRY     CLINTON     AND     LORD      CORNWALLIS  PUTNAM'S 

OBSTRUCTIONS     OF    THE    HUDSON THE    PIKENIX    AND    ROSE    AT- 
TACKED    BY    ROW    GALLEYS    AT     TARRYTOWN GENERAL     ORDER 

OF  WASHINGTON    ON    THE    SUBJECT   OF    SECTIONAL    JEALOUSIES 

PROFANE    SWEARING  PROHIBITED    IN   THE  CAMP PREPARATIONS 

AGAINST    ATTACK LEVIES  OF  YEOMANRY GEORGE  CLINTON  IN 

COMMAND    OF    THE     LEVIES    ALONG     THE    HUDSON  ALARMS    OF 

THE    PEOPLE  OF  NEW  YORK BENEVOLENT   SYMPATHY   OE  WASH- 
INGTON   THE  PIKENIX  GRAPPLED    BY  A  FIRE-SHIP THE    SHIPS 

EVACUATE    THE    HUDSON. 

General  Putnam,  beside  his  bravery  in  the  field,  was  some- 
what of  a  mechanical  projector.  The  batteries  at  Fort  Wash- 
ington had  proved  ineffectual  in  opposing  the  passage  of  hostile 
ships  up  the  Hudson.  He  was  now  engaged  on  a  plan  for 
obstructing  the  channel  opposite  the  fort,  so  as  to  prevent  the 
passing  of  any  more  ships.  A  letter  from  him  to  General 
Gates  (July  26)  explains  his  project.  "  We  are  preparing 
chevaux-de-frise,  at  which  we  make  great  despatch  by  the  help 
of  ships,  which  are  to  be  sunk  —  a  scheme  of  mine  which  you 
may  be  assured  is  very  simple  ;  a  plan  of  which  I  send  you. 
The  two  ships'  sterns  lie  toward  each  other,  about  seventy  feet 
apart.  Three  large  logs,  which  reach  from  ship  to  ship,  are 
fastened  to  them.  The  two  ships  and  logs  stop  the  river  two 
hundred  and  eighty  feet.  The  ships  are  to  be  sunk,  and  when 
hauled  down  on  one  side,  the  pricks  will  be  raised  to  a  proper 
height,  and  they  must  inevitably  stop  the  river,  if  the  enemy 
will  let  us  sink  them." 

It  so  happened  that  one  Ephraim  Anderson,  adjutant  to  the 
second  Jersey  battalion,  had  recently  submitted  a  project  to 
Congress  for  destroying  the  enemy's  fleet  in  the  harbor  of  New 
York.  He  had  attempted  an  enterprise  of  the  kind  against  the 
British  ships  in  the  harbor  of  Quebec  during  the  siege,  and, 
according  to  his  own  account,  would  have  succeeded,  had  not 
the  enemy  discovered  his  intentions,  and  stretched  a  cable  across 
the  mouth  of  the  harbor,  and  had  he  not  accidentally  been  much 
burned. 


116  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON: 

His  scheme  was  favorably  entertained  by  Congress,  and 
Washington,  by  a  letter  dated  July  10,  was  instructed  to  aid 
him  in  carrying  it  into  effect.  Anderson,  accordingly,  was  soon 
at  work  at  New  York  constructing  fire-ships,  with  which  the 
fleet  was  to  be  attacked.  Simultaneous  with  the  attack,  a 
descent  was  to  be  made  on  the  British  camp  on  Statcn  Island, 
from  the  nearest  point* of  the  Jersey  shore,  by  troops  from 
Mercer's  flying  camp,  and  by  others  stationed  at  Bergen  under 
Major  Knowlton,  Putnam's  favorite  officer  for  daring  enter- 
prises. 

Putnam  entered  into  the  scheme  as  zealously  as  if  it  had  been 
his  own.  Indeed,  by  the  tenor  of  his  letter  to  Gates,  already 
quoted,  he  seemed  almost  to  consider  it  so.  "  The  enemy's 
fleet,"  writes  he,  "  now  lies  in  the  bay,  close  under  Staten 
Island.  Their  troops  possess  no  land  here  but  the  island.  Is 
it  not  strange  that  those  invincible  troops,  who  were  to  lay 
waste  all  this  country  with  their  fleets  and  army,  are  so  fond  of 
islands  and  peninsulas,  and  dare  not  put  their  feet  on  the  main? 
But  I  hope,  by  the  blessing  of  God,  and  good  friends,  we  shall 
pay  them  a  visit  on  their  island.  For  that  end  we  are  preparing 
fourteen  fire-ships  to  go  into  their  fleet,  some  of  which  are  ready 
charged  and  fitted  to  sail,  and  I  hope  soon  to  have  them  all 
fixed." 

Anderson,  also,  on  the  31st  July,  writes  from  New  York  to 
the  President  of  Congress:  "I  have  been  for  some  time  past 
very  assiduous  in  the  preparation  of  fire-ships.  Two  are  already 
complete,  and  hauled  off  into  the  stream ;  two  more  will  be  off 
to-morrow,  and  the  residue  in  a  very  short  time.  In  my  next,  I 
hope  to  give  you  a  particular  account  of  a  general  conflagration, 
as  every  thing  in  my  power  shall  be  exerted  for  the  demolition 
of  the  enemy's  fleet.  I  expect  to  take  an  active  part,  and  be 
an  instrument  for  that  purpose.  I  am  determined  (God 
willing)  to  make  a  conspicuous  figure  among  them,  by  being  a 
'burning  and  shining  light,'  and  thereby  serve  my  country,  and 
have  the  honor  of  meeting  the  approbation  of  Congress."  1 

Projectors  are  subject  to  disappointments.  It  was  impossible 
to  construct  a  sufficient  number  of  fire-ships  and  galleys  in  time. 
The  flying  camp,  too,  recruited  but  slowly,  and  scarcely  exceeded 
three  thousand  men  ;  the  combined  attack  by  fire  and  sword  had 
therefore  to  be  given  up,  and  the  "  burning  and  shining  light " 
again  failed  of  conflagration. 

Still,  a  partial  night  attack  on  the  Staten  Island  encampment 

1  Am,  Archives,  5lh  Series,  i.,  155. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  117 

was  concerted  by  Mercer  and  Knowlton,  and  twice  attempted. 
On  one  occasion,  they  were  prevented  from  crossing  the  strait 
by  tempestuous  weather,  on  another  by  deficiency  of  boats. 

In  the  course  of  a  few  days  arrived  a  hundred  sail,  with  large 
re-enforcements,  among  which  were  one  thousand  Hessians,  and 
as  many  more  were  reported  to  be  on  the  way.  The  troops 
were  disembarked  on  Staten  Island,  and  fortifications  thrown  up 
on  some  of  the  most  commanding  hills. 

All  projects  of  attack  upon  the  enemy  were  now  out  of  the 
question.  Indeed,  some  of  Washington's  ablest  advisers  ques- 
tioned the  policy  of  remaining  in  New  York,  where  they  might 
be  entrapped  as  the  British  had  been  in  Boston.  Reed,  the 
adjutant-general,  observed  that,  as  the  communication  by  the 
Hudson  was  interrupted,  there  was  nothing  now  to  keep  them  at 
New  York  but  a  mere  point  of  honor ;  in  the  mean  time,  they 
endangered  the  loss  of  the  army  and  its  military  stores.  Why 
should  they  risk  so  much  in  defending  a  city,  while  the  greater 
part  of  its  inhabitants  were  plotting  their  destruction  ?  His  ad- 
vice was,  that,  when  the}7  could  defend  the  city  no  longer,  they 
should  evacuate,  and  burn  it,  and  retire  from  Manhattan  Island  ; 
should  avoid  any  general  action,  or  indeed  any  action,  unless  in 
view  of  great  advantages  ;  and  should  make  it  a  war  of  posts. 

During  the  latter  part  of  Jul}7,  and  the  early  part  of  August, 
ships-of-war  with  their  tenders  continued  to  arrive,  and  Scotch 
Highlanders,  Hessians,  and  other  troops  to  be  landed  on  Staten 
Island.  At  the  beginning  of  August,  the  squadron  with  Sir 
Henry  Clinton,  recently  repulsed  at  Charleston,  anchored  in  the 
bay.  "  His  coming,"  writes  Colonel  Reed,  "  was  as  unexpected 
as  if  he  had  dropped  from  the  clouds."  He  was  accompanied 
by  Lord  Cornwallis,  and  brought  three  thousand  troops. 

In  the  mean  time,  Putnam's  contrivances  for  obstructing  the 
channel  had  reached  their  destined  place.  A  letter  dated  Fort 
Washington,  August  3,  says:  "Four  ships  chained  and 
boomed,  with  a  number  of  amazing  large  chevaux-de-frise,  were 
sunk  close  by  the  fort  under  command  of  General  Mifflin,  which 
fort  mounts  thirty- two  pieces  of  heavy  cannon.  We  are  thor- 
oughly sanguine  that  they  [the  ships  up  the  river]  never  will  be 
able  to  join  the  British  fleet,  nor  assistance  from  the  fleet  be 
afforded  to  them  ;  so  that  we  may  set  them  down  as  our  own." 

Another  letter,  written  at  the  same  date  from  Tarrytown,  on 
the  borders  of  the  Tappan  Sea,  gives  an  account  of  an  attack 
made  by  six  row  galleys  upon  the  Phcenix  and  the  Rose.  They 
fought  bravely  for  two  hours,  hulling  the  ships  repeatedly,  but 
sustaining  great   damage   in    return ;    until   their   commodore, 


118  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON: 

Colonel  Tupper,  gave  the  signal  to  draw  off.  "  Never,"  says 
the  writer,  "  did  men  behave  with  more  firm,  determined  spirit, 
than  our  little  crews.  One  of  our  tars  being  mortally  wounded, 
cried  to  his  companions  :  '  I  am  a  dying  man  ;  revenge  my  blood, 
my  boys,  and  carry  me  alongside  my  gun,  that  I  may  die  there.' 
We  were  so  preserved  by  a  gracious  Providence,  that  in  all  our 
galleys  we  had  but  two  men  killed  and  fourteen  wounded,  two 
of  which  are  thought  dangerous.  We  hope  to  have  another 
touch  at  those  pirates  before  they  leave  our  river ;  which  God 
prosper ! ' ' 

Such  was  the  belligerent  spirit  prevailing  up  the  Hudson. 

The  force  of  the  enemy  collected  in  the  neighborhood  of  New 
York  was  about  thirty  thousand  men  ;  that  of  the  Americans  a 
little  more  than  seventeen  thousand,  but  was  subsequently  in- 
creased to  twenty  thousand,  for  the  most  part  raw  and  undisci- 
plined. One-fourth  were  on  the  sick  list  with  bilious  and  putrid 
fevers  and  dysentery  ;  others  were  absent  on  furlough  or  com- 
mand ;  the  rest  had  to  be  distributed  over  posts  and  stations 
fifteen  miles  apart. 

The  sectional  jealousies  prevalent  among  them  were  more  and 
more  a  subject  of  uneasiness  to  Washington.  In  one  of  his 
general  orders  he  observes :  ' '  It  is  with  great  concern  that 
the  general  understands  that  jealousies  have  arisen  among  the 
troops  from  the  different  provinces,  and  reflections  are  fre- 
quently thrown  out  which  can  only  tend  to  irritate  each  other, 
and  injure  the  noble  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged,  and  which 
we  ought  to  support  with  one  hand  and  one  heart.  The  general 
most  earnestly  entreats  the  officers  and  soldiers  to  consider  the 
consequences  ;  that  they  can  no  way  assist  our  enemies  more 
effectually  than  by  making  divisions  among  ourselves  ;  that  the 
honor  and  success  of  the  army,  and  the  safety  of  our  bleeding 
country,  depend  upon  harmony  and  good  agreement  with  each 
other ;  that  the  provinces  are  all  united  to  oppose  the  common 
enemy,  and  all  distinctions  sunk  in  the  name  of  an  American. 
To  make  this  name  honorable,  and  to  preserve  the  liberty  of  our 
country,  ought  to  be  our  only  emulation  ;  and  he  will  be  the 
best  soldier  and  the  best  patriot,  who  contributes  most  to  this 
glorious  work,  whatever  be  his  station,  or  from  whatever  part  of 
the  continent  he  may  come.  Let  all  distinction  of  nations, 
countries  and  provinces,  therefore,  be  lost  in  the  generous  con- 
test, who  shall  behave  with  the  most  courage  against  the  enemy, 
and  the  most  kindness  and  good-humor  to  each  other.  If  there 
be  any  officers  or  soldiers  so  lost  to  virtue  and  a  love  of  their 
country,  as  to  continue  in  such  practices  after  this  order,  the 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  119 

general  assures  them,  and  is  authorized  by  Congress  to  declare 
to  the  whole  army,  that  such  persons  shall  be  severely  punished, 
and  dismissed  from  the  service  with  disgrace." 

The  urgency  of  such  a  general  order  is  apparent  in  that 
early  period  of  our  confederation,  when  its  various  parts  had 
not  as  yet  been  sufficiently  welded  together  to  acquire  a 
thorough  feeling  of  nationality  ;  yet  what  an  enduring  lesson 
does  it  furnish  for  every  stage  of  our  Union  ! 

We  subjoin  another  of  the  general  orders  issued  in  this  time 
of  gloom  and  anxiety  : 

"  That  the  troops  may  have  an  opportunity  of  attending 
public  worship,  as  well  as  to  take  some  rest  after  the  great 
fatigue  they  have  gone  through,  the  general,  in  future, 
excuses  them  from  fatigue  duty  on  Sundays,  except  at  the 
ship-yards,  or  on  special  occasions,  until  further  orders.  The 
general  is  sorry  to  be  informed,  that  the  foolish  and  wicked 
practice  of  profane  cursing  and  swearing,  a  vice  heretofore 
little  known  in  an  American  army,  is  growing  into  fashion. 
He  hopes  the  officers  will,  by  example  as  well  as  influence, 
endeavor  to  check  it,  and  that  both  they  and  the  men  will 
reflect,  that  we  can  have  little  hope  of  the  blessing  of  Heaven  on 
our  arms,  if  we  insult  it  by  our  impiety  and  folly.  Added  to 
this,  it  is  a  vice  so  mean  and  low,  without  any  temptation,  that 
eveiy  man  of  sense  and  character  detests  and  despises  it."  ! 

While  Washington  thus  endeavored  to  elevate  the  minds 
of  his  soldiery  to  the  sanctity  of  the  cause  in  which  they  were 
engaged,  he  kept  the  most  watchful  eye  upon  the  movements 
of  the  enemy.  Reside  their  great  superiority  in  point  of 
numbers  as  well  as  discipline,  to  his  own  crude  and  scanty 
legions,  they  possessed  a  vast  advantage  in  their  fleet.  "  They 
would  not  be  half  the  enemy  they  are,"  observed  Colonel 
Reed,  tk  if  the}'  were  once  separated  from  their  ships."  Every 
arrival  and  departure  of  these,  therefore,  was  a  subject  of 
speculation  and  conjecture.  Aaron  Burr,  at  that  time  in 
New  York,  aide-de-camp  to  General  Putnam,  speaks,  in  a 
letter  to  an  uncle,  of  thirt}'  transports,  which,  under  convoy 
of  three  frigates,  had  put  to  sea  on  the  7th  of  August,  with 
the  intention  of  sailing  round  Long  Island  and  coming  through 
the  Sound,  and  thus  investing  the  city  by  the  North  and  East 
Rivers.  "  They  are  then  to  land  on  both  sides  of  the  island," 
writes  he,  "  join  their  forces,  and  draw  a  line  across,  which 
will  hem  us  in,  and  totally  cut  off  all   communication  ;  after 

1  Orderly  Book,  August  3,  as  cited  by  Sparks.  Writings  of  Washington,  vol.  iv.,  p.  28 


120  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

which,  they  will  have  their  own  fun."  He  adds:  "  They  hold 
us  in  the  utmost  contempt.  Talk  of  forcing  all  our  lines  with- 
out firing  a  gun.  The  bayonet  is  their  pride.  They  have 
forgot  Bunker's  Hill."  l 

In  this  emergency,  Washington  wrote  to  General  Mercer 
for  2,000  men  from  the  flying  camp.  Colonel  Smallwood's 
battalion  was  immediately  furnished,  as  a  part  of  them.  The 
Convention  of  the  State  ordered  out  hasty  levies  of  country 
militia,  to  form  temporary  camps  on  the  shore  of  the  Sound, 
and  on  that  of  the  Hudson  above  King's  Bridge,  to  annoy  the 
enemy,  should  they  attempt  to  land  from  their  ships  on  either 
of  these  waters.  Others  were  sent  to  re-enforce  the  posts  on 
Long  Island.  As  Kings  County  on  Long  Island  was  noted  for 
being  a  stronghold  of  the  disaffected,  the  Convention  ordered 
that,  should  any  of  the  militia  of  that  county  refuse  to  serve, 
they  should  be  disarmed  and  secured,  and  their  possessions 
laid  waste. 

Many  of  the  yeomen  of  the  country,  thus  hastily  sum- 
moned from  the  plough,  were  destitute  of  arms,  in  lieu  of 
which  they  were  ordered  to  bring  with  them  a  shovel,  spade, 
or  pickaxe,  or  a  scythe  straightened  and  fastened  to  a  pole. 
This  rustic  array  ma}'  have  provoked  the  thoughtless  sneers 
of  city  scoffers,  such  as  those  cited  by  Graydon  ;  but  it  was 
in  truth  one  of  the  glorious  features  of  the  Revolution,  to 
be  thus  aided  in  its  emergencies  by  "  hasty  levies  of  husband- 
men." 2. 

By  the  authority  of  the  New  York  Convention,  Washington 
had  appointed  General  George  Clinton  to  the  command  of 
the  levies  on  both  sides  of  the  Hudson.  He  now  ordered 
him  to  hasten  down  with  them  to  the  fort  just  erected  on 
the  north  side  of  King's  Bridge  ;  leaving  two  hundred  men 
under  the  command  of  a  brave  and  alert  officer  to  throw  up 

1  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  i.,  887. 

2  General  orders,  August  8,  show  the  feverish  state  of  affairs  in  the  city.  "  As  the 
movements  of  the  enemy,  and  intelligence  by  deserters,  give  the  utmost  reason  to 
believe  that  the  great  struggle  in  which  we  are  contending  for  every  thing  dear  to  us 
and  our  posterity  is  near  at  hand,  the  general  most  earnestly  recommends  the  closest 
attention  to  the  state  of  the  men's  arms,  ammunition,  and  flints;  that  if  we  should  besud 
denly  called  to  action,  nothing  of  this  kind  may  be  to  provide.  And  he  does  most 
anxiously  exhort  both  officers  and  soldiers  not  to  be  out  of  their  quarters  or  encamp 
ments,  especially  in  the  morning,  or  upon  the  tide  of  Hood. 

"  A  flag  in  the  daytime,  or  a  light  at  night,  in  the  fort  on  Bayard's  Hill,  with  three 
guns  from  the  same  place  fired  quick  but  distinct,  is  to  be  considered  as  a  signal  for  the 
troops  to  repair  to  their  alarm  posts,  and  prepare  for  action.  And  that  the  alarm  may 
be  more  effectually  given,  the  drums  are  immediately  to  beat  to  arms  upon  the  signal 
being  given  from  Bayard's  Hill.  This  order  is  not  to  be  considered  as  countermand 
ing  the  firing  two  guns  at  Fort  George,  as  formerly  ordered.  That  is  also  to  be  done  on 
an  alarm,  but  the  flag  will  not  be  hoisted  at  the  old  head-quarters  ill  Broadway."  —  Am 
Archives,  bth  Series,  i.,  912. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  121 

works  at  the  pass  of  Anthony's  Nose,  where  the  main  road 
to  Albany  crosses  that  mountain.  Troops  of  horse  also  were 
to  be  posted  by  him  along  the  river  to  watch  the  motions  of 
the  enemy. 

Washington  now  made  the  last  solemn  preparations  for  the 
impending  conflict.  All  suspected  persons,  whose  presence 
might  promote  the  plans  of  the  enemy,  were  removed  to  a  dis- 
tance. All  papers  respecting  affairs  of  State  were  put  up  in  a 
large  case,  to  be  delivered  to  Congress.  As  to  his  domestic 
arrangements,  Mrs.  Washington  had  some  time  previously  gone 
to  Philadelphia,  with  the  intention  of  returning  to  Virginia,  as 
there  was  no  prospect  of  her  being  with  him  any  part  of  the 
summer,  which  threatened  to  be  one  of  turmoil  and  danger. 
The  other  ladies,  wives  of  general  officers,  who  used  to  grace 
and  enliven  head-quarters,  had  all  been  sent  out  of  the  way  of 
the  storm  which  was  lowering  over  this  devoted  city. 

Accounts  of  deserters,  and  other  intelligence,  informed  Wash- 
ington, on  the  17th,  that  a  great  many  of  the  enemy's  troops 
had  gone  on  board  of  the  transports ;  that  three  days'  provis- 
ions had  been  cooked,  and  other  steps  taken  indicating  an  in- 
tention of  leaving  Staten  Island.  Putnam,  also,  came  up  from 
below  with  word  that  at  least  one-fourth  of  the  fleet  had  sailed. 
There  were  many  conjectures  at  head-quarters  as  to  whither 
they  were  bound,  or  whether  they  had  not  merely  shifted  their 
station.  Every  thing  indicated,  however,  that  affairs  were 
tending  to  a  crisis. 

The  "  hysterical  alarms  "  of  the  peaceful  inhabitants  of  New 
York,  which  had  provoked  the  soldier-like  impatience  and  sa- 
tirical sneers  of  Lee,  inspired  different  sentiments  in  the  benev- 
olent heart  of  Washington,  and  produced  the  following  letter 
to  the  New  York  Convention  : 

"  When  I  consider  that  the  city  of  New  York  will,  in  all  hu- 
man probability,  very  soon  be  the  scene  of  a  bloody  conflict,  I 
cannot  but  view  the  great  numbers  of  women,  children,  and 
infirm  persons  remaining  in  it,  with  the  most  melancholy  con- 
cern. When  the  men-of-war  (the  Phoenix  and  Rose)  passed 
up  the  river,  the  shrieks  and  cries  of  these  poor  creatures,  run- 
ning every  way  with  their  children,  were  truly  distressing,  and 
I  fear  they  will  have  an  unhappy  effect  upon-  the  ears  and  minds 
of  our  young  and  inexperienced  soldiery.  Can  no  method  be 
devised  for  their  removal  ?  ' ' 

How  vividly  does  this  call  to  mind  the  compassionate  sensi- 
bility of  his  younger  days,  when  commanding  at  Winchester, 
in  Virginia,  in  time  of  public  peril;   and  melted  to   "deadly 


122  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

sorrow  "  by  the  u  supplicating  tears  of  the  women,  and  moving 
petitions  of  the  men."  As  then,  he  listened  to  the  prompt  sug- 
gestions of  his  own  heart ;  and,  without  awaiting  the  action  of 
the  Convention,  issued  a  proclamation,  advising  the  inhabitants 
to  remove,  and  requiring  the  officers  and  soldiery  to  aid  the 
helpless  and  the  indigent.  The  Convention  soon  responded  to 
his  appeal,  and  appointed  a  committee  to  effect  these  purposes 
in  the  most  humane  and  expeditious  manner. 

A  gallant  little  exploit  at  this  juncture  gave  a  fillip  to  the 
spirits  of  the  community.  Two  of  the  fire-ships  recently  con- 
structed went  up  the  Hudson  to  attempt  the  destruction  of  the 
ships  which  had  so  long  been  domineering  over  its  waters.  One 
succeeded  in  grappling  the  Phoenix,  and  would  soon  have  set 
her  in  flames,  but  in  the  darkness  got  to  leeward,  and  was  cast 
loose  without  effecting  aii}^  damage.  The  other,  in  making  for 
the  Hose,  fell  foul  of  one  of  the  tenders,  grappled  and  burned 
her.  The  enterprise  was  conducted  with  spirit,  and  though  it 
failed  of  its  main  object,  had  an  important  effect.  The  com- 
manders of  the  ships  determined  to  abandon  those  waters^ 
where  their  boats  were  fired  upon  by  the  very  yeomanry  when- 
ever they  attempted  to  land;  and  where  their  ships  were  in 
danger  from  midnight  incendiaries,  while  riding  at  anchor. 
Taking  advantage  of  a  brisk  wind,  and  favoring  tide,  they  made 
all  sail  early  on  the  morning  of  the  18th  of  August,  and  stood 
down  the  river,  keeping  close  under  the  eastern  shore,  where 
they  supposed  the  guns  from  Mount  Washington  could  not  be 
brought  to  bear  upon  them.  Notwithstanding  this  precaution, 
the  Phoenix  was  thrice  hulled  by  shots  from  the  fort,  and  one 
of  the  tenders  once.  The  Rose,  also,  was  hulled  once  by  a 
shot  from  Burdett's  Ferry.  The  men  on  board  were  kept  close, 
to  avoid  being  picked  off  by  a  party  of  riflemen  posted  on  the 
river-bank.  The  ships  fired  grape-shot  as  they  passed,  but 
without  effecting  ai^  injury.  Unfortunately,  a  passage  had 
been  left  open  in  the  obstructions  on  which  General  Putnam 
had  calculated  so  sanguinely  ;  it  was  to  have  been  closed  in  the 
course  of  a  day  or  two.  Through  this  they  made  their  way, 
guided  by  a  deserter ;  which  alone,  in  Putnam's  opinion,  saved 
them  from  being  checked  in  their  career,  and  utterly  destroyed 
by  the  batteries. 


BATTLE    OF  LONG    ISLAND 

{from.  Stedincui's  ff'story  a£  Jlmwlcattr  lVZu\J 
with,  additions. 


LIFE  OF   WASU1NUTQX.  123 

CHAPTER    XIX. 

THE    BATTLE    OF    LONG    ISLAND. 

The  movements  of  the  British  fleet,  and  of  the  camp  on 
Staten  Island,  gave  signs  of  a  meditated  attack  ;  but,  as  the 
nature  of  that  attack  was  uncertain,  Washington  was  obliged 
to  retain  the  greater  part  of  his  troops  in  the  city  for  its 
defence,  holding  them  ready,  however,  to  be  transferred  to  any 
point  in  the  vicinity.  General  Mifflin,  with  about  live  hundred 
of  the  Pennsylvania  troops,  of  Colonels  Shee  and  Magaw's 
regiments,  were  at  King's  Bridge,  read}r  to  aid  at  a  moment's 
notice.  "They  are  the  best  disciplined  of  any  troops  that  I 
have  yet  seen  in  the  army,"  said  General  Heath,  who  had  just 
reviewed  them.  General  George  Clinton  was  at  that  post,  with 
about  fourteen  hundred  of  his  yeomanry  of  the  Hudson.  As 
the  Phoenix  and  Rose  had  explored  the  shores,  and  taken  the 
soundings  as  far  as  they  had  gone  up  the  river,  General  Heath 
thought  Howe  might  attempt  an  attack  somewhere  above  King's 
Bridge,  rather  than  in  the  face  of  the  many  and  strong  works 
erected  in  and  around  the  city.  "  Should  his  inclination  lead 
him  this  way,"  adds  he,  "  nature  has  done  much  for  us,  and  we 
shall,  as  fast  as  possible,  add  the  strength  of  art.  We  are 
pushing  our  works  with  great  diligence."  l 

Reports  from  different  quarters  gave  Washington  reason  to 
apprehend  that  the  design  of  the  enemy  might  be  to  land  part 
of  their  force  on  Long  Island,  and  endeavor  to  get  possession 
of  the  heights  of  Brooklyn,  which  overlooked  New  York ; 
while  another  part  should  land  above  the  city,  as  General 
Heath  suggested.  Thus,  various  disconnected  points  distant 
from  each  other,  and  a  great  extent  of  intervening  country,  had 
to  be  defended  by  raw  troops,  against  a  superior  force,  well  dis- 
ciplined, and  possessed  of  every  facility  for  operating  by  land 
and  water. 

General  Greene,  with  a  considerable  force,  was  stationed  at 
Brooklyn.  He  had  acquainted  himself  with  all  the  localities  of 
the  island,  from  Hell  Gate  to  the  Narrows,  and  made  his  plan 
of  defence  accordingly.  His  troops  were  diligently  occupied  in 
works  which  he  laid  out,  about  a  mile  beyond  the  village  of 
Brooklyn,  and  facing  the  interior  of  the  island,  whence  a  land 
attack  might  be  attempted. 

1  Ilcath  to  Washington,  August  17-18. 


124  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

Brooklyn  was  immediately  opposite  to  New  York.  The 
Sound,  commonly  called  the  East  River,  in  that  place  about 
three  quarters  of  a  mile  in  width,  swept  its  rapid  tides  between 
them.  The  village  stood  on  a  kind  of  peninsula,  formed  by  the 
deep  inlets  of  Wallabout  Bay  on  the  north,  and  Gowanus  Cove 
on  the  south.  A  line  of  intrenchments  and  strong  redoubts 
extended  across  the  neck  of  the  peninsula,  from  the  bay  to  a 
swamp  and  creek  emptying  into  the  cove.  To  protect  the  rear 
of  the  works  from  the  enemy's  ships,  a  battery  was  erected  at 
Red  Hook,  the  south-west  corner  of  the  peninsula,  and  a  fort 
on  Governor's  Island,  nearly  opposite. 

About  two  miles  and  a  half  in  front  of  the  line  of  intrench- 
ments and  redoubts,  a  range  of  hills,  densely  wooded,  extended 
from  south-west  to  north-east,  forming  a  natural  barrier  across 
the  island.  It  was  traversed  by  three  roads.  One,  on  the  left 
of  the  works,  stretched  eastwardly  to  Bedford,  and  then  by  a 
pass  through  the  Bedford  Hills  to  the  village  of  Jamaica ;  an- 
other, central  and  direct,  led  through  the  woody  heights  to  Flat- 
bush  ;  a  third,  on  the  right  of  the  lines,  passed  by  Gowanus  Cove 
to  the  Narrows  and  Gravesend  Bay. 

The  occupation  of  this  range  of  hills,  and  the  protection  of 
its  passes,  had  been  designed  by  General  Greene  ;  but  unfor- 
tunately, in  the  midst  of  his  arduous  toils,  he  was  taken  down 
by  a  raging  fever,  which  confined  him  to  his  bed ;  and  General 
Sullivan,  just  returned  from  Lake  Champlain,  had  the  temporary 
command. 

Washington  saw  that  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  landing 
on  Long  Island  would  be  impossible,  its  great  extent  afford- 
ing so  many  places  favorable  for  that  purpose,  and  the  Amer- 
ican works  being  at  the  part  opposite  to  New  York.  ' '  However," 
writes  he  to  the  President  of  Congress,  "we  shall  attempt  to 
harass  them  as  much  as  possible,  which  is  all  that  we  can  do." 

On  the  21st  came  a  letter,  written  in  all  haste  by  Brigadier- 
General  William  Livingston,  of  New  Jersey.  Movements  of 
the  enemy  on  Staten  Island  had  been  seen  from  his  camp. 
He  had  sent  over  a  spy  at  midnight,  who  brought  back  the 
following  inteligence.  Twenty  thousand  men  had  embarked  to 
make  an  attack  on  Long  Island,  and  up  the  Hudson.  Fifteen 
thousand  remained  on  Staten  Island,  to  attack  Bergen  Point, 
Elizabethtown  Point,  and  Amboy.  The  spy  declared  that  he 
had  heard  orders  read,  and  the  conversation  of  the  generals. 
ktThey  appear  very  determined,"  added  he,  "  and  will  put  all 
to  the  sword  !  ' ' 

Washington  sent  a  copy  of  the  letter  to  the  New  York  Con- 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  125 

vention.  On  the  following  morning  (August  22)  the  enemy 
appeared  to  be  carrying  their  plans  into  execution.  The  reports 
of  cannon  and  musketry  were  heard  from  Long  Island,  and 
columns  of  smoke  were  descried  rising  above  the  groves  and 
orchards  at  a  distance.  The  city,  as  usual,  was  alarmed, 
and  had  reason  to  be  so  ;  for  word  soon  came  that  several 
thousand  men,  with  artillery  and  light  horse,  were  landed  at 
Gravesend  ;  and  that  Colonel  Hand,  stationed  there  with  the 
Pennsylvania  rifle  regiment,  had  retreated  to  the  lines,  setting 
fire  to  stacks  of  wheat,  and  other  articles,  to  keep  them  from 
falling  into  the  enemy's  hands. 

Washington  apprehended  an  attempt  of  the  foe  by  a  forced 
march,  to  surprise  the  lines  at  Brooklyn.  He  immediately  sent 
over  a  re-enforcement  of  six  battalions.  It  was.  all  that  he 
could  spare,  as  with  the  next  tide  the  ships  might  bring  up  the 
residue  of  the  army,  and  attack  the  city.  Five  battalions 
more,  however,  were  ordered  to  be  ready  as  a  re-enforcement, 
if  required.  c'Be  cool,  but  determined,"  was  the  exhortation 
given  to  the  departing  troops.  "  Do  not  fire  at  a  distance, 
but  wait  the  commands  of  your  officers.  It  is  the  general's 
express  orders,  that  if  any  man  attempt  to  skulk,  lie  down, 
or  retreat  without  orders,  he  be  instantly  shot  down  for  an 
example." 

In  justice  to  the  poor  fellows,  most  of  whom  were  going  for 
the  first  time  on  a  service  of  life  and  death,  Washington  ob- 
serves, that  "  they  went  off  in  high  spirits,"  and  that  the  whole 
capable  of  duty  evinced  the  same  cheerfulness.1 

Nine  thousand  of  the  enemy  had  landed,  with  forty  pieces  of 
cannon.  Sir  Henry  Clinton  had  the  chief  command,  and  led 
the  first  division.  His  associate  officers  were  the  Earls  of  Corn- 
wallis  and  Percy,  General  Grant,  and  General  Sir  William  Ers- 
kine.  As  their  boats  approached  the  shore,  Colonel  Hand, 
stationed,  as  has  been  said,  in  the  neighborhood  with  his  rifle 
regiment,  retreated  to  the  chain  of  wooded  hills,  and  took  post 
on  a  height  commanding  the  central  road  leading  from  Flat- 
bush.  The  enemy  having  landed  without  opposition,  Lord 
Cornwallis  was  detached  with  the  reserve  to  Flatbush,  while 
the  rest  of  the  army  extended  itself  from  the  ferry  at  the 
Narrows  through  Utrecht  and  Gravesend,  to  the  village  of 
Flatland. 

Lord  Cornwallis,  with  two  battalions  of  light  infantry,  Colonel 
Donop's   corps   of    Hessians,    and   six   field-pieces,    advanced 

1  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress. 


126  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

rapidly  to  seize  upon  the  central  pass  through  the  hills.   He  found 
Hand  and  his  riflemen  ready  to  make  a  vigorous  defence.     This 
brought  him  to  a  halt,  having  been  ordered  not  to  risk  an  attack 
should  the  pass  be  occupied.     He  took  post  for  the  night,  there 
fore,  in  the  village  of  Flatbush. 

It  was  evidently  the  aim  of  the  enemy  to  force  the  lines  at 
Brooklyn,  and  get  possession  of  the  heights.  Should  they 
succeed,  New  York  would  be  at  their  mercy.  The  panic  and 
distress  of  the  inhabitants  went  on  increasing.  Most  of  those 
who  could  afford  it,  had  already  removed  to  the  country.  There 
was  now  a  new  cause  of  terror.  It  was  rumored  that,  should 
the  American  army  retreat  from  the  city,  leave  would  be  given 
for  any  one  to  set  it  on  fire.  The  New  York  Convention  ap- 
prised Washington  of  this  rumor.  "I  can  assure  you,  gentle- 
men," writes  he  in  reply,  "that  this  report  is  not  founded  on 
the  least  authority  from  me.  On  the  contrary,  I  am  so  sensi- 
ble of  the  value  of  such  a  city,  and  the  consequences  of  its 
destruction  to  many  worthy  citizens  and  their  families,  that 
nothing  but  the  last  necessity,  and  that  such  as  would  justify 
me  to  the  whole  world,  would  induce  me  to  give  orders  to  that 
purpose." 

In  this  time  of  general  alarm,  head-quarters  were  besieged  by 
applicants  for  safeguard  from  the  impending  danger  ;  and  Wash- 
ington was  even  beset  in  his  walks  by  supplicating  women  with 
their  children.  The  patriot's  heart  throbbed  feelingly  under 
the  soldier's  belt.  Nothing  could  surpass  the  patience  and 
benignant  sympathy  with  which  he  listened  to  them,  and  en- 
deavored to  allay  their  fears.  Again  he  urged  the  Convention 
to  carry  out  their  measures  for  the  removal  of  these  defenceless 
beings.  "There  are  many,"  writes  he,  "  who  anxiously  wish 
to  remove,  but  have  not  the  means." 

On  the  24th  he  crossed  over  to  Brooklyn,  to  inspect  the  lines 
and  reconnoitre  the  neighborhood.  In  this  visit  he  felt  sensibly 
the  want  of  General  Greene's  presence,  to  explain  his  plans  and 
point  out  the  localities. 

The  American  advanced  posts  were  in  the  wooded  hills. 
Colonel  Hand,  with  his  riflemen,  kept  watch  over  the  central 
road,  and  a  strong  redoubt  had  been  thrown  up  in  front  of 
the  pass,  to  check  any  advance  of  the  enemy  from  Flatbush. 
Another  road  leading  from  Flatbush  to  Bedford,  by  which  the 
enemy  might  get  round  to  the  left  of  the  works  at  Brooklyn, 
was  guarded  by  two  regiments,  one  under  Colonel  Williams, 
posted  on  the  north  side  of  the  ridge,  the  other  by  a  Pennsyl- 
vanian  rifle  regiment,  under  Colonel  Miles,  posted  on  the  south 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  127 

side.  The  enemy  were  stretched  along  the  country  beyond  the 
chain  of  hills. 

As  yet,  nothing  had  taken  place  but  skirmishing  and  irregular 
firing  between  the  outposts.  It  was  with  deep  concern  Wash- 
ington noticed  a  prevalent  disorder  and  confusion  in  the  camp. 
There  was  a  want  of  system  among  the  officers,  and  co-opera- 
tion among  the  troops,  each  corps  seeming  to  act  independently 
of  the  rest.  Few  of  the  men  had  any  military  experience, 
except,  perchance,  in  bush-fighting  with  the  Indians.  Unac- 
customed to  discipline  and  the  restraint  of  camps,  they  sallied 
forth  whenever  they  pleased,  singly  or  in  squads,  prowling 
about  and  firing  upon  the  enemy,  like  hunters  after  game. 

Much  of  this  was  no  doubt  owing  to  the  protracted  illness  of 
General  Greene. 

On .  returning  to  the  city,  therefore,  Washington  gave  the 
command  on  Long  Island  to  General  Putnam,  warning  him, 
however,  in  his  letter  of  instructions,  to  summon  the  officers 
together,  and  enjoin  them  to  put  a  stop  to  the  irregularities 
which  he  had  observed  among  the  troops.  •Lines  of  defence 
were  to  be  formed  round  the  encampment,  and  works  on  the 
most  advantageous  ground.  Guards  were  to  be  stationed  on 
the  lines,  with  a  brigadier  of  the  day  constantly  at  hand  to  see 
that  orders  were  executed.  Field-officers  were  to  go  the  rounds 
and  report  the  situation  of  the  guards,  and  no  one  was  to  pass 
beyond  the  lines  without  a  special  permit  in  writing.  At  the 
same  time,  partisan  and  scouting  parties,  under  proper  officers, 
and  with  regular  license,  might  sally  forth  to  harass  the  enemy, 
and  prevent  their  carrying  off  the  horses  and  cattle  of  the  coun- 
try people. 

Especial  attention  was  called  to  the  wooded  hills  between  the 
works  and  the  enemy's  camp.  The  passes  through  them  were 
to  be  secured  by  abatis,  and  defended  by  the  best  troops,  who 
should,  at  all  hazards,  prevent  the  approach  of  the  enemy. 
The  militia,  being  the  least  tutored  and  experienced,  might  man 
the  interior  works. 

Putnam  crossed  with  alacrity  to  his  post.  "  He  was  made 
happy,"  writes  Colonel  Reed,  "  by  obtaining  leave  to  go  over. 
The  brave  old  man  was  quite  miserable  at  being  kept  here." 

In  the  mean  time,  the  enemy  were  augmenting  their  forces  on 
the  island.  Two  brigades  of  Hessians,  under  Lientenant-Gen- 
eral  De  Heister,  were  transferred  from  the  camp  on  Staten 
Island  on  the  25th.  This  movement  did  not  escape  the  vigilant 
eye  of  Washington.  By  the  aid  of  his  telescope,  he  had  noticed 
that  from  time  to  time  tents  were  struck  on  Staten  Island,  and 


128  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

portions  of  the  encampment  broken  up  ;  while  ship  after  ship 
weighed  anchor,  and  dropped  down  to  the  Narrows. 

He  now  concluded  that  the  enemy  were  about  to  make  a  push 
with  their  main  force  for  the  possession  of  Brooklyn  Heights. 
He  accordingly  sent  over  additional  re-enforcements,  and 
among  them  Colonel  John  Haslet's  well  equipped  and  well  dis- 
ciplined Delaware  regiment;  which  was  joined  to  Lord  Stirling's 
brigade,  chiefly  composed  of  Southern  troops,  and  stationed 
outside  of  the  lines.  These  were  troops  which  Washington 
regarded  with  peculiar  satisfaction,  on  account  of  their  soldier- 
like appearance  and  discipline. 

On  the  2Gth,  he  crossed  over  to  Brooklyn,  accompanied  by 
Reed,  the  adjutant-general.  There  was  much  movement  among 
the  enemy's  troops,  and  their  number  was  evidently  augmented. 
In  fact,  General  De  Heister  had  reached  Flatbush  with  his  Hes- 
sians, and  taken  command  of  the  centre ;  whereupon  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  with  the  right  wing,  drew  off  to  Flatlands,  in  a  diagonal 
line  to  the  right  of  De  Heister,  while  the  left  wing,  commanded 
by  General  Grant* extended  to  the  place  of  lauding  on  Graves- 
end  Bay. 

Washington  remained  all  day,  aiding  General  Putnam  with 
his  counsels,  who,  new  to  the  command,  had  not  been  able  to 
make  himself  well  acquainted  with  the  fortified  posts  beyond  the 
lines.  In  the  evening,  Washington  returned  to  the  city,  full  of 
anxious  thought.  A  general  attack  was  evidently  at  hand. 
Where  would  it  be  made  ?  How  would  his  inexperienced  troops 
stand  the  encounter?  What  would  be  the  defence  of  the  city 
if  assailed  by  the  ships?  It  was  a  night  of  intense  solicitude, 
and  well  might  it  be  ;  for  during  that  night  a  plan  was  carried 
into  effect,  fraught  with  disaster  to  the  Americans. 

The  plan  to  which  we  allude  was  concerted  by  General  Howe, 
the  commander-in-chief.  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  with  the  van- 
guard, composed  of  the  choicest  troops,  was,  by  a  circuitous 
march  in  the  night,  to  throw  himself  into  the  road  leading  from 
Jamaica  to  Bedford,  seize  upon  a  pass  through  the  Bedford 
Hills,  within  three  miles  of  that  village,  and  thus  turn  the  left 
of  the  American  advanced  posts.  It  was  preparatory  to  this 
nocturnal  march,  that  Sir  Henry  during  the  day  had  fallen  back 
with  his  troops  from  Flatbush  to  Flatlands,  and  caused  that  stir 
and  movement  which  had  attracted  the  notice  of  Washington. 

To  divert  the  attention  of  the  Americans  from  this  stealthy 
march  on  their  left,  General  Grant  was  to  menace  their  right 
flank  toward  Gravesend  before  daybreak,  and  General  De 
Heister  to  cannonade  their  centre,  where  Colonel  Hand  was 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  129 

stationed.  Neither,  however,  was  to  press  an  attack  until  the 
guns  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton  should  give  notice  that  he  had  effected 
his  purpose,  and  turned  the  left  flank  of  the  Americans  ;  then  the 
latter  were  to  be  assailed  at  all  points  with  the  utmost  vigor. 

About  nine  o'clock  in  the  evening  of  the  26th,  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  began  his  march  from  Flatlands  with  the  vanguard, 
composed  of  light  infantry.  Lord  Percy  followed  with  the 
grenadiers,  artillery,  and  light  dragoons,  forming  the  centre. 
Lord  Cornwallis  brought  up  the  rear-guard  with  the  heavy  ord- 
nance.    General  Howe  accompanied  this  division. 

It  was  a  silent  march,  without  beat  of  drum  or  sound  of 
trumpet,  under  guidance  of  a  Long  Island  tory,  along  by-roads 
traversing  a  swamp  by  a  narrow  causewa}%  and  so  across  the 
country  to  the  Jamaica  road.  About  two  hours  before  day- 
break, they  arrived  within  half  a  mile  of  the  pass  through  the 
Bedford  Hills,  and  halted  to  prepare  for  an  attack.  At  this 
juncture  they  captured  an  American  patrol,  and  learned,  to 
their  surprise,  that  the  Bedford  pass  was  unoccupied.  In  fact, 
the  whole  road  beyond  Bedford,  leading  to  Jamaica,  had  been  left 
unguarded,  excepting  by  some  light  volunteer  troops.  Colonels 
Williams  and  Miles,  who  were  stationed  to  the  left  of  Colonel 
Hand,  among  the  wooded  hills,  had  been  instructed  to  send  out 
parties  occasionally  to  patrol  the  road,  but  no  troops  had  been 
stationed  at  the  Bedford  pass.  The  road  and  pass  may  not  have 
been  included  in  General  Greene's  plan  of  defence,  or  may 
have  been  thought  too  far  out  of  the  way  to  need  special  pre- 
caution.    The  neglect  of  them,  however,  proved  fatal. 

Sir  Henry  Clinton  immediately  detached  a  battalion  of  light 
infantry  to  secure  the  pass  ;  and,  advancing  with  his  corps  at 
the  first  break  of  day,  possessed  himself  of  the  heights.  He 
was  now  within  three  miles  of  Bedford,  and  his  march  had 
been  undiscovered.  Having  passed  the  heights,  therefore,  he 
halted  his  division  for  the  soldiers  to  take  some  refreshment, 
preparatory  to  the  morning's  hostilities. 

There  we  will  leave  them,  while  we  note  how  the  other  divis- 
ions performed  their  part  of  the  plan. 

About  midnight  General  Grant  moved  from  Gravesend  Bay, 
with  the  left  wing,  composed  of  two  brigades  and  a  regiment 
of  regulars,  a  battalion  of  New  York  loyalists,  and  ten  field- 
pieces.  He  proceeded  along  the  road  leading  past  the  Narrows 
and  Gowanus  Cove,  toward  the  right  of  the  American  works. 
A  picket  guard  of  Pennsylvanian  and  New  York  militia,  under 
Colonel  Atlee,  retired  before  him,  fighting,  to  a  position  on  the 
skirts  of  the  wooded  hills. 


130  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

In  the  mean  time  scouts  had  brought  in  word  to  the  American 
lines  that  the  enemy  were  approaching  in  force  upon  the  right. 
General  Putnam  instantty  ordered  Lord  Stirling  to  hasten  with 
the  two  regiments  nearest  at  hand,  and  hold  them  in  check. 
These  were  Haslet's  Delaware,  and  Smallwood's  Maryland 
regiments ;  the  latter  the  macaronis,  in  scarlet  and  buff,  who 
had  outshone,  in  camp,  their  yeoman  fellow-soldiers  in  home- 
spun. They  turned  out  with  great  alacrity,  and  Stirling  pushed 
forward  with  them  on  the  road  toward  the  Narrows.  By  the 
time  he  had  passed  Gowanus  Cove,  daylight  began  to  appear. 
Here,  on  a  rising  ground,  he  met  Colonel  Atlee  with  his  Penn- 
sylvania Provincials,  and  learned  that  the  enemy  were  near. 
Indeed,  their  front  began  to  appear  in  the  uncertain  twilight. 
Stirling  ordered  Atlee  to  place  himself  in  ambush  in  an  orchard 
on  the  left  of  the  road,  and  await  their  coming  up,  while 
he  formed  the  Delaware  and  Maryland  regiments  along  a  ridge 
from  the  roadj  up  to  a  piece  of  woods  on  the  top  of  the  hill. 

Atlee  gave  the  enemy  two  or  three  volleys  as  they  approached, 
and  then  retreated  and  formed  in  the  wood  on  Lord  Stirling's 
left.  By  this  time  his  lordship  was  re-enforced  by  Kichline's 
riflemen,  part  of  whom  he  placed  along  a  hedge  at  the  foot  of 
the  hill,  and  part  in  front  of  the  wood.  General  Grant  threw 
his  light  troops  in  the  advance,  and  posted  them  in  an  orchard 
and  behind  hedges,  extending  in  front  of  the  Americans,  and 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  distant. 

It  was  now  broad  daylight.  A  rattling  fire  commenced  be- 
tween the  British  light  troops  and  the  American  riflemen,  which 
continued  for  about  two  hours,  when  the  former  retired  to  their 
main  body.  In  the  mean  time,  Stirling's  position  had  been 
strengthened  by  the  arrival  of  Captain  Carpenter  with  two  field- 
pieces.  These  were  placed  on  the  side  of  the  hill,  so  as  to 
command  the  road  and  the  approach  for  some  hundred  yards. 
General  Grant,  likewise,  brought  up  his  artillery  within  three 
hundred  yards,  and  formed  his  brigades  on  opposite  hills,  about 
six  hundred  yards  distant.  There  was  occasional  cannonading 
on  both  sides,  but  neither  party  sought  a  general  action. 

Lord  Stirling's  object  was  merely  to  hold  the  enemy  in 
eheck ;  and  the  instructions  of  General  Grant,  as  we  have 
shown,  were  not  to  press  an  attack  until  aware  that  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  was  on  the  left  flank  of  the  Americans. 

During  this  time,  De  Heister  had  commenced  his  part  of  the 
plan  by  opening  a  cannonade  from  his  camp  at  Flatbush,  upon 
the  redoubt,  at  the  pass  of  the. wooded  hills,  where  Hand  and 
his  riflemen  were  stationed.     On  hearing  this,  General  Sullivan, 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  131 

who  was  within  the  lines,  rode  forth  to  Colonel  Hand's  post  to 
reconnoitre.  De  Heister,  however,  according  to  the  plan  of 
operations,  did  not  advance  from  Flatbush,  but  kept  up  a  brisk 
fire  from  his  artillery  on  the  redoubt  in  front  of  the  pass,  which 
replied  as  briskly.  At  the  same  time,  a  cannonade  from  a 
British  ship  upon  the  battery  at  Red  Hook,  contributed  to  dis- 
tract the  attention  of  the  Americans. 

In  the  mean  time  terror  leigned  in  New  York.  The  volleying 
of  musketry  and  the  booming  of  cannon  at  early  dawn,  had 
told  of  the  fighting  that  had  commenced.  As  the  morning 
advanced,  and  platoon  firing  and  the  occasional  discharge  of  a 
field-piece  were  heard  in  different  directions,  the  terror  increased. 
Washington  was  still  in  doubt  whether  this  was  but  a  part  of  a 
general  attack,  in  which  the  city  was  to  be  included.  Five 
ships  of  the  line  were  endeavoring  to  beat  up  the  bay.  Were 
they  to  cannonade  the  city,  or  to  land  troops  above  it?  Fortu- 
nately, a  strong  head-wind  baffled  their  efforts  ;  but  one  vessel 
of  inferior  force  got  up  far  enough  to  open  the  fire  already 
mentioned  upon  the  fort  at  Red  Hook. 

Seeing  no  likelihood  of  an  immediate  attack  upon  the  cit}r, 
Washington  hastened  over  to  Brooklyn  in  his  barge,  and  gal- 
loped up  to  the  works.  He  arrived  there  in  time  to  witness  the 
catastrophe  for  which  all  the  movements  of  the  enemy  had  been 
concerted. 

The  thundering  of  artillery  in  the  direction  of  Bedford  had 
given  notice  that  Sir  Henry  had  turned  the  left  of  the  Ameri- 
cans. De  Heister  immediately  ordered  Colonel  Count  Doiiop 
to  advance  with  his  Hessian  regiment,  and  storm  the  redoubt, 
while  he  followed  with  his  whole  division.  Sullivan  did  not 
remain  to  defend  the  redoubt.  Sir  Henry's  cannon  had  apprised 
him  of  the  fatal  truth,  that  his  flank  was  turned,  and  he  in  dan- 
ger of  being  surrounded.  He  ordered  a  retreat  to  the  lines,  but 
it  was  already  too  late.  Scarce  had  he  descended  from  the 
height,  and  emerged  into  the  plain,  when  he  was  met  by  the 
British  light  infantry,  and  dragoons,  and  driven  back  into 
the  woods.  By  this  time  De  Heister  and  his  Hessians  had 
come  up,  and  now  commenced  a  scene  of  confusion,  con- 
sternation, and  slaughter,  in  which  the  troops  under  Williams 
and  Miles  were  involved.  Hemmed  in  and  entrapped  between 
the  British  and  Hessians,  and  driven  from  one  to  the  other,  the 
Americans  fought  for  a  time  bravely,  or  rather  desperately. 
Some  were  cut  down  and  trampled  by  the  cavalry,  others  bay- 
oneted without  mercy  by  the  Hessians.  Some  rallied  in  groups, 
and  made  a  brief  stand  with  their  rifles  from  rocks  or  behind 


182  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

trees.  The  whole  pass  was  a  scene  of  carnage,  resounding 
with  the  clash  of  arras,  the  tramp  of  horses,  the  volleying  of 
fire-arms  and  the  cries  of  the  combatants,  with  now  and  then 
the  dreary  braying  of  the  trumpet.  We  give  the  words  of  one 
who  mingled  in  the  fight,  and  whom  we  have  heard  speak  with 
horror  of  the  sanguinary  fury  with  which  the  Hessians  plied  the 
bayonet.  At  length  some  of  the  Americans,  by  a  desperate 
effort,  cut  their  way  through  the  host  of  foes,  and  effected  a 
retreat  to  the  lines,  fighting  as  they  went.  Others  took  refuge 
among  the  woods  and  fastnesses  of  the  hills,  but  a  great  part 
were  either  killed  or  taken  prisoners.  Among  the  latter  was 
General  Sullivan. 

Washington,  as  we  observed,  arrived  in  time  to  witness  this 
catastrophe,  but  was  unable  to  prevent  it.  He  had  heard  the 
din  of  the  battle  in  the  woods,  and  seen  the  smoke  rising  from 
among  the  trees  ;  but  a  deep  column  of  the  enemy  was  descend- 
ing from  the  hills  on  the  left ;  his  choicest  troops  were  all  in 
action,  and  he  had  none  but  militia  to  man  the  works.  His 
solicitude  was  now  awakened  for  the  safety  of  Lord  Stirling 
and  his  corps,  who  had  been  all  the  morning  exchanging  can- 
nonades with  General  Grant.  The  forbearance  of  the  latter  in 
not  advancing,  though  so  superior  in  force,  had  been  misinter- 
preted by  the  Americans.  According  to  Colonel  Haslet's  state- 
ment, the  Delawares  and  Marylanders,  drawn  up  on  the  side  of 
the  hill,  "stood  upward  of  four  hours,  with  a  firm  and  deter- 
mined countenance,  in  close  array,  their  colors  flying,  the 
enemy's  artillery  playing  on  them  all  the  while,  not  daring  to 
advance  and  attack  them,  though  six  times  their  number,  and 
nearly  surrounding  them."  r 

Washington  saw  the  danger  to  which  these  brave  fellows 
were  exposed,  though  they  could  not.  Stationed  on  a  hill  within 
the  lines,  he  commanded,  with  his  telescope,  a  view  of  the  whole, 
field,  and  saw  the  enemy's  reserve,  under  Cornwallis,  marching 
down  by  a  cross-road  to  get  in  their  rear  and  thus  place  them 
between  two  fires.  With  breathless  anxiety  he  watched  the 
result. 

The  sound  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton's  cannon  apprised  Stirling 
that  the  enemy  was  between  him  and  the  lines.  General  Grant, 
too,  aware  that  the  time  had  come  for  earnest  action,  was 
closing  up,  and  had  already  taken  Colonel  Atlee  prisoner.  His 
lordship  now  thought  to  effect  a  circuitous  retreat  to  the.  lines, 
by  crossing  the  creek  which  empties  into  Gowanus  Cove,  near 

1  Atlee  to  Colonel  Rodney.     Sparks,  iv.,  516. 


LlFF  OF  WASHINGTON.  133 

what  was  called  the  Yellow  Mills.  There  was  a  bridge  and 
mill-dam,  and  the  creek  might  be  forded  at  low  water,  but  no 
time  was  to  be  lost,  for  the  tide  was  rising. 

Leaving  part  of  his  men  to  keep  face  toward  General  Grant, 
Stirling  advanced  with  the  rest  to  pass  the  creek,  but  was 
suddenly  checked  by  the  appearance  of  Cornwallis  and  his 
grenadiers. 

Washington,  and  some  of  his  officers  on  the  hill,  who  watched 
every  movement,  had  supposed  that  Stirling  and  his  troops, 
finding  the  case  desperate,  would  surrender  in  a  bod}',  without 
firing.  On  the  contrary, •his  lordship  boldly  attacked  Corn- 
wallis with  half  of  Smallwood's  battalion,  while  the  rest  of  his 
troops  retreated  across  the  creek.  Washington  wrung  his 
hands  in  agony  at  the  sight.  "  Good  God  !  "  cried  he,  "  what 
brave  fellows  I  must  this  day  lose  !  "  * 

It  was,  indeed,  a  desperate  fight ;  and  now  Smallwood's 
macawnis  showed  their  game  spirit.  They  were  repeatedly 
broken,  but  as  often  rallied,  and  renewed  the  fight.  "  We  were 
on  the  point  of  driving  Lord  Cornwallis  from  his  station,"  writes 
Lord  Stirling,  "but  large  re-enforcements  arriving,  rendered 
it  impossible  to  do  more  than  provide  for  safety." 

"  Being  thus  surrounded,  and  no  probability  of  a  re-enforce- 
ment," writes  a  Maryland  officer,  "  his  lordship  ordered  me  to 
retreat  with  the  remaining  part  of  our  men,  and  force  our  way 
to  our  camp.  We  soon  fell  in  with  a  party  of  the  enemy,  who 
clubbed  their  'firelocks,  and  waved  their  hats  to  us  as  if  they 
meant  to  surrender  as  prisoners ;  but  on  our  advancing  within 
sixty  yards,  they  presented  their  pieces  and  fired,  which  we 
returned  with  so  much  warmth  that  they  soon  quitted  their 
post,  and  retired  to  a  large  body  that  was  lying  in  ambuscade.2 

The  enemy  rallied,  and  returned  to  the  combat  with  additional 
force.  Only  five  companies  of  Smallwood's  battalion  were  now 
in  action.  There  was  a  warm  and  close  engagement  for  nearly 
ten  minutes.  The  struggle  became  desperate  on  the  part  of  the 
Americans.  Broken  and  disordered,  they  rallied  in  a  piece  of 
woods,  and  made  a  second  attack.  They  were  again  over- 
powered with  numbers.  Some  were  surrounded  and  bayoneted 
in  a  field  of  Indian  corn  ;  others  joined  their  comrades  who 
were  retreating  across  the  marsh.  Lord  Stirling  had  encouraged 
and  animated  his  young  soldiers  by  his  voice  and  example,  but 
when  all  was  lost,  he  sought  out  General  De  Heister,  and  sur- 
rendered himself  as  his  prisoner. 

1  Letter  from  an  American  officer.     Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  h.,  108. 
8  Letter  from  a  Marylander.     Idem,  5lh  Series,  i.,  1232. 


134  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

More  than  two  hundred  and  fifty  brave  fellows,  most  of  them 
of  Smallwood's  regiment,  perished  in  this  deadly  struggle, 
within  sight  of  the  lines  of  Brooklyn.  That  part  of  the  Dela- 
ware troops  who  had  first  crossed  the  creek  and  swamp,  made 
good  their  retreat  to  the  lines  with  a  trifling  loss,  and  entered 
the  camp  covered  with  mud  and  drenched  with  water,  but 
bringing  with  them  twenty-three  prisoners,  and  their  standard 
tattered  by  grapeshot. 

The  enemy  now  concentrated  their  forces  within  a  few  hun- 
dred yards  of  the  redoubts.  The  grenadiers  were  within  musket 
shot.  Washington  expected  they  would  storm  the  works,  and 
prepared  for  a  desperate  defence.  The  discharge  of  a  cannon 
and  volleys  of  musketry  from  the  part  of  the  lines  nearest  to 
them,  seemed  to  bring  them  to  a  pause. 

It  was,  in  truth,  the  forbearance  of  the  British  commander 
that  prevented  a  bloody  conflict.  His  troops,  heated  with 
action  and  flushed  with  success,  were  eager  to  storm  the  works  ; 
but  he  was  unwilling  to  risk  the  loss  of  life  that  must  attend  an 
assault,  when  the  object  might  be  attained  at  a  cheaper  rate, 
by  regular  approaches.  Checking  the  ardor  of  his  men,  there- 
fore, though  with  some  difficulty,  he  drew  them  off  to  a  hollow 
way,  in  front  of  the  lines,  but  out  of  reach  of  the  musketry, 
and  encamped  there  for  the  night.1 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  this  disastrous  battle  has  been 
variously  stated,  but  is  thought  in  killed,  wounded  and  prisoners, 
to  have  been  nearly  two  thousand  ;  a  large  number,  considering 
that  not  above  five  thousand  were  engagedo  The  enemy 
acknowledged  a  loss  of  380  killed  and  wounded.2 

The  success  of  the  enemy  was  attributed,  in  some  measure,  to 
the  doubt  in  which  Washington  was  kept  as  to  the  nature  of  the 
intended^  attack,  and  at  what  point  it  would  chiefly  be  made. 
This  obliged  him  to  keep  a  great  part  of  his  forces  in  New 
York,  and  to  distribute  those  at  Brooklyn  over  a  wide  extent  of 
country,  and  at  widely  distant  places.  In  fact,  he  knew  not 
the  superior  number  of  the  enemy  encamped  on  Long  Island,  a 
majority  of  them  having  been  furtively  landed  in  the  night, 
some  days  after  the  debarkation  of  the  first  division. 

Much  of  the  day's  disaster  has  been  attributed,  also,  to  a 
confusion  in  the  command,  caused  by  the  illness  of  General 
Greene.  Putnam,  who  had  supplied  his  place  in  the  emergency 
after  the  enemy  had  landed,  had  not  time  to  make  himself 
acquainted  with  the  post,  and  the  surrounding  country.     Sulli- 

1  General  Howe  to  Lord  G.  Germain.     Remembrancer,  iii.,  347. 

2  Howe  states  the  prisoners  at  1,0'.)4,  and  computes  the  whole  American  loss  at  3,300 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  135 

van,  though  in  his  letters  he  professes  to  have  considered  him- 
self subordinate  to  General  Putnam  within  the  linos,  seems 
still  to  have  exercised  somewhat  of  an  independent  command, 
and  to  have  acted  at  his  own  discretion :  while  Lord  Stir- 
ling was  said  to  have  command  of  all  the  troops  outside  of  the 
works. 

The  fatal  error,  however,  and  one  probably  arising  from  all 
these  causes,  consisted  in  leaving  the  passes  through  the  wooded 
hills  too  weakly  fortified  and  guarded  ;  and  especially  in  ne- 
glecting the  eastern  road,  by  which  Sir  Henry  Clinton  got  in  the 
rear  of  the  advanced  troops,  cut  them  off  from  the  lines,  and 
subjected  them  to  a  cross  fire  of  his  own  men  and  De  Heister's 
Hessians. 

This  able  and  fatal  scheme  of  the  enemy  might  have  been 
thwarted,  had  the  army  been  provided  with  a  few  troops  of 
light  horse,  to  serve  as  vedettes.  With  these  to  scour  the  roads 
and  bring  intelligence,  the  night  march  of  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  so 
decisive  of  the  fortunes  of  the  day,  could  hardly  have  failed  to 
be  discovered  and  reported.  The  Connecticut  horsemen,  there- 
fore, ridiculed  by  the  Southerners  for  their  homely  equipments, 
sneered  at  as  useless,  and  dismissed  for  standing  on  their  dig- 
nity and  privileges  as  troopers,  might,  if  retained,  have  saved 
the  army  from  being  surprised  and  severed,  its  advanced  guards 
routed,  and  those  very  Southern  troops  cut  up,  captured,  and 
almost  annihilated. 


CHAPTER  XX. 

THE  RETREAT  FROM  LONG  ISLAND. 

The  night  after  the  battle  was  a  weary,  yet  almost  sleepless 
one  to  the  Americans  Fatigued,  dispirited,  many  of  them  sick 
and  wounded,  yet  they  were,  for  the  most  part,  without  tent  6r 
other  shelter.  To  Washington  it  was  a  night  of  anxious  vigil. 
Every  thing  boded  a  close  and  deadly  conflict.  The  enemy  had 
pitched  a  number  of  tents  about  a  mile  distant.  Their  sentries 
were  but  a  quarter  of  a  mile  off,  and  close  to  the  American  sen- 
tries. At  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Washington  went  the 
round  of  the  works,  to  see  that  all  was  right,  and  to  speak 
words  of  encouragement.  The  morning  broke  lowering  and 
dreary.  Large  encampments  were  gradually  descried ;  to  ap- 
pearance, the  enemy  were  twenty  thousand  strong.  As  the  day 
advanced,  their  ordnance  began  to  play  upon  the  works.     They 


136  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

were  proceeding  to  intrench  themselves,  but  were  driven  into 
their  tents  by  a  drenching  rain. 

Early  in  the  morning  General  Mifflin  arrived  in  camp,  with 
part  of  the  troops  which  had  been  stationed  at  Fort  Washington 
and  King's  Bridge.  He  brought  with  him  Shee's  prime  Phila- 
delphia regiment,  and  Magaw's  Pennsylvania  regiment,  both 
well  disciplined  and  officered,  and  accustomed  to  act  together. 
They  were  so  much  reduced  in  number,  however,  by  sickness, 
that  they  did  not  amount  in  the  whole  to  more  than  eight  hun- 
dred men.  With  Mifflin  came  also  Colonel  Glover's  Massachu- 
setts regiment,  composed  chiefly  of  Marblehead  fishermen  and 
sailors,  hardy,  adroit,  and  weather-proof ;  trimly  clad  in  blue 
jackets  and  trousers.  The  detachment  numbered,  in  the  whole, 
about  thirteen  hundred  men,  all  fresh  and  full  of  spirits.  Every 
eye  brightened  as  they  marched  briskly  along  the  line  with  alert 
step  and  cheery  aspect.  They  were  posted  at  the  left  extremity 
of  the  intrenchments  toward  the  Waliabout. 

There  were  skirmishes  throughout  the  day,  between  the  rifle- 
men on  the  advanced  posts  and  the  British  "  irregulars,"  which 
at  times  were  quite  severe  ;  but  no  decided  attack  was  attempted. 
The  main  body  of  the  enemy  kept  within  their  tents  until  the 
latter  part  of  the  day ;  when  they  began  to  break  ground  at 
about  five  hundred  yards  distance  from  the  works,  as  if  pre- 
paring to  carry  them  by  regular  approaches. 

On  the  29th,  there  was  a  dense  fog  over  the  island,  that 
wrapped  every  thing  in  mystery.  In  the  course  of  the  morning, 
General  Mifflin,  with  Adjutant-General  Reed,  and  Colonel 
Grayson  of  Virginia,  one  of  Washington's  aides-de-camp,  rode 
to  the  western  outposts,  in  the  neighborhood  of  Red  Hook. 
While  they  were  there,  a  light  breeze  lifted  the  fog  from  a  part 
of  the  New  York  Bay,  and  revealed  the  British  ships  at  their 
anchorage  opposite  Staten  Island.  There  appeared  to  be  an 
unusual  bustle  among  them.  Boats  were  passing  to  and 
from  the  admiral's  ship,  as  if  seeking  or  carrying  orders.  Some 
movement  was  apparently  in  agitation.  The  idea  occurred  to 
the  reconnoitring  party  that  the  fleet  was  preparing,  should  the 
wind  hold  and  the  fog  clear  away,  to  come  up  the  bay  at 
the  turn  of  the  tide,  silence  the  feeble  batteries  at  Red  Hook 
and  the  city,  and  anchor  in  the  East  River.  In  that  case  the 
army  on  Long  Island  would  be  completely  surrounded  and 
entrapped. 

Alarmed  at  this  perilous  probability,  they  spurred  back  to 
head-quarters,  to  urge  the  immediate  withdrawal  of  the  army. 
As  this  might  not  be  acceptable  advice,  Reed,  emboldened  by 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  187 

his  intimacy  with  the  commander-in-chief,  undertook  to  give  it. 
Washington  instantly  summoned  a  council  of  war.  The  dilli- 
culty  was  already  apparent,  of  guarding  such  extensive  works 
with  troops  fatigued  and  dispirited,  and  exposed  to  the  inclem- 
encies of  the  weather.  Other  dangers  now  presented  them- 
selves. Their  communication  with  New  York  might  be  cut  off 
by  the  fleet  from  below.  Other  ships  had  passed  round  Long 
Island,  and  were  at  Flushing  Bay  on  the  Sound.  These  might 
land  troops  on  the  east  side  of  Harlem  River,  and  make  them- 
selves masters  of  King's  Bridge,  that  key  of  Manhattan  Island. 
Taking  all  these  things  into  consideration,  it  was  resolved  to 
cross  with  the  troops  to  the  city  that  very  night. 

Never  did  retreat  require  greater  secrecy  and  circumspection. 
Nine  thousand  men,  with  all  the  munitions  of  war,  were  to  be 
withdrawn  from  before  a  victorious  army,  encamped  so  near, 
that  every  stroke  of  spade  and  pickaxe  from  their  trenches 
could  be  heard.  The  retreating  troops,  moreover,  were  to  be 
embarked  and  conveyed  across  a  strait  three  quarters  of  a  mile 
wide,  swept  by  rapid  tides.  The  least  alarm  of  their  movement 
would  bring  the  enemy  upon  them,  and  produce  a  terrible  scene 
of  confusion  and  carnage  at  the  place  of  embarkation. 

Washington  made  the  preparatory  arrangements  with  great 
alertness,  yet  profound  secrecy.  Verbal  orders  were  sent  to 
Colonel  Hughes,  who  acted  as  quartermaster-general,  to  impress 
all  water  craft,  large  and  small,  from  Spytden  Duivel  on  the 
Hudson  round  to  Hell  Gate  on  the  Sound,  and  have  them  on  the 
east  side  of  the  city  by  evening.  The  order  was  issued  at  noon, 
and  so  promptly  executed,  that,  although  some  of  the  vessels  had 
to  be  brought  a  distance  of  fifteen  miles,  they  were  all  at  Brook- 
lyn at  eight  o'clock  in  the  evening,  and  put  under  the  manage- 
ment of  Colonel  Glover's  amphibious  Marblehead  regiment. 

To  prepare  the  army  for  a  general  movement  without  betray- 
ing the  object,  orders  were  issued  for  the  troops  to  hold  them- 
selves in  readiness  for  a  night  attack  upon  the  enemy.  The 
orders  caused  surprise,  for  the  poor  fellows  were  exhausted,  and 
their  arms  rendered  nearly  useless  by  the  rain  ;  all,  however, 
prepared  to  obey  ;  but  several  made  nuncupative  wills  ;  as  is  cus- 
tomary among  soldiers  on  the  eve  of  sudden  and  deadly  peril. 

According  to  Washington's  plan  of  retreat,  to  keep  the  enemy 
from  discovering  the  withdrawal  of  the  Americans  until  their 
main  body  should  have  embarked  in  the  boats  and  pushed  oft' 
from  the  shore,  General  Mifflin  was  to  remain  at  the  lines  with 
his  Pennsylvania  troops,  and  the  gallant  remains  of  Haslet, 
Small  wood  and  Hand's  regiments,  with  guards  posted  and  sen 


138  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

tinels  alert,  as  if  nothing  extraordinary  was  taking  place ;  when 
the  main  embarkation  was  effected,  they  were  themselves  to 
move  off  quietly,  march  briskly  to  the  ferry,  and  embark.  In 
case  of  any  alarm  that  might  disconcert  the  arrangements, 
Brooklyn  church  was  to  be  the  rallying  place,  whither  all  should 
repair,  so  as  unitedly  to  resist  any  attack. 

It  was  late  in  the  evening  when  the  troops  began  to  retire 
from  the  breastworks.  As  one  regiment  quietly  withdrew  from 
their  station  on  guard,  the  troops  on  the  right  and  left  moved 
up  and  filled  the  vacancy.  There  was  a  stifled  murmur  in  the 
camp,  unavoidable  in  a  movement  of  the  kind  ;  but  it  gradually 
died  away  in  the  direction  of  the  river,  as  the  main  body  moved 
on  in  silence  and  order.  The  youthful  Hamilton,  whose  military 
merits  had  won  the  favor  of  General  Greene,  and  who  had  lost 
his  baggage  and  a  field-piece  in  the  battle,  brought  up  the  rear 
of  the  retreating  party.  In  the  dead  of  the  night,  and  in  the 
midst  of  this  hushed  and  anxious  movement,  a  cannon  went  off 
with  a  tremendous  roar.  "  The  effect,"  says  an  American  who 
was  present,  u  was  at  once  alarming  and  sublime.  If  the 
explosion  was  within  our  lines,  the  gun  was  probably  dis- 
charged in  the  act  of  spiking  it,  and  could  have  been  no  less 
a  matter  of  speculation  to  the  enemy  than  to  ourselves. ' ' l 

"  What  with  the  greatness  of  the  stake,  the  darkness  of  the 
night,  the  uncertainty  of  the  design,  and  the  extreme  hazard 
of  the  issue,"  adds  the  same  writer,  "  it  would  be  difficult  to 
conceive  a  more  deeply  solemn  and  interesting  scene." 

The  meaning  of  this  midnight  gun  was  never  ascertained ; 
fortunately,  though  it  startled  the  Americans,  it  failed  to  rouse 
the  British  camp. 

In  the  mean  time  the  embarkation  went  on  with  all  possible 
despatch,  under  the  vigilant  eye  of  Washington,  who  stationed 
himself  at  the  ferry,  superintending  every  movement.  In  his 
anxiety  for  despatch,  he  sent  back  Colonel  Scammel,  one  of  his 
aides-de-camp,  to  hasten  forward  all  the  troops  that  were  on 
the  march.  Scammel  blundered  in  executing  his  errand,  and 
gave  the  order  to  Mifflin  likewise.  The  general  instantly  called 
in  his  pickets  and  sentinels,  and  set  off  for  the  ferry. 

By  this  time  the  tide  had  turned ;  there  was  a  strong  wind 
from  the  north-east ;  the  boats  with  oars  were  insufficient  to 
convey  the  troops ;  those  with  sails  could  not  make  headway 
against  wind  and  tide.  There  was  some  confusion  at  the  ferry, 
and  in  the  midst  of  it,  General  Mifflin  came  down  with  the  whole 
covering  party ;  adding  to  the  embarrassment  and  uproar. 

»  Grayden's  Memoirs,  edited  by  1.  S.  Littell,  p.  167. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  189 

"  Good  God  !  General  Mifflin  !  "  cried  Washington,  "  I  am 
afraid  yon  have  ruined  us  by  so  unseasonably  withdrawing  the 
troops  from  the  lines." 

" 1  did  so  by  your  order,"  replied  Mifflin  with  some  warmth. 
"  It  cannot  be  !  "  exclaimed  Washington.  "  By  G  —  I  did  !  " 
was  the  blunt  rejoinder.  "  Did  Scammel  act  as  aide-de-camp 
for  the  day,  or  did  he  not?"  ''He  did."  "Then,"  said 
Mifflin,  "I  had  orders  through  him."  "It  is  a  dreadful  mis- 
take, "  rejoined  Washington,  "  and  unless  the  troops  can  regain 
the  lines  before  their  absence  is  discovered  by  the  enemy,  the 
most  disastrous  consequences  are  to  be  apprehended." 

Mifflin  led  back  his  men  to  the  lines,  which  had  been  com- 
pletely deserted  for  three-quarters  of  an  hour.  Fortunately, 
the  dense  fog  had  prevented  the  enemy  from  discovering  that 
they  were  unoccupied.  The  men  resumed  their  former  posts, 
and  remained  at  them  until  called  off  to  cross  the  ferry. 
"  Whoever  has  seen  troops  in  a  similar  situation,"  writes  Gen- 
eral Heath,  "or  duly  contemplates  the  human  heart  in  such 
trials,  will  know  how  to  appreciate  the  conduct  of  these  brave 
men  on  this  occasion." 

The  fog  which  prevailed  all  this  time,  seemed  almost  provi- 
dential. While  it  hung  over  Long  Island,  and  concealed  the 
movements  of  the  Americans,  the  atmosphere  was  clear  on  the 
New  York  side  of  the  river.  The  adverse  wind,  too,  died  away, 
the  river  became  so  smooth  that  the  row-boats  could  be  laden 
almost  to  the  gunwale  ;  and  a  favoring  breeze  sprang  up  for 
the  sail-boats.  The  whole  embarkation  of  troops,  artillery, 
ammunition,  provisions,  cattle,  horses  and  carts,  was  happily 
effected,  and  by  daybreak  the  greater  part  had  safely  reached 
the  city,  thanks  to  the  aid  of  Glover's  Marblehead  men.  Scarce 
any  thing  was  abandoned  to  the  enemy,  excepting  a  few  heavy 
pieces  of  artillery.  At  a  proper  time,  Mifflin  with  his  covering 
party  left  the  lines,  and  effected  a  silent  retreat  to  the  ferry. 
Washington,  though  repeatedly  entreated,  refused  to  enter  a 
boat  until  all  the  troops  were  embarked ;  and  crossed  the  river 
with  the  last. 

A  Long  Island  tradition  tells  how  the  British  camp  became 
aware  of  the  march  which  had  been  stolen  upon  it.1  Near  the 
ferry  resided  a  Mrs.  Rapelye,  wl^ose  husband,  suspected  of  fa- 
voring the  enemy,  had  been  removed  to  the  interior  of  New 
Jersey.  On  seeing  the  embarkation  of  the  first  detachment, 
she,  out  of  loyalty  or  revenge,  sent  off  a  black  servant  to  inform 

1  Hist.  Long  Island,  p.  268. 


140  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

the  first  British  officer  he  could  find  of  what  was  going  on. 
The  negro  succeeded  in  passing  the  American  sentinels,  but 
arrived  at  a  Hessian  outpost,  where  he  could  not  make  himself 
understood,  and  was  put  under  guard  as  a  suspicious  person. 
There  he  was  kept  until  daybreak,  when  an  officer  visiting  the 
post,  examined  him,  and  was  astounded  by  his  story.  An 
alarm  was  given,  the  troops  were  called  to  arms ;  Captain  Mon- 
tresor,  aide-de-camp  of  General  Howe,  followed  by  a  handful 
of  men,  climbed  cautiously  over  the  crest  of  the  works  and 
found  them  deserted.  Advanced  parties  were  hurried  down  to 
the  ferry.  The  fog  had  cleared  away  sufficiently  for  them  to  see 
the  rear  boats  of  the  retreating  army  half  way  across  the  river. 
One  boat,  still  within  musket  shot,  was  compelled  to  return ;  it 
was  manned  by  three  vagabonds,  who  had  lingered  behind  to 
plunder. 

This  extraordinary  retreat,  which,  in  its  silence  and  celerity, 
equalled  the  midnight  fortifying  of  Bunker's  Hill,  was  one  of  the 
most  signal  achievements  of  the  war,  and  redounded  greatly  to 
the  reputation  of  Washington,  who,  we  are  told,  for  forty-eight 
hours  preceding  the  safe  extricating  of  his  army  from  their 
perilous  situation,  scarce  closed  his  eyes,  and  was  the  greater 
part  of  the  time  on  horseback.  Many,  however,  who  con- 
sidered the  variety  of  risks  and  dangers  which  surrounded  the 
camp,  and  the  apparently  fortuitous  circumstances  which  averted 
them  all,  were  disposed  to  attribute  the  safe  retreat  of  the 
patriot  army  to  a  peculiar  Providence. 


CHAPTER  XXI. 

LONG    ISLAND    IN   POSSESSION    OF   THE    ENEMY  —  DISTRESSED    SITUA- 
TION   OF    THE    AMERICAN     ARMY    AT     NEW    YORK QUESTION     OF 

ABANDONING     THE      CITY  LETTERS      FROM       EITHER      CAMP   

ENEMY'S     SHIPS      IN     THE     SOUND REMOVAL     OF     WOMEN     AND 

CHILDREN    FROM   THE    CITY  YEARNING    FOR    HOME    AMONG    THE 

MILITIA TOLERANT    IDEAS     OF     WASHINGTON     AND     GREENE  

FORT     CONSTITUTION CONFERENCE     OF     LORD     HOWE    WITH     A 

COMMITTEE    FROM    CONGRESS. 

The  enemy  had  now  possession  of  Long  Island.  British  and 
Hessian  troops  garrisoned  the  works  at  Brooklyn,  or  were  dis- 
tributed at  Bushwick,  Newtown,  Hell  Gate  and  Flushing. 
Admiral  Howe  came  up  with  the  main  body  of  the  fleet,  and 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  141 

anchored  close  to  Governor's  Island,  within  cannon  shot  of 
the  city. 

"  Our  situation  is  truly  distressing,"  writes  Washington  to 
the  President  of  Congress,  on  the  2d  of  September.  "  The 
check  our  detachment  sustained  on  the  27th  ultimo  has  dis- 
pirited too  great  a  proportion  of  our  troops,  and  filled  their 
minds  with  apprehension  and  despair.  The  militia,  instead  of 
calling  forth  their  utmost  efforts  to  a  brave  and  manly  opposi- 
tion in  order  to  repair  our  losses,  are  dismayed,  intractable,  and 
impatient  to  return.  Great  numbers  of  them  have  gone  off ;  in 
some  instances  almost  by  whole  regiments,  by  half  ones,  and 
by  companies,  at  a  time.  .  .  .  With  the  deepest  concern,  I  am 
obliged  to  confess  my  want  of  confidence  in  the  generality  of 
the  troops.  .  .  .  Our  number  of  men  at  present  fit  for  duty  is 
under  twenty  thousand.  I  have  ordered  General  Mercer  to 
send  the  men  intended  for  the  flying  camp  to  this  place,  about 
a  thousand  in  number,  and  to  try  with  the  militia,  if  practicable, 
to  make  a  diversion  upon  Staten  Island.  Till  of  late,  I  had  no 
doubt  in  my  own  mind  of  defending  this  place ;  nor  should  I 
have  yet,  if  the  men  would  do  their  duty,  but  this  I  despair  of. 

"  If  we  should  be  obliged  to  abandon  the  town,  ought  it  to 
stand  as  winter  quarters  for  the  enemy?  They  would  derive 
great  conveniences  from  it,  on  the  one  hand,  and  much  property 
would  be  destroyed  on  the  other.  It  is  an  important  question, 
vbut  will  admit  of  but  little  time  for  deliberation.  At  present, 
I  dare  say  the  enemy  mean  to  preserve  it  if  they  can.  If  Con- 
gress, therefore,  should  resolve  upon  the  destruction  of  it,  the 
resolution  should  be  a  profound  secret,  as  the  knowledge  will 
make  a  capital  change  in  their  plans." 

Colonel  Reed,  writing  on  the  same  day  to  his  wife,  says,  "I 
have  only  time  to  say  I  am  alive  and  well ;  as  to  spirits,  but 
middling.  .  .  .  My  country  will,  I  trust,  yet  be  free,  whatever 
may  be  our  fate  who  are  cooped  up,  or  are  in  danger  of  so 
being,  on  this  tongue  of  land,  where  we  ought  never  to  have 
been."  ' 

We  turn  to  cite  letters  of  the  very  same  date  from  British 
officers  on  Long  Island,  full  of  rumors  and  surmises.  "  I  have 
just  heard,"  writes  an  English  field-officer,  "there  has  been  a 
most  dreadful  fray  in  the  town  of  New  York.  The  New  Eng- 
enders insisted  on  setting  the  town  on  fire  and  retreating.  This 
was  opposed  by  the  New  Yorkers,  who  were  joined  by  the 
Pennsylvanians,  and  a    battle    has   been   the    consequence,    in 


1  Force's  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii.,  123. 


142  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

which  many  have  lost  their  lives.  By  the  steps  our  general  is 
taking,  I  imagine  he  will  effectually  cut  off  their  retreat  at 
King's  Bridge,  by  which  the  island  of  New  York  is  joined  to 
the  continent." 

An  English  officer  of  the  guards,  writing  from  camp  on  the 
same  day,  varies  the  rumor.  The  Pen n sylvan ians,  according 
to  his  version,  joined  with  the  New  Pmglanders  in  the  project  to 
set  lire  to  the  town  ;  both  had  a  battle  with  the  New  Yorkers 
on  the  subject,  and  then  withdrew  themselves  from  the  city  — 
which,  "  with  other  favorable  circumstances,"  gave  the  latter 
writer  a  lively  "  hope  that  this  distressful  business  would  soon 
be  brought  to  a  happy  issue." 

Another  letter  gives  a  different  version.  "In  the  night  of 
the  2d  instant,  three  persons  escaped  from  the  city  in  a  canoe 
and  informed  our  general  that  Mr.  Washington  had  ordered 
three  battalions  of  New  York  Provincials  to  leave  New  York, 
and  that  they  should  be  replaced  by  an  equal  number  of  Con- 
necticut troops,  but  the  former,  assured  that  the  Connecticutians 
would  burn  and  destroy  all  the  houses,  peremptorily  refused  to 
give  up  their  city,  declaring  that  no  cause  of  exigency  whatever 
should  induce  them  to  intrust  the  defence  of  it  to  any  other  than 
her  own  inhabitants.  This  spirited  and  stubborn  resolution 
prevailed  over  the  order  of  their  commander,  and  the  New 
Yorkers  continue  snugly  in  possession  of  the  place."  1 

''Matters  go  on  swimmingly,"  writes  another  officer.     "I' 
don't  doubt  the  next  news  we  send  you  is,  that  New  York  is 
ours,  though  in  ashes,  for  the  rebel  troops  have  vowed  to  put  it 
in  flames  if  the  tory  troops  get  over." 

An  American  officer  writes  to  an  absent  New  Yorker,  in  a 
different  tone.  "  I  fear  we  shall  evacuate  your  poor  city.  The 
very  thought  gives  me  the  horrors  !  "  Still  he  indulges  a  vague 
hope  of  succor  from  General  Lee,  who  was  returning,  all  glori- 
ous, from  his  successes  at  the  South.  "  General  Lee,"  writes  he, 
"is  hourly  expected,  as  if  from  heaven,  with  a  legion  of  flaming 
swordsmen."  It  was,  however,  what  Lee  himself  would  have 
termed  a  mere  brutumfulmen. 

These  letters  show  the  state  of  feeling  in  the  opposite  camps, 
at  this  watchful  moment,  when  matters  seemed  hurrying  to  a 
crisis. 

On  the  night  of  Monday  (September  2) ,  a  forty-gun  ship, 
taking  advantage  of  a  favorable  wind  and  tide,  passed  between 
Governor's   Island  and  Long  Island,  swept  unharmed  by  the 

1  Force's  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii.,  168. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON:  143 

batteries  which  opened  upon  her,  and  anchored  in  Turtle  Bay, 
above  the  city.  In  the  morning,  Washington  despatched  Major 
Crane  of  the  artillery,  with  two  twelve  pounders  and  a  howitzer 
to  annoy  her  from  the  New  York  shore.  They  hulled  her  sev- 
eral times,  and  obliged  her  to  take  shelter  behind  Blaekwell's 
Island.  Several  other  ships-of-war,  with  transports  and  store- 
ships,  had  made  their  appearance  in  the  upper  part  of  the 
Sound,  having  gone  round  Long  Island. 

As  the  city  might  speedily  be  attacked,  Washington  caused 
all  the  sick  and  wounded  to  be  conveyed  to  Oraugetown,  in  the 
Jerseys,  and  such  military  stores  and  baggage  as  were  not  im- 
mediately needed,  to  be  removed,  as  fast  as  conveyances  could 
be  procured,  to  a  post  partially  fortified  at  Dobbs'  Ferry,  on 
the  eastern  bank  of  the  Hudson,  about  twenty-two  miles  above 
the  city. 

Reed,  in  his  letters  to  his  wife,  talks  of  the  dark  and  myste- 
rious motions  of  the  enemy,  and  the  equally  dark  and  intricate 
councils  of  Congress,  by  which  the  army  were  disheartened  and 
perplexed.  "  We  are  still  here,"  writes  he  on  the  6th,  "  in 
a  posture  somewhat  awkward  ;  we  think  (at  least  I  do)  that  we 
cannot  stay,  and  yet  we  do  not  know  how  to  go,  so  that  we  may 
be  properly  said  to  be  between  hawk  and  buzzard." 

The  "  shameful  and  scandalous  desertions,"  as  Washington 
termed  them,  continued.  In  a  few  days  the  Connecticut  militia 
dwindled  down  from  six  to  less  than  two  thousand.  "  The  im- 
pulse for  going  home  was  so  irresistible,"  writes  he,  "  that  it 
answered  no  purpose  to  oppose  it.  Though  I  would  not  dis- 
charge them,  I  have  been  obliged  to  acquiesce." 

Still  his  considerate  mind  was  tolerant  of  their  defection. 
"  Men,"  said  he,  "  accustomed  to  unbounded  freedom,  cannot 
brook  the  restraint  which  is  indispensably  necessary  to  the  good 
order  and  government  of  an  army."  And  again,  u  Men  just 
dragged  from  the  tender  scenes  of  domestic  life,  unaccustomed 
to  the  din  of  arms,  totally  unacquainted  with  every  kind  of 
military  skill  (which  is  followed  by  a  want  of  confidence  in 
themselves,  when  opposed  to  troops  regularly  trained,  superior 
in  knowledge,  and  superior  in  arms),  are  timid  and  ready  to  fly 
from  their  own  shadows.  Besides,  the  sudden  change  in  their 
manner  of  living,  brings  on  an  unconquerable  desire  to  leturn 
to  their  homes." 

Greene,  also,  who  coincided  so  much  witli  Washington  in 
opinions  and  sentiments,  observes:  "People  coming  from 
home  with  all  the  tender  feelings  of  domestic  life,  are  not  suffi- 
ciently fortified  with  natural  courage   to   stand    the   shocking 


144  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

scenes  of  war.  To  march  over  dead  men,  to  hear  withom  v'ori 
cern  the  groans  of  the  wounded  —  I  say  few  men  can  stand  such 
scenes  unless  steeled  by  habit  or  fortified  by  military  pride/' 

Nor  was  this  ill-timed  yearning  for  home  confined  to  the  yeo 
manry  of  Connecticut,  who  might  well  look  back  to  their 
humble  farms,  where  they  had  left  the  plough  standing  in  the  fur 
row,  and  where  every  thing  might  go  to  ruin,  and  their  family  to 
want,  in  their  absence.  Some  of  the  gentlemen  volunteers  from 
beyond  the  Delaware,  who  had  made  themselves  merry  at  the 
expense  of  the  rustic  soldiery  of  New  England,  were  likewise 
among  the  first  to  feel  the  homeward  impulse.  "  When  I  look 
around,"  said  Reed,  the  adjutant-general,  "and  see  how  few 
of  the  numbers  who  talked  so  loudly  of  death  and  honor  are 
around  me,  I  am  lost  in  wonder  and  surprise.  Some  of  our 
Philadelphia  gentlemen  who  came  over  on  visits,  upon  the  first 
cannon,  went  off  in  a  most  violent  hurry.  Your  noisy  sons  of 
liberty,  are,  I  find,  the  quietest  on  the  field."  * 

Present  experience  induced  Washington  to  reiterate  the 
opinion  he  had  repeatedly  expressed  to  Congress,  that  little 
reliance  was  to  be  placed  on  militia  enlisted  for  short  periods. 
The  only  means  of  protecting  the  national  liberties  from  great 
hazard,  if  not  utter  loss,  was,  he  said,  an  arm}-  enlisted  for  the 
war. 

The  thousand  men  ordered  from  the  flying  camp  were  fur- 
nished by  General  Mercer.  They  were  Maryland  troops  under 
Colonels  Griffith  and  Richardson,  and  were  a  seasonable 
addition  to  his  effective  forces ;  but  the  ammunition  carried  off 
b}T  the  disbanding  militia  was  a  serious  loss  at  this  critical 
juncture.  A  work  had  been  commenced  on  the  Jersey  shore, 
opposite  Fort  Washington,  to  aid  in  protecting  Putnam's 
chevaux-de-frise  which  had  been  sunk  between  them.  This 
work  had  received  the  name  of  Fort  Constitution  (a  name 
already  borne  by  one  of  the  forts  in  the  Highlands).  Troops 
were  drawn  from  the  flying  camp  to  make  a  strong  encampment 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  fort,  with  an  able  officer  to  command  it 
and  a  skilful  engineer  to  strengthen  the  works.  It  was  hoped, 
by  the  co-operation  of  these  opposite  forts  and  the  chevaux-de- 
frise,  to  command  the  Hudson,  and  prevent  the  passing  and 
repassing  of  hostile  ships. 

The  British,  in  the  mean  time,  forbore  to  press  further 
hostilities.  Lord  Howe  was  really  desirous  of  a  peaceful 
adjustment  of  the  strife  between  the  colonies  and  the  mother 

*  Life  of  Reed,  i.,  231. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  145 

country,  and  supposed  this  a  propitious  moment  for  a  new 
attempt  at  pacification.  He  accordingly  sent  off  General 
Sullivan  on  parole,  charged  with  an  overture  to  Congress.  In 
this  he  declared  himself  empowered  and  disposed  to  compromise 
the  dispute  between  Great  Britain  and  America  on  the  most 
favorable  terms,  and,  though  he  could  not  treat  with  Congress 
as  a  legally  organized  body,  he  was  desirous  of  a  conference 
with  some  of  its  members.  These,  for  the  time,  he  should 
consider  only  as  private  gentlemen,  but  if  in  the  conference  any 
probable  scheme  of  accommodation  should  be  agreed  upon,  the 
authority  of  Congress  would  afterward  be  acknowledged,  to 
render  the  compact  complete.1 

The  message  caused  some  embarrassment  in  Congress.  To 
accede  to  the  interview  might  seem  to  waive  the  question  of 
independence  ;  to  decline  it  was  to  shut  the  door  on  all  hope  of 
conciliation,  and  might  alienate  the  co-operation  of  some  worthy 
whigs  who  still  clung  to  that  hope.  After  much  debate, 
Congress,  on  the  5th  September,  replied,  that  being  the  repre- 
sentatives of  the  free  and  independent  States  of  America,  they 
could  not  send  any  members  to  confer  with  his  lordship  in  their 
private  characters,  but  that,  ever  desirous  of  establishing  peace 
on  reasonable  terms,  they  would  send  a  committee  of  their  body 
to  ascertain  what  authority  he  had  to  treat  with  persons  author- 
ized by  Congress,  and  what  propositions  he  had  to  offer. 

A  committee  was  chosen  on  the  Gth  of  September,  composed 
of  John  Adams,  Edward  Rutledge,  and  Doctor  Franklin.  The 
latter,  in  the  preceding  year,  during  his  residence  in  England, 
had  become  acquainted  with  Lord  Howe,  at  the  house  of  his 
lordship's  sister,  the  honorable  Mrs.  Howe,  and  they  had  held 
frequent  conversations  on  the  subject  of  American  affairs,  in 
the  course  of  which,  his  lordship  had  intimated  the  possibility 
of  his  being  sent  commissioner  to  settle  the  differences  in 
America. 

Franklin  had  recently  adverted  to  this  in  a  letter  to  Lord 
Howe.  "Your  lordship  may  possibly  remember  the  tears  of 
joy  that  wet  my  cheek,  when,  at  your  good  sister's  in  London, 
you  gave  me  expectations  that  a  reconciliation  might  soon  take 
place.  I  had  the  misfortune  to  find  those  expectations 
disappointed. 

"  The  well-founded  esteem,  and,  permit  me  to  say,  affection, 
which  I  shall  always  have  for  your  lordship,  makes  it  painful 

i  Civil  War,  vol.  i.,  p.  190. 


146  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

for  me  to  see  you  engaged  in  conducting  a  war,  the  great 
ground  of  which,  as  expressed  in  your  letter,  is  '  the  necessity 
of  preventing  the  American  trade  from  passing  into  foreign 
channels.'  .  .  .  I  know  your  great  motive  in  coming  hither,  was 
the  hope  of  being  instrumental  in  a  reconciliation  ;  and  I  believe 
that  when  you  find  that  impossible  on  any  terms  given  to  you 
to  propose,  you  will  relinquish  so  odious  a  command,  and 
return  to  a  more  honorable  private  station." 

"  I  can  have  no  difficulty  to  acknowledge,"  replied  Lord 
Howe,  u  that  the  powers  I  am  invested  with  were  never  calcu- 
lated to  negotiate  a  reunion  with  America,  under  any  other 
description  than  as  subject  to  the  crown  of  Great  Britain.  But 
I  do  esteem  these  powers  competent,  not  only  to  confer  and 
negotiate  with  any  gentlemen  of  influence  in  the  colonies  upon 
the  terms,  but  also  to  effect  a  lasting  peace  and  reunion  between 
the  two  countries,  were  the  tempers  of  the  colonies  such  as 
professed  in  the  last  petition  of  Congress  to  the  King."  l 

A  hope  of  the  kind  lingered  in  the  breast  of  his  lordship 
when  he  sought  the  proposed  conference.  It  was  to  take  place 
on  the  11th,  at  a  house  on  Staten  Island,  opposite  to  Amboy ; 
at  which  latter  place  the  veteran  Mercer  was  stationed  with  his 
flying  camp.  At  Amboy,  the  committee  found  Lord  Howe's 
barge  waiting  to  receive  them  ;  with  a  British  officer  of  rank, 
who  was  to  remain  within  the  American  lines  during  their 
absence,  as  a  hostage.  This  guarantee  of  safety  was  promptly 
declined,  and  the  parties  crossed  together  to  Staten  Island. 
The  admiral  met  them  on  their  landing,  and  conducted  them 
through  his  guards  to  his  house. 

On  opening  the  conference,  his  lordship  again  intimated  that 
he  could  not  treat  with  them  as  a  committee  of  Congress,  but 
only  confer  with  them  as  private  gentlemen  of  influence  in  the 
colonies,  on  the  means  of  restoring  peace  between  the  two 
countries. 

The  commissioners  replied  that,  as  their  business  was  to  hear, 
he  might  consider  them  in  what  light  he  pleased ;  but  that  they 
should  consider  themselves  in  no  other  character  than  that  in 
which  they  were  placed  by  order  of  Congress. 

Lord  Howe  then  entered  into  a  discourse  of  considerable 
length,  but  made  no  explicit  proposition  of  peace,  nor  promise 
of  redress  of  grievances,  excepting  on  condition  that  the  col- 
onies should  return  to  their  allegiance. 

This,  the  commissioners  replied,  was  not  now  to  be  expected. 

i  Franklin's  Writings,  v.,  103. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  147 

Their  repeated  humble  petitions  to  the  king  and  parliament 
having  been  treated  with  contempt,  and  answered  by  additional 
injuries,  and  war  having  been  declared  against  them,  the  col- 
onies had  declared  their  independence,  and  it  was  not  in  the 
power  of  Congress  to  agree  for  them  that  they  should  return  to 
their  former  dependent  state.1 

His  lordship  expressed  his  sorrow  that  no  accommodation  was 
likely  to  take  place  ;  and,  on  breaking  up  the  conference,  as- 
sured his  old  friend,  Dr.  Franklin,  that  he  should  suffer  great 
pain  in  being  obliged  to  distress  those  for  whom  he  had  so 
much  regard. 

"  I  feel  thankful  to  your  lordship  for  your  regard,"  replied 
Franklin  good-humoredly ;  "the  Americans,  on  their  part,  will 
endeavor  to  lessen  the  pain  you  may  feel,  by  taking  good  care 
of  themselves." 

The  result  of  this  conference  had  a  beneficial  effect.  It 
showed  that  his  lordship  had  no  power  but  what  was  given  by 
the  act  of  Parliament ;  and  put  an  end  to  the  popular  notion 
that  he  was  vested  with  secret  powers  to  negotiate  an  adjust- 
ment of  grievances. 


CHAPTER  XXII. 

movements  of  the  enemy councils   of  war question   of 

the    abandonment    of    the    city  distribution    of    the 

army ships    in    the    east    river the    enemy    at    hell 

gate skirmish  at  turtle  bay panic  of   the   connecti- 
cut militia rage  and  personal  peril  of  washington 

putnam's  perilous  retreat  from  the  city  —  British  regale 
at  murray  hill. 

Since  the  retreat  from  Brooklyn,  Washington  had  narrowly 
watched  the  movements  of  the  enemy  to  discover  their  further 
plans.  Their  whole  force,  excepting  about  four  thousand  men, 
had  been  transferred  from  Staten  to  Long  Island.  A  great 
part  was  encamped  on  the  peninsula  between  Newtown  Inlet  and 
Flushing  Bay.  A  battery  had  been  thrown  up  near  the  ex- 
tremity of  the  peninsula,  to  check  an  American  battery  at 
Horen's  Hook  opposite,  and  to  command  the  mouth  of  Harlem 
River.  Troops  were  subsequently  stationed  on  the  islands 
about  Hell  Gate.     "  It  is  evident,"  writes  Washington,  "the 

1  Report  of  the  Coram,  to  Coug.,  September  13, 1776. 


148  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

enemy  mean  to  enclose  us  on  the  island  of  New  York,  by  taking 
post  in  our  rear,  while  the  shipping  secures  the  front,  and  thus, 
by  cutting  off  our  communication  with  the  country,  oblige  us  to 
fight  them  on  their  own  terms,  or  surrender  at  discretion  ;  or  by 
a  brilliant  stroke  endeavor  to  cut  this  army  in  pieces,  and  secure 
the  collection  of  arms  and  stores,  which,  they  well  know,  we 
shall  not  be  able  soon  to  replace."  l 

The  question  was,  how  could  their  plans  be  most  successfully 
opposed?  On  every  side,  he  saw  a  choice  of  difficulties  ;  every 
measure  was  to  be  formed  with  some  apprehension  that  all  the 
troops  would  not  do  their  duty.  History,  experience,  the  opin- 
ions of  able  friends  in  Europe,  the  fears  of  the  enemy,  even  the 
declarations  of  Congress,  all  concurred  in  demonstrating  that 
the  war  on  the  American  side  should  be  defensive ;  a  war  of 
posts  ;  that,  on  all  occasions,  a  general  action  should  be  avoided, 
and  nothing  put  at  risk  unnecessarily.  "  With  these  views," 
said  Washington,  u  and  being  fully  persuaded  that  it  would  be 
presumption  to  draw  out  our  young  troops  into  open  ground 
against  their  superiors,  both  in  number  and  discipline,  I  have 
never  spared  the  spade  and  pickaxe." 

In  a  council  of  war,  held  on  the  7th  of  September,  the  question 
was  discussed,  whether  the  city  should  be  defended  or  evacuated. 
All  admitted  that  it  would  not  be  tenable,  should  it  be  cannon- 
aded and  bombarded.  Several  of  the  council,  among  whom 
was  General  Putnam,  were  for  a  total  and  immediate  removal 
from  the  city  ;  urging  that  one  part  of  the  army  might  be  cut  off 
before  the  other  could  support  it ;  the  extremities  being  at  least 
sixteen  miles  apart,  and  the  whole,  when  collected,  being  in- 
ferior to  the  enemy.  By  removing,  they  would  deprive  the 
enemy  of  the  advantage  of  their  ships  ;  they  would  keep  them 
at  bay  ;  put  nothing  at  hazard ;  keep  the  army  together  to  be 
recruited  another  year,  and  preserve  the  unspent  stores  and  the 
heavy  artillery.  Washington  himself  inclined  to  this  opinion. 
Others,  however,  were  unwilling  to  abandon  a  place  which  had 
been  fortified  with  great  cost  and  labor,  and  seemed  defensible  ; 
and  which,  by  some,  had  been  considered  the  key  to  the  northern 
country  ;  it  might  dispirit  the  troops,  and  enfeeble  the  cause. 
General  Mercer,  who  was  prevented  by  illness  from  attending 
the  council,  communicated  his  opinion  by  letter.  "We  should 
keep  New  York  if  possible,"  said  he,  "  as  the  acquiring  of  it 
will  give  eclat  to  the  arms  of  Great  Britain,  afford  the  soldiers 
good  quarters,  and  furnish  a  safe  harbor  for  the  fleet." 

1  Letter  to  the  President  of  Congress. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  149 

General  Greene,  also,  being  still  unwell,  eonveyed  his  opinion 
in  a  letter  to  Washington,  dated  September  5.  He  advised  that 
the  army  should  abandon  both  city  and  island,  and  post  itself  at 
King's  Bridge  and  along  the  Westchester  shore.  That  there 
was  no  object  to  be  obtained  by  holding  any  position  below 
King's  Bridge.  The  enemy  might  throw  troops  on  Manhattan 
Island,  from  their  camps  on  Long  Island,  and  their  ships  on  the 
Hudson,  and  form  an  intrenched  line  across  it,  between  the  city 
and  the  middle  division  of  the  army,  and  support  the  two  flanks 
of  the  line  by  their  shipping.  In  such  case,  it  would  be  neces- 
sary to  fight  them  on  disadvantageous  terms  or  submit. 

The  city  and  island,  he  observed,  were  objects  not  to  be  put 
in  competition  with  the  general  interests  of  America.  Two- 
thirds  of  the  city  and  suburbs  belonged  to  tories,  there  was  no 
great  reason,  therefore,  to  run  any  considerable  risk  in  its  de- 
fence. The  honor  and  interest  of  America  required  a  general 
and  speedy  retreat.  But  as  the  enemy,  once  in  possession,  could 
never  be  dislodged  without  a  superior  naval  force ;  as  the  place 
would  furnish  them  with  excellent  winter  quarters  and  barrack 
room,  and  an  abundant  market,  he  advised  to  burn  both  city  and 
suburbs  before  retreating.1 

Well  might  the  poor,  harassed  citizens  feel  hysterical,  threat- 
ened as  they  were  by  sea  and  land,  and  their  very  defenders 
debating  the  policy  of  burning  their  houses  over  their  heads. 
Fortunately  for  them,  Congress  had  expressly  forbidden  that 
any  harm  should  be  done  to  New  York,  trusting,  that  though 
the  enemy  might  occupy  it  for  a  time,  it  would  ultimately  be 
regained. 

After  much  discussion  a  middle  course  was  adopted.  Putnam, 
with  five  thousand  men,  was  to  be  stationed  in  the  city.  Heath, 
with  nine  thousand,  was  to  keep  guard  on  the  upper  part  of  the 
island,  and  oppose  any  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  land.  His 
troops,  among  whom  were  Magaw's,8hee's,  Hand's  and  Miles's 
Pennsylvanian  battalions,  and  Haslet's  Delaware  regiment,  were 
posted  about  King's  Bridge  and  its  vicinity. 

The  third  division,  composed  principally  of  militia,  was  under 
the  command  of  Generals  Greene  and  Spencer,  the  former  of 
whom,  however,  was  still  unwell.  It  was  stationed  about  the 
centre  of  the  island,  chiefly  along  Turtle  Bay  and  Kip's  Bay, 
where  strong  works  had  been  thrown  up,  to  guard  against  any 
landing  of  troops  from  the  ships  or  from  the  encampments  on 
Long  Island.     It  was  also  to  hold  itself  ready  to  support  either 

1  Force's  Aui.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii..  182. 


150  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

of  the  other  divisions.  Washington  himself  had  his  head- 
quarters at  a  short  distance  from  the  city.  A  resolution  of 
Congress,  passed  the  10th  of  September,  left  the  occupation  or 
abandonment  of  the  city  entirely  at  Washington's  discretion. 
Nearly  the  whole  of  his  officers,  too,  in  a  second  council  of  war, 
retracted  their  former  opinion,  and  determined  that  the  removal 
of  his  army  was  not  only  prudent,  but  absolutely  necessary. 
Three  members  of  the  council,  however,  Generals  Spencer, 
Heath,  and  George  Clinton,  tenaciously  held  to  the  former 
decision. 

Convinced  of  the  propriety  of  evacuation,  Washington  pre- 
pared for  it  by  ordering  the  removal  of  all  stores,  excepting 
such  as  were  indispensable  for  the  subsistence  of  the  troops 
while  they  remained.  A  letter  from  a  Rhode  Island  officer,  on 
a  visit  to  New  York,  gives  an  idea  of  its  agitations.  "  On  the 
13th  of  September,  just  after  dinner,  three  frigates  and  a  forty- 
gun  ship  sailed  up  the  East  River  with  a  gentle  breeze,  toward 
Hell  Gate,  and  kept  up  an  incessant  fire,  assisted  by  the  cannon 
at  Governor's  Island.  The  batteries  of  the  city  returned  the 
ships  the  like  salutation.  Three  men  agape,  idle  spectators,  had 
the  misfortune  of  being  killed  by  one  cannon  ball.  One  shot 
struck  within  six  feet  of  General  Washington,  as  he  was  on 
horseback,  riding  into  the  fort."  1 

On  the  14th,  Washington's  baggage  was  removed  to  King's 
Bridge,  whither  head-quarters  were  to  be  transferred  the  same 
evening  ;  it  being  clear  that  the  enemy  were  preparing  to  encom- 
pass him  on  the  island.  "It  is  now  a  trial  of  skill  whether  they 
will  or  not,"  writes  Colonel  Reed,"  and  every  night  we  lie  down 
with  the  most  anxious  fears  for  the  fate  of  to-morrow."  2 

About  sunset  of  the  same  day,  six  more  ships,  two  of  them 
men-of-war,  passed  up  the  Sound  and  joined  those  above. 
Within  half  an  hour  came  expresses  spurring  to  head-quarters, 
one  from  Mifflin  at  King's  Bridge,  the  other  from  Colonel  Sar- 
gent at  Horen's  Hook.  Three  or  four  thousand  of  the  enemy 
were  crossing  at  Hell  Gate  to  the  islands  at  the  mouth  of  Har- 
lem River,  where  numbers  were  already  encamped.  An  imme- 
diate landing  at  Harlem,  or  Morrisania,  was  apprehended. 
Washington  was  instantly  in  the  saddle,  spurring  to  Harlem 
Heights.  The  night,  however,  passed  away  quietly.  In  the 
morning  the  enemy  commenced  operations.  Three  ships-of- 
war  stood  up  the  Hudson,  "  causing  a  most  tremendous  firing, 
assisted  by  the  cannons  of  Governor's  Island,  which  firing  was 

1  Colonel  Babcock  to  Governor  Cooke.    Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii.,  443. 

2  Reed  to  Mrs.  iieed. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  151 

returned  from  the  city  as  well  as  the  scarcity  of  heavy  cannon 
would  allow."  *  The  ships  anchored  opposite  Bloomingdale,  a 
few  miles  above  the  city,  and  put  a  stop  to  the  removal  by  water 
of  stores  and  provisions  to  Dobbs'  Ferry.  About  eleven 
o'clock,  the  ships  in  the  East  River  commenced  a  heavy  cannon- 
ade upon  the  breastworks  between  Turtle  Buy  and  the  city.  At 
the  same  time  two  divisions  of  the  troops  encamped  on  Long 
Island,  one  British,  under  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  the  other  Hessian, 
under  Colonel  Donop,  emerged  in  boats  from  the  deep,  woody 
recesses  of  Newtown  Inlet,  and  under  cover  of  the  fire  from  the 
ships,  began  to  land  at  two  points  between  Turtle  and  Kip's 
Bays.  The  breastworks  were  manned  by  militia  who  had  re- 
cently served  at  Brooklyn.  Disheartened  by  their  late  defeat, 
they  fled  at  the  first  advance  of  the  enemy.  Two  brigades  of 
Putnam's  Connecticut  troops  (Parsons'  and  Fellows')  which 
had  been  sent  that  morning  to  support  them,  caught  tin;  panic, 
and  regardless  of  the  commands  and  entreaties  of  their  officers, 
joined  in  the  general  scamper. 

At  this  moment  Washington,  who  had  mounted  his  horse  at 
the  first  sound  of  the  cannonade,  came  galloping  to  the  scene  of 
confusion  ;  riding  in  among  the  fugitives,  he  endeavored  to  rally 
and  restore  them  to  order.  All  in  vain.  At  the  first  appear- 
ance of  sixty  or  seventy  red  coats,  the}'  broke  again  without 
firing  a  shot,  and  fled  in  headlong  terror.  Losing  all  self-com- 
mand at  the  sight  of  such  dastardly  conduct,  he  dashed  his  hat 
upon  the  ground  in  a  transport  of  rage.  "  Are  these  the  men," 
exclaimed  he,  "with  whom  I  am  to  defend  America!  "  In  a 
paroxysm  of  passion  and  despair  he  snapped  his  pistols  at 
some  of  them,  threatened  others  with  his  sword,  and  was  so 
heedless  of  his  own  danger,  that  he  might  have  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  the  enemy,  who  were  not  eighty  yards  distant,  had  not 
an  aide-de-camp  seized  the  bridle  of  his  horse,  and  absolutely 
hurried  him  away.2 

It  was  one  of  the  rare  moments  of  his  life,  when  the  vehement 
element  of  his  nature  was  stirred  up  from  its  deep  recesses. 
He  soon  recovered  his  self-possession,  and  took  measures 
against  the  general  peril.  The  enemy  might  land  another  force 
about  Hell  Gate,  seize  upon  Harlem  Heights,  the  strong  central 

1  Letter  of  Colonel  Babcock  to  Governor  Cooke. 

2  Graydon's  Memoirs,  LittelPs  ed.,  p.  174.  General  Greene,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend, 
writes:  "  We  made  a  miserable,  disorderly  retreat  from  New  York,  owing  to  the  con- 
duct of  the  militia,  who  ran  at  the  appearance  of  the  enemy's  advanced  guard.  Fellows' 
and  Parsons'  brigades  ran  away  from  about  fifty  men,  and  left  his  excellency  on  the 
ground,  within  eighty  yards  of  the  enemy,  so  vexed  at  the  infamous  conduct  of  hia 
troops,  that  he  sought  death  rather  than  life." 


152  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

portion  of  the  island,  cut  off  all  retreat  of  the  lower  divisions, 
and  effectually  sever  his  army.  In  all  haste,  therefore,  he  sent 
off  an  express  to  the  forces  encamped  above,  directing  them 
to  secure  that  position  immediately ;  while  another  express  to 
Putnam,  ordered  an  immediate  retreat  from  the  city  to  those 
heights. 

It  was  indeed  a  perilous  moment.  Had  the  enemy  followed 
up  their  advantage,  and  seized  upon  the  heights,  before  thus 
occupied;  or  had  they  extended  themselves  across  the  island, 
from  the  place  where  they  had  effected  a  landing,  the  result 
might  have  been  most  disastrous  to  the  Americans.  Fortu- 
nately, they  contented  themselves  for  the  present  with  sending 
a  strong  detachment  down  the  road  along  the  East  River,  lead- 
ing to  the  city,  while  the  main  body,  British  and  Hessians, 
rested  on  their  arms. 

In  the  mean  time,  Putnam,  on  receiving  Washington's  ex- 
press, called  in  his  pickets  and  guards,  and  abandoned  the  city 
in  all  haste,  leaving  behind  him  a  large  quantity  of  provisions 
and  military  stores,  and  most  of  the  heavy  cannon.  To  avoid 
the  enemy  he  took  the  Bloomingdale  road,  though  this  exposed 
him  to  be  raked  by  the  enemy's  ships  anchored  in  the  Hudson. 
It  was  a  forced  march,  on  a  sultry  day,  under  a  burning  sun 
and  amid  clouds  of  dust.  His  army  was  encumbered  with 
women  and  children  and  all  kinds  of  baggage.  Many  were 
overcome  by  fatigue  and  thirst,  some  perished  by  hastily  drink- 
ing cold  water ;  but  Putnam  rode  backward  and  forward,  hur- 
rying every  one  on. 

Colonel  Humphreys,  at  that  time  a  volunteer  in  his  division, 
writes:  "I  had  frequent  opportunities  that  day  of  beholding 
him,  for  the  purpose  of  issuing  orders  and  encouraging  the 
troops,  flying  on  his  horse  covered  with  foam,  wherever  his 
presence  was  most  necessary.  Without  his  extraordinary  ex- 
ertions, the  guards  must  have  been  inevitably  lost,  and  it  is 
probable  the  entire  corps  would  have  been  cut  in  pieces. 

"When  we  were  not  far  from  Bloomingdale,  an  aide-de- 
camp came  to  him  at  full  speed,  to  inform  him  that  a  column 
of  British  infantry  was  descending  upon  our  right.  Our  rear 
was  soon  fired  upon,  and  the  colonel  of  our  regiment,  whose 
order  was  just  communicated  for  the  front  to  file  off  to  the  left, 
was  killed  upon  the  spot.  With  no  other  loss,  we  joined  the 
army  after  dark  upon  the  heights  of  Harlem."  1 

Tradition  gives  a  circumstance  which  favored  Putnam's  re- 

1  Peabody,  Life  of  Putnam,  Sparks'  Am.  Biog.,  vii.,  189. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  153 

treat.  The  British  generals,  in  passing  by  Murray  Hill,  the 
country  residence  of  a  patriot  of  that  name  who  was  of  the 
Society  of  Friends,  made  a  halt  to  seek  some  refreshment.  The 
proprietor  of  the  house  was  absent ;  but  his  wife  set  cake  and 
wine  before  them  in  abundance.  So  grateful  were  these  re- 
freshments in  the  heat  of  the  day,  that  they  lingered  over  their 
wine,  quaffing  and  laughing,  and  bantering  their  patriotic  host- 
ess about  the  ludicrous  panic  and  discomfiture  of  her  country- 
men. In  the  mean  time,  before  they  were  roused  from  their 
regale,  Putnam  and  his  forces  had  nearly  passed  by,  within  a 
mile  of  them.  All  the  loss  sustained  by  him  in  his  perilous  re- 
treat, was  fifteen  killed,  and  about  three  hundred  taken  prison- 
ers. It  became,  adds  the  tradition,  a  common  saying  among 
the  American  officers,  that  Mrs.  Murray  saved  Putnam's  divis- 
ion of  the  army.1 


CHAPTER   XXIII. 

FORTIFIED     CAMP     AT     KING'S     BRIDGE AMERICAN     AND     BRITISH 

LINES THE      MORRIS      HOUSE ALEXANDER      HAMILTON THE 

ENEMY    ADVANCE SUCCESSFUL    SKIRMISH DEATH    OF    KNOWL- 

TON GREAT    FIRE    IN    NEW    YORK REORGANIZATION     OF     THE 

ARMY EXCHANGE    OF    PRISONERS DANIEL  MORGAN  REGAINED 

DE    LANCEY'S    TORY    BRIGADE ROBERT    ROGERS,    THE    PARTI- 
SAN  HIS     RANGERS THE     ROEBUCK,     PHCENIX,     AND     TARTAR 

IN   THE    HUDSON MILITARY   MOVEMENTS    BY    LAND    AND    WATER 

LETTER    OF    JOHN    JAY. 

The  fortified  camp,  where  the  main  body  of  the  army  was 
now  assembled,  was  upon  that  neck  of  land  several  miles  long, 
and  for  the  most  part  not  above  a  mile  wide,  which  forms  the 
upper  part  of  Manhattan  or  New  York  Island.  It  forms  a 
chain  of  rocky  heights,  and  is  separated  from  the  mainland  by 
Harlem  River,  a  narrow  strait,  extending  from  Hell  Gate  on 
the  sound,  to  Spyt  den  Duivel,  a  creek  or  inlet  of  the  Hudson. 
Fort  Washington  occupied  the  crest  of  one  of  the  rocky  heights 
above  mentioned,  overlooking  the  Hudson,  and  about  two  miles 
north  of  it  was  King's  Bridge,  crossing  Spyt  den  Duivel  Creek, 
and  forming  at  that  time  the  only  pass  from  Manhattan  Island 
to  the  mainland. 

About  a  mile  and  a  half  south  of  the  fort,  a  double  row  of 

1  Timcher's  Military  Journal,  p.  70. 


154  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

lines  extended  across  the  neck  from  Harlem  River  to  the  Hud- 
son. They  faced  south  toward  New  York,  were  about  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  apart,  and  were  defended  by  batteries. 

There  were  strong  advanced  posts,  about  two  miles  south  of 
the  outer  line  ;  one  on  the  left  of  Harlem,  commanded  by  Gen- 
eral Spencer,  the  other  on  the  right,  at  what  was  called  Mc- 
Gowan's  Pass,  commanded  by  General  Putnam.  About  a 
mile  and  a  half  beyond  these  posts  the  British  lines  extended 
across  the  island  from  Horen's  Hook  to  the  Hudson,  being  a 
continuous  encampment,  two  miles  in  length,  with  both  flanks 
covered  by  shipping.  An  open  plain  intervened  between  the 
hostile  camps. 

Washington  had  established  his  head-quarters  about  a  quarter 
of  a  mile  within  the  inner  line,  at  a  country-seat,  the  owners 
of  which  were  absent.  It  belonged  in  fact  to  Colonel  Roger 
Morris,  his  early  companion  in  arms  in  Braddock's  campaign, 
and  his  successful  competitor  for  the  hand  of  Miss  Mary 
Philipse.  Morris  had  remained  in  America,  enjoying  the 
wealth  he  had  acquired  by  his  marriage  ;  but  had  adhered  to 
the  royal  party,  and  was  a  member  of  the  council  of  the  colony. 
It  is  said  that  at  this  time  he  was  residing  in  the  Highlands 
at  Beverley,  the  seat  of  his  brother-in-law,  Washington's  old 
friend,  Beverley  Robinson.1 

While  thus  posted,  Washington  was  incessantly  occupied  in 
fortifying  the  approaches  to  his  camp  by  redoubts,  abatis,  and 
deep  intrenchments.  "Here,"  said  he,  "I  should  hope  the 
enemy,  in  case  of  attack,  would  meet  a  defeat,  if  the  generality 
of  our  troops  would  behave  with  tolerable  bravery  ;  but  experi- 
ence, to  my  extreme  affliction,  has  convinced  me  that  it  is  rather 
to  be  wished  than  expected.  However,  I  trust  there  are  many 
who  will  act  like  men  worthy  of  the  blessings  of  freedom." 
The  late  disgraceful  scene  at  Kip's  Bay  was  evidently  rankling 
in  his  mind. 

In  the  course  of  his  rounds  of  inspection,  he  was  struck  with 
the  skill  and  science  displayed  in  the  construction  of  some 
of  the  works,  which  were  thrown  up  under  the  direction  of 
a  youthful  captain  of  artillery.  It  proved  to  be  the  same 
young  officer,  Alexander  Hamilton,  whom  Greene  had  recom- 
mended to  his  notice.  After  some  conversation  with  him, 
Washington  invited  him  to  his  marquee,  and  thus  commenced 
that  intercourse  which  has  indissolubly  linked  their  memories 
together. 

1  The  portrait  of  Miss  Mary  Philipse  is  still  to  be  seen  in  the  possession  of  Frederick 
Phillips,  Esquire,  at  the  (irauge,  on  the  Highlands  opposite  West  Point. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  155 

On  the  morning  of  the  16th,  word  was  brought  to  head- 
quarters that  the  enemy  were  advancing  in  three  large  columns. 
There  had  been  so  many  false  reports,  that  Reed,  the  adjutant- 
general,  obtained  leave  to  sally  out  and  ascertain  the  truth. 
Washington  himself  soon  mounted  his  horse  and  rode  toward 
the  advanced  posts.  On  arriving  there  he  heard  a  brisk  firing. 
It  was  kept  up  for  a  time  with  great  spirit.  There  was  evi- 
dently a  sharp  conflict.  At  length  Reed  came  galloping  back 
with  information.  A  strong  detachment  of  the  enemy  had 
attacked  the  most  advanced  post,  which  was  situated  on  a  hill 
skirted  by  a  wood.  It  had  been  bravely  defended  by  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel Knowlton,  Putnam's  favorite  officer,  who  had  dis- 
tinguished himself  at  Bunker's  Hill ;  he  had  under  him  a  party 
of  Connecticut  rangers,  volunteers  from  different  regiments. 
After  skirmishing  for  a  time,  the  party  had  been  overpowered 
by  numbers  and  driven  in,  and  the  outpost  was  taken  possession 
of  by  the  enemy.  Reed  supposed  the  latter  to  be  about  three 
hundred  strong,  but  they  were  much  stronger,  the  main  part 
having  been  concealed  behind  a  rising  ground  in  the  wood. 
They  were  composed  of  a  battalion  of  light  infantry,  another 
of  Royal  Highlanders,  and  three  companies  of  Hessian  riflemen  ; 
all  under  command  of  General  Leslie. 

Reed  urged  that  troops  should  be  sent  to  support  the  brave 
fellows  who  had  behaved  so  well.  While  he  was  talking  with 
Washington,  "  the  enemy,"  he  says,  "  appeared  in  open  view, 
and  sounded  their  bugles  in  the  most  insulting  manner,  as  usual 
after  a  fox-chase.  I  never,"  adds  he,  "  felt  such  a  sensation 
before  ;  it  seemed  to  crown  our  disgrace." 

Washington,  too,  was  stung  by  the  taunting  note  of  derision  ; 
it  recalled  the  easy  triumph  of  the  enemy  at  Kip's  Bay.  Re- 
solved that  something  should  be  done  to  wipe  out  that  disgrace, 
and  rouse  the  spirits  of  the  army,  he  ordered  out  three  com- 
panies from  Colonel  Weedon's  regiment  just  arrived  from  Vir- 
ginia, and  sent  them  under  Major  Leitch  to  join  Knowlton's 
rangers.  The  troops  thus  united  were  to  get  in  the  rear  of  the 
enemy,  while  a  feigned  attack  was  made  upon  them  in  front. 

The  plan  was  partially  successful.  As  the  force  advanced 
to  make  the  false  attack,  the  enemy  ran  down  the  hill,  and  took 
what  they  considered  an  advantageous  position  behind  some 
fences  and  bushes  which  skirted  it.  A  firing  commenced  be- 
tween them  and  the  advancing  party,  but  at  too  great  distance 
to  do  much  harm  on  either  side.  In  the  mean  time,  Knowlton 
and  Leitch,  ignorant  of  this  change  in  the  enemy's  position, 
having  made  a  circuit,  came  upon  them  in  flank  instead  of  i» 


156  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

rear.  They  were  sharply  received.  A  vivid  contest  took  place, 
in  which  Connecticut  vied  with  Virginia  in  bravery.  In  a  little 
while  Major  Leitch  received  three  bullets  in  his  side,  and  was 
borne  off  the  field.  Shortly  afterward,  a  wound  in  the  head 
from  a  musket  ball  brought  Knowlton  to  the  ground.  Colonel 
Reed  placed  him  on  his  horse,  and  conveyed  him  to  a  distant 
redoubt.  The  men,  undismayed  by  the  fall  of  their  leaders, 
fought  with  unflinching  resolution  under  the  command  of  their 
captains.  The  enemy  were  re-enforced  by  a  battalion  of  Hes- 
sians and  a  company  of  chasseurs.  Washington  likewise  sent 
re-enforcements  of  New  England  and  Maryland  troops.  The 
action  waxed  hotter  and  hotter ;  the  enemy  were  driven  from 
the  wood  into  the  plain,  and  pushed  for  some  distance ;  the 
Americans  were  pursuing  them  with  ardor,  when  Washington, 
having  effected  the  object  of  this  casual  encounter,  and  being 
unwilling  to  risk  a  general  action,  ordered  a  retreat  to  be 
sounded. 

It  was  with  difficulty,  however,  his  men  could  be  called  off, 
so  excited  were  they  by  the  novelty  of  pursuing  an  enemy. 
They  retired  in  good  order ;  and,  as  it  subsequently  appeared, 
in  good  season,  for  the  main  body  of  the  enemy  were  ad- 
vancing at  a  rapid  rate,  and  might  have  effectually  reversed 
the  scene. 

Colonel  Knowlton  did  not  long  survive  the  action.  "  When 
gasping  in  the  agonies  of  death,'*  says  Colonel  Reed,  "all  his 
inquiry  was  whether  he  had  driven  in  the  enemy."  He  was 
anxious  for  the  tarnished  honor  of  Connecticut.  He  had 
the  dying  satisfaction  of  knowing  that  his  men  had  behaved 
bravely,  and  driven  the  enemy  in  an  open  field-fight.  So  closed 
his  gallant  career. 

The  encounter  thus  detailed  was  a  small  affair  in  itself,  but 
important  in  its  effects.  It  was  the  first  gleam  of  success  in 
he  campaign,  and  revived  the  spirits  of  the  army.  Washing- 
ton sought  to  turn  it  to  the  greatest  advantage.  In  his  general 
orders,  he  skilfully  distributed  praise  and  censure.  The  troops 
under  Leitch  were  thanked  for  being  the  first  to  advance  upon 
the  enemy  ;  and  the  New  England  troops  for  gallantly  sup- 
porting them,  and  their  conduct  was  honorably  contrasted  with 
that  of  the  recreant  troops  at  Kip's  Bay.  Of  Knowlton,  who 
had  fallen  while  gloriously  fighting,  he  spoke  as  "one  who 
would  have  done  honor  to  any  country.'* 

The  name  of  Leitch  was  given  by  him  for  the  next  day's 
parole.  That  brave  officer  died  of  his  wounds  on  the  1st  of 
October,  soothed  in  his  last  moments  by  that  recompense  so 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  157 

dear  to  a  soldier's  heart,  the  encomium  of  a  beloved  com- 
mander. 

In  the  dead  of  the  night,  on  the  £0th  September,  a  great 
light  was  beheld  by  the  picket  guards,  looming  up  from  be- 
hind the  hills  in  the  direction  of  the  city.  It  continued 
throughout  the  night,  and  was  at  times  so  strong  that  the 
heavens  in  that  direction  appeared  to  them,  they  said,  as  if 
in  flames.  At  daybreak  huge  columns  of  smoke  were  still 
rising.  It  was  evident  there  had  been  a  great  conflagration  in 
New  York. 

In  the  course  of  the  morning  Captain  Montresor,  aide-de- 
camp to  General  Howe,  came  out  with  a  flag,  bearing  a  letter 
to  Washington  on  the  subject  of  an  exchange  of  prisoners. 
According  to  Montresor' s  account  a  great  part  of  the  city  had 
been  burned  down,  and  as  the  night  was  extremely  windy,  the 
whole  might  have  been  so,  but  for  the  exertions  of  the  officers 
and  men  of  the  British  army.  He  implied  it  to  be  the  act  of 
American  incendiaries,  several  of  whom,  he  informed  Colonel 
Reed,  had  been  caught  in  the  act  and  instantly  shot.  General 
Howe,  in  his  private  correspondence,  makes  the  same  assertion, 
and  says  they  were  detected,  and  killed  on  the  spot  by  the 
enraged  troops  in  garrison. 

Enraged  troops,  with  weapons  in  their  hands,  are  not  apt,  in 
a  time  of  confusion  and  alarm,  to  be  correct  judges  of  fact,  or 
dispensers  of  justice.  The  act  was  always  disclaimed  by  the 
Americans,  and  it  is  certain  their  commanders  knew  nothing 
about  it.  We  have  shown  that  the  destruction  of  the  city  was 
at  one  time  discussed  in  a  council  of  war  as  a  measure  of 
policy,  but  never  adopted,  and  was  expressly  forbidden  by 
Congress. 

The  enemy  were  now  bringing  up  their  heavy  cannon,  pre- 
paratory to  an  attack  upon  the  American  camp  by  the  troops 
and  b}'  the  ships.  What  was  the  state  of  Washington's  army? 
The  terms  of  engagement  of  many  of  his  men  would  soon  be 
at  an  end,  most  of  them  would  terminate  with  the  year,  nor  did 
Congress  hold  out  offers  to  encourage  re-enlistments.  "We 
are  now,  as  it  were,  upon  the  eve  of  another  dissolution  of  the 
army,"  writes  he,  "  and  unless  some  speedy  and  effectual 
measures  are  adopted  by  Congress,  our  cause  will  be  lost." 
Under  these  gloomy  apprehensions,  he  borrowed,  as  he  said, 
"  a  few  moments  from  the  hours  allotted  to  sleep,"  and  on  the 
night  of  the  24th  of  September,  penned  an  admirable  letter  to 
the  President  of  Congress,  setting  forth  the  total  inefficiency 
of  the  existing  military  system,  the  total  insubordination,  waste. 


158  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

confusion,  and  discontent  produced  by  it  among  the  men,  and 
the  harassing  cares  and  vexations  to  which  it  subjected  the 
commanders.  Nor  did*  he  content  himself  with  complaining 
but,  in  his  full,  clear,  and  sagacious  manner,  pointed  out  the 
remedies.  To  the  achievements  of  his  indefatigable  pen,  we 
may  trace  the  most  fortunate  turns  in  the  current  of  our  revolu- 
tionary affairs.  In  the  present  instance  his  representations, 
illustrated  by  sad  experience,  produced  at  length  a  reorganiza- 
tion of  the  army,  and  the  establishment  of  it  on  a  permanent 
footing.  It  was  decreed  that  eighty-eight  battalions  should  be 
furnished  in  quotas,  by  the  different  States,  according  to  their 
abilities.  The  pay  of  the  officers  was  raised.  The  troops 
which  engaged  to  serve  throughout  the  war  were  to  receive 
a  bounty  of  twenty  dollars  and  one  hundred  acres  of  land, 
besides  a  yearly  suit  of  clothes  while  in  service.  Those  who 
enlisted  for  but  three  years,  received  no  bounty  in  land.  The 
bounty  to  officers  was  on  a  higher  ratio.  The  States  were  to 
send  commissioners  to  the  arnry,  to  arrange  writh  the  com- 
mander-in-chief as  to  the  appointment  of  officers  in  their 
quotas ;  but,  as  they  might  occasionally  be  slow  in  complying 
with  this  regulation,  Washington  was  empowered  to  fill  up  all 
vacancies. 

All  this  was  a  great  relief  to  his  mind.  He  was  gratified, 
also,  by  effecting,  after  a  long  correspondence  with  the  British 
commander,  an  exchange  of  prisoners,  in  which  those  captured 
in  Canada  were  included.  Among  those  restored  to  the  service 
were  Lord  Stirling  and  Captain  Daniel  Morgan.  The  latter,  in 
reward  of  his  good  conduct  in  the  expedition  with  Arnold,  and 
of  "  his  intrepid  behavior  in  the  assault  upon  Quebec  where 
the  brave  Montgomery  fell,"  was  recommended  to  Congress  by 
Washington  for  the  command  of  a  rifle  regiment  about  to  be 
raised.  We  shall  see  how  eminently  he  proved  himself  worthy 
of  this  recommendation. 

About  this  time  information  was  received  that  the  enemy  were 
enlisting  great  numbers  of  the  loyalists  of  Long  Island,  and 
collecting  large  quantities  of  stock  for  their  support.  Oliver  De 
Lancey,  a  leading  loyalist  of  New  York,  member  of  a  wealthy 
family  of  honorable  Huguenot  descent,  was  a  prime  agent  in  the 
matter.  He  had  recently  been  appointed  brigadier-general  in 
the  royal  service,  and  authorized  by  General  Howe  to  raise  a  bri- 
gade of  provincials  ;  and  was  actually  at  Jamaica,  on  Long  Island, 
offering  commissions  of  captain,  lieutenant  and  ensign,  to  any 
respectable  person  who  should  raise  a  company  of  seventy  men ; 
the  latter  to  receive  British  pay. 


DANIEL  MORGAN. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  159 

A  descent  upon  Long  Island,  to  counteract  these  projects, 
was  concerted  by  General  George  Clinton  of  New  York  and 
General  Lincoln  of  Massachusetts,  but  men  and  water  craft 
were  wanting  to  carry  it  into  effect,  and  the  "  tory  enlistments 
continued."  They  were  not  confined  to  Long  Island,  but  pre- 
vailed more  or  less  on  Staten  Island,  in  the  Jerseys,  up  the 
Hudson  as  far  as  Dutchess  County,  and  in  Westchester  County 
more  especially.  Many  of  the  loyalists,  it  must  be  acknowledged, 
were  honorable  men,  conscientiously  engaged  in  the  service  of 
their  sovereign,  and  anxious  to  put  down  what  they  sincerely 
regarded  as  an  unjustifiable  rebellion  ;  and  among  these  may  be 
clearly  classed  the  De  Lanceys.  There  were  others,  however, 
of  a  different  stamp,  the  most  notorious  of  whom,  at  this 
juncture,  was  one  Robert  Rogers  of  New  Hampshire.  He  had 
been  a  worthy  comrade  of  Putnam  and  Stark,  in  some  of  their 
early  enterprises  during  the  French  war,  and  had  made  himself 
famous  as  major  of  a  partisan  corps  called  Rogers'  Rangers. 
Governor  Trumbull  described  him  as  a"  famous  scouter  and 
wood-hunter,  skilled  in  waylaying,  ambuscade,  and  sudden 
attack."  His  feats  of  arms  had  evidently  somewhat  of  the 
Indian  character.  He  had  since  been  Governor  of  Michili- 
mackinac  (1766),  and  accused  of  a  plot  to  plunder  his  own  fort 
and  join  the  French.  At  the  outbreak  of  the  Revolution  he 
played  a  skulking,  equivocal  part,  and  appeared  ready  to  join 
either  party.  In  1775,  Washington  had  received  notice  that  he 
was  in  Canada,  in  the  service  of  Carleton,  and  had  been  as  a 
spy,  disguised  as  an  Indian,  through  the  American  camp  at  St. 
Johns. 

Recently,  on  learning  that  he  was  prowling  about  the  country 
under  suspicious  circumstances,  Washington  had  caused  him  to 
be  arrested.  On  examination,  he  declared  that  he  was  on  his 
way  to  offer  his  secret  services  to  Congress.  He  was  accord- 
ingly sent  on  to  that  body,  in  custody  of  an  officer.  Congress 
liberated  him  on  his  pledging  himself  in  writing,  "on  the 
honor  of  a  gentleman,"  not  to  bear  arms  against  the  American 
United  Colonies  in  any  manner  whatever,  during  the  contest 
with  Great  Britain. 

Scarcely  was  he  liberated  when  he  forfeited  his  parole,  offered 
his  services  to  the  enemy,  received  a  colonel's  commission,  and 
was  now  actually  raising  a  tory  corps  to  be  called  .the  Queen's 
Rangers.  All  such  as  should  bring  recruits  to  his  standard  were 
promised  commissions,  portions  of  rebel  lands,  and  privileges 
equal  to  any  of  his  majesty's  troops. 

Of  all  Americans  of  note  enlisted  under  the  roval  standard, 


160  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON, 

this  man  had  rendered  himself  the  most  odious.  He  was  stig- 
matized as  an  arrant  renegade,  a  perfect  Judas  Iscariot ;  and 
his  daring,  adventurous  spirit  and  habits  of  Indian  warfare  ren- 
dered him  a  formidable  enemy. 

Nothing  perplexed  Washington  at  this  juncture  more  than 
the  conduct  of  the  enenry.  He  beheld  before  him  a  hostile 
army,  armed  and  equipped  at  all  points,  superior  in  numbers, 
thoroughly  disciplined,  flushed  with  success,  and  abounding  in 
the  means  of  pushing  a  vigorous  campaign,  yet  suffering  day 
after  day  to  elapse  unimproved.  What  could  be  the  reason  of 
this  supineness  on  the  part  of  Sir  William  Howe?  He  must 
know  the  depressed  and  disorganized  state  of  the  American 
camp  ;  the  absolute  chaos  that  reigned  there.  Did  he  meditate 
an  irruption  into  the  Jerseys?  A  movement  toward  Philadel- 
phia? Did  he  intend  to  detach  a  part  of  his  forces  for  a  win- 
ter's campaign  against  the  South? 

In  this  uncertainty,  Washington  wrote  to  General  Mercer,  of 
the  flying  camp,  to  keep  a  vigilant  watch  from  the  Jersey  shore 
on  the  movements  of  the  enemy,  by  sea  and  land,  and  to  station 
videttes  on  the  Neversink  Heights,  to  give  immediate  intelli- 
gence should  an}-  of  the  British  fleet  put  to  sea.  At  the  same 
time  he  himself  practised  unceasing  vigilance,  visiting  the  dif- 
ferent parts  of  his  camp  on  horseback.  Occasionally  he  crossed 
over  to  Fort  Constitution,  on  the  Jersey  shore,  of  which  General 
Greene  had  charge,  and,  accompanied  by  him,  extended  his 
reconnoitrings  down  to  Paulus  Hook,  to  observe  what  was  going 
on  in  the  city  and  among  the  enemy's  ships.  Greene  had  re- 
cently been  promoted  to  the  rank  of  major-general,  and  now 
had  command  of  all  the  troops  in  the  Jerseys.  He  had  liberty 
to  shift  his  quarters  to  Baskingridge  or  Bergen,  as  circumstances 
might  require  ;  but  was  enjoined  to  keep  up  a  communication 
with  the  main  army,  east  of  the  Hudson,  so  as  to  secure  a 
retreat  in  case  of  necessity. 

The  securit}7  of  the  Hudson  was  at  this  time  an  object  of  great 
solicitude  with  Congress,  and  much  reliance  was  placed  on  Put- 
nam's obstructions  at  Fort  Washington.  Four  galleys,  mounted 
with  heavy  guns  and  swivels,  were  stationed  at  the  chevaux-de- 
frise,  and  two  new  ships  were  at  hand,  which,  filled  with  stones, 
were  to  be  sunk  where  they  would  block  up  the  channel.  A 
sloop  was  also  at  anchor,  having  on  board  a  machine,  invented 
by  a  Mr.  Bushnell,  for  submarine  explosion,  with  which  to  blow 
up  the  men-of-war ;  a  favorite  scheme  with  General  Putnam. 
The  obstructions  were  so  commanded  by  batteries  on  each 
shore,  that  it  was  thought  no  hostile  ship  would  be  able  to  pass. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON-.  1G1 

On  the  9th  of  October,  however,  the  Roebuck  and  Phoenix, 
each  of  forty-four  guns,  and  the  Tartar,  of  twenty  guns,  which 
had  been  lying  for  some  time  opposite  Bloomingdale,  got  under 
way  with  their  three  tenders,  at  eight  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
and  came  standing  up  the  river  with  an  easy  southern  breeze. 
At  their  approach,  the  galleys  and  the  two  ships  intended  to  be 
sunk,  got  under  way  with  all  haste,  as  did  a  schooner  laden  with 
rum,  sugar,  and  other  supplies  for  the  American  army,  and  the 
sloop  with  Bushnell's  submarine  machine. 

The  Roebuck,  Phcenix  and  Tartar,  broke  through  the  vaunted 
barriers  as  through  a  cobweb.  Seven  batteries  kept  up  a  con- 
stant fire  upon  them,  yet  a  gentleman  was  observed  walking  the 
deck  of  the  second  ship  as  coolly  as  if  nothing  were  the  matter.1 
Washington,  indeed,  in  a  letter  to  Schuyler,  says  "  they  passed 
without  any  kind  of  damage  or  interruption  ;  "  but  LorcNIIowe 
reports  to  the  admiralty  that  they  suffered  much  in  their  masts 
and  rigging,  and  that  a  lieutenant,  two  midshipmen,  and  six 
men  were  killed,  and  eighteen  wounded. 

The  hostile  ships  kept  on  their  course,  the  American  vessels 
scudding  before  them.  The  schooner  was  overhauled  and  cap- 
tured ;  a  well-aimed  shot  sent  the  sloop  and  Bushnell's  sub- 
marine engine  to  the  bottom  of  the  river.  The  two  new  ships 
would  have  taken  refuge  in  Spyt  den  Duivel  Creek,  but  fearing 
there  might  not  be  water  enough,  they  kept  on  and  drove  ashore 
at  Philips'  Mills  at  Yonkers.  Two  of  the  galleys  got  into  a 
place  of  safety,  where  the}'  were  protected  from  the  shore  ;  the 
other  two  trusted  to  outsail  their  pursuers.  The  breeze  fresh- 
ened, and  the  frigates  gained  on  them  fast ;  at  11  o'clock  began 
to  fire  on  them  with  their  bow-chasers,  and  at  12  o'clock  over- 
reached them,  which  caused  them  to  bear  in  shore  ;  at  half-past 
one  the  galleys  ran  aground  just  above  Dobbs'  Ferry,  and  lay 
exposed  to  a  shower  of  grape-shot.  The  crews,  without  stop- 
ping to  burn  or  bilge  them,  swam  on  shore,  and  the  enemy  took 
possession  of  the  two  galleys,  which  were  likely  to  be  formid- 
able means  of  annoyance  in  their  hands. 

One  express  after  another  brought  Washington  word  of  these 
occurrences.  First,  he  sent  off  a  party  of  rifle  and  artillery 
men,  with  two  twelve-pounders,  to  secure  the  new  ships  which 
had  run  aground  at  Yonkers.  Next,  he  ordered  Colonel  Sar- 
gent to  march  up  along  the  eastern  shore  with  five  hundred 
infantry,  a  troop  of  light  horse,  and  a  detachment  of  artillery, 
to  prevent  the  landing  of  the  enemy.    Before  the  troops  arrived 

1  Colonel  Ewing  to  the  Maryland  Comra.  of  Safety. 


162  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

at  Dobbs'  Ferry  the  ships'  boats  had  plundered  a  store  there 
and  set  it  on  fire. 

To  prevent,  if  possible,  the  memof-war  already  tip  the  river 
from  coming  down,  or  others  from  below  joining  them,  Wash- 
ington gave  orders  to  complete  the  obstructions.  Two  hulks 
which  lay  in  Spyt  den  Duivel  Creek  were  hastily  ballasted  by 
men  from  General  Heath's  division,  and  men  were  sent  up  to 
get  off  the  ships  which  had  run  aground  at  Philips'  Mills,  that 
they  might  be  brought  down  and  sunk  immediately. 

It  is  difficult  to  give  an  idea  of  the  excitement  caused  by  this 
new  irruption  of  hostile  ships  into  the  waters  of  the  Hudson, 
or  of  the  various  conjectures  as  to  their  object.  They  might 
intend  merely  to  interrupt  navigation,  and  prevent  supplies 
from  coming  down  to  the  American  army.  They  might  be 
carrying  arms  and  ammunition  for  domestic  enemies  skulking 
about  the  river,  and  only  waiting  an  opportunity  to  strike  a  blow. 
They  might  have  troops  concealed  on  board  with  intent  to  sur- 
prise the  posts  in  the  Highlands,  and  cut  off  the  intercourse 
between  the  American  armies.  To  such  a  degree  had  the  spirit 
of  disaffection  been  increased  in  the  counties  adjacent  to  the 
river,  since  the  descent  of  the  Rose  and  Phoenix,  by  the  retreats 
and  evacuation  which  had  taken  place  ;  and  so  great  had  been 
the  drain  on  the  militia  of  those  counties  for  the  army  of  Wash- 
ington, that,  in  case  of  insurrection,  those  who  remained  at 
home  and  were  well  affected  would  be  outnumbered,  and  might 
easily  be  overpowered,  especially  with  the  aid  of  troops  landed 
from  ships. 

While  this  agitation  prevailed  below,  fugitive  river  crafts 
carried  the  news  up  to  the  Highlands  that  the  frigates  were 
already  before  Tarrytown  in  the  Tappan  Sea.  Word  was  in- 
stantly despatched  to  Peter  R.  Livingston,  president  of  the 
Provincial  Congress,  and  startled  that  deliberative  body,  which 
was  then  seated  at  Fishkill  just  above  the  Highlands.  The 
committee  of  safety  wrote,  on  the  spur  of  the  moment,  to  Wash- 
ington. "Nothing,"  say  they,  "can  be  more  alarming  than 
the  present  situation  of  our  State.  We  are  daily  getting  the 
most  authentic  intelligence  of  bodies  of  men  enlisted  and  armed 
in  order  to  assist  the  enemy.  We  much  fear  that  they,  co-operat- 
ing with  the  enemy,  may  seize  such  passes  as  will  cut  off  the  com- 
munication between  the  army  and  us,  and  prevent  your  supplies. 
.  ,  .  We  beg  leave  to  suggest  to  your  Excellency  the  propriety 
of  sending  a  body  of  men  to  the  Highlands  or  Peekskill,  to 
secure  the  passes,  prevent  insurrection,  and  overawe  the  dis- 
affected." 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  163 

Washington  transmitted  the  letter  to  the  President  of  Con- 
gress on  the  12th.  "  I  have  ordered  up,"  writes  he,  u  part  of 
the  militia  from  Massachusetts,  under  General  Lincoln,  to  pre- 
vent, if  possible,  the  consequences  which  they  suggest  may 
happen,  and  which  there  is  reason  to  believe  the  conspirators 
have  in  contemplation.  I  am  persuaded  that  they  are  on  the 
eve  of  breaking  out,  and  that  they  will  leave  nothing  un- 
essayed  that  will  distress  us,  and  favor  the  designs  of  the 
enemy,  as  soon  as  their  schemes  are  ripe  for  it."  In  fact,  it 
was  said  that  the  tories  were  arming  and  collecting  in  the  High- 
lands under  the  direction  of  disguised  officers,  to  aid  the  con- 
spiracies formed  by  Governor  Tryon  and  his  adherents. 

As  a  further  precaution,  an  express  was  sent  off  by  Wash- 
ington to  Colonel  Tash,  who,  with  a  regiment  of  New  Hamp- 
shire militia,  was  on  his  way  from  Hartford  to  the  camp,  order- 
ing him  to  repair  with  all  possible  despatch  to  Fishkill,  and  there 
hold  himself  at  the  disposition  of  the  committee  of  safety. 

James  Clinton,  also,  who  had  charge  of  the  posts  in  the  High- 
lands, was  put  on  the  alert.  That  trusty  officer  was  now  a 
brigadier-general,  having  been  promoted  by  Congress,  on  the 
8th  of  August.  He  was  charged  to  have  all  boats  passing  up 
and  down  the  river  rigidly  searched,  and  the  passengers  exam- 
ined. Beside  the  usual  sentries,  a  barge,  well  manned,  was  to 
patrol  the  river  opposite  to  each  fort  every  night ;  all  barges, 
row-boats,  and  other  small  craft,  between  the  forts  in  the  High- 
lands and  the  army,  were  to  be  secured  in  a  place  of  safety,  to 
prevent  their  falling  into  the  enemy's  hands  and  giving  intelli- 
gence. Moreover,  a  French  engineer  was  sent  up  to  aid  in 
strengthening  and  securing  the  passes.  The  commanding  officers 
of  the  counties  of  Litchfield  and  Fairfield  in  Connecticut,  had, 
likewise,  orders  to  hold  their  militia  in  readiness  to  render  assist- 
ance in  case  of  insurrections  in  the  State  of  New  York. 

So  perilous  appeared  the  condition  of  affairs  to  residents 
up  the  river,  that  John  Jay,  a  member  of  the  New  York  Con- 
vention, and  one  of  the  secret  committee  for  the  defence  of  the 
Hudson,  applied  for  leave  of  absence,  that  he  might  remove  his 
aged  parents  to  a  place  of  safety.  A  letter  from  him  to  Edward 
Rutledge,  of  the  Board  of  War,  contains  this  remarkable  sen- 
tence:  "  I  wish  our  army  well  stationed  in  the  Highlands,  and 
all  the  lower  country  desolated  ;  we  might  then  bid  defiance 
to  all  the  further  efforts  of  the  enemy  in  that  quarter." 

Nor  was  this  a  random  or  despairing  wish.  It  shows  a  brave 
spirit  of  a  leading  civilian  of  the  day,  and  the  sacrifices  that  true 
patriots  were  disposed  to  make  in  the  cause  of  independence. 


164  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

But  a  few  days  previously  he  had  held  the  following  language 
to  Gouverneur  Morris,  chairman  of  a  special  committee  :  u  Had 
I  been  vested  with  absolute  power  in  this  State,  I  have  often 
said,  and  still  think,  that  I  would  last  spring  have  desolated 
all  Long  Island,  Staten  Island,  the  city  and  county  of  New  York, 
and  all  that  part  of  the  county  of  Westchester  which  lies  below 
the  mountains.  I  would  then  have  stationed  the  main  body  of 
the  army  in  the  mountains  on  the  east,  and  eight  or  ten-  thou- 
sand men  in  the  Highlands  on  the  west  side  of  the  river.  I 
would  have  directed  the  river  at  Fort  Montgomery,  which  is 
nearly  at  the  southern  extremity  of  the  mountains,  to  be  so 
shallowed  as  to  afford  only  depth  sufficient  for  an  Albany  sloop, 
and  all  the  southern  passes  and  defiles  in  the  mountains  to  be 
strongly  fortified.  Nor  do  I  think  the  shallowing  of  the  river 
a  romantic  scheme.  Rocky  mountains  rise  immediately  from 
the  shores.  The  breadth  is  not  very  great,  though  the  depth 
is.  But  what  cannot  eight  or  ten  thousand  men,  well  worked, 
effect?  According  to  this  plan  of  defence  the  State  would  be 
absolutely  impregnable  against  all  the  world,  on  the  seaside, 
and  would  have  nothing  to  fear  except  from  the  way  of  the  lake. 
Should  the  enemy  gain  the  river,  even  below  the  mountains, 
I  think  I  foresee  that  a  retreat  would  become  necessary,  and  I 
can't  forbear  wishing  that  a  desire  of  saving  a  few  acres  niaj 
not  lead  us  into  difficulties."  * 

Three  days  after  this  remarkable  letter  was  written,  the 
enemy's  ships  did  gain  the  river ;  and  two  da}rs  afterward, 
October  11,  Reed,  the  adjutant-general,  the  confidant  of 
Washington's  councils,  writes  to  his  wife  from  Harlem  Heights  : 
"  My  most  sanguine  views  do  not  extend  further  than  keeping 
our  ground  here  till  this  campaign  closes.  If  the  enemy  incline 
to  press  us,  it  is  resolved  to  risk  an  engagement ;  for  if  we  cannot 
fight  them  on  this  ground,  we  can  on  none  in  America.  The 
ships  are  the  only  circumstances  unfavorable  to  us  here." 

On  the  same  day  that  this  letter  was  written,  a  small  vessel, 
sloop-rigged,  with  a  topsail,  was  descried  from  Mount  Washing- 
ton, coming  down  the  river  with  a  fresh  breeze.  It  was  sus- 
pected by  those  on  the  look-out  to  be  one  of  the  British  tenders, 
and  they  gave  it  a  shot  from  a  twelve-pounder.  Their  aim  was 
unfortunately  too  true.  Three  of  the  crew  were  killed  and  the 
captain  wounded.  It  proved  to  be  Washington's  yacht,  which 
had  run  up  the  river  previously  to  the  enemy's  ships,  and  was 
now  on  its  return.2 

1  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  vol.  ii.,  921.  2  Heath's  Memoirs. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  1G5 


CHAPTER  XXIV. 

LEE  EXPECTED  IN  CAMP HIS  LETTER  OE  ADVICE  TO  THE  PRES- 
IDENT OF  CONGRESS —  THE  ENEMY  AT  TIIROG's  NECK WASH- 
INGTON'S     ARRANGEMENTS RIDES      TO      TIIROG's      NECK THE 

ENEMY       BROUGHT      TO       A       STAND MILITARY       MOVEMENTS  — 

ARRIVAL     OF     LEE A     COMMAND     ASSIGNED      TO      IIIM  —  CRITI- 
CISES   THE    CONDUCT    OF     CONGRESS     AND     THE     ARMY COUNCIL 

OF     WAR THE     ARMY     TO     MOVE     TO      THE      MAINLAND FORT 

WASHINGTON    TO    RE    KEPT    UP. 

"  If  General  Lee  should  be  in  Philadelphia,"  writes  John  Jay 
to  Rutledge,  u  pray  hasten  his  departure  —  he  is  much  wanted 
at  New  York."  The  successes  of  Lee  at  the  South  were  con- 
trasted by  many  with  the  defeat  on  Long  Island,  and  evacua- 
tion of  New  York,  and  they  began  to  consider  him  the  main 
hope  of  the  army.  Hazard,  the  postmaster,  writing  from  Har- 
lem Heights  to  General  Gates  on  the  11th,  laments  it  as  a  mis- 
fortune that  Lee  should  have  been  to  the  southward  for  several 
months  past,  but  adds  cheeringly,  "  he  is  expected  here  to-day." 

Joseph  Trumbull,  the  commissary -general,  also  writes  to 
Gates  under  the  same  date:  "General  Lee  is  to  be  here  this 
evening.     He  left  Philadelphia  on  the  8th." 

Lee,  the  object  of  so  many  hopes,  was  actually  in  the  Jerseys, 
on  his  way  to  the  camp.  He  writes  from  Am  boy  on  the  12th, 
to  the  President  of  Congress,  informing  him  that  the  Hessians, 
encamped  opposite  on  Staten  Island,  had  disappeared  on  the 
preceding  night,  quitting  the  island  entirely,  and  some  great 
measure  was  believed  to  be  in  agitation.  "I  am  confident," 
writes  he,  "  they  will  not  attack  General  Washington's  lines; 
such  a  measure  is  too  absurd  for  a  man  of  Mr.  Howe's  genius  ; 
and  unless  the}'  have  received  nattering  accounts  from  Bur- 
goyne,  that  he  will  be  able  to  effectuate  a  junction  (which  I  con- 
ceive they  have  not) ,  they  will  no  longer  remain  kicking  their 
heels  at  New  York.  They  will  put  the  place  in  a  respectable 
state  of  defence,  which,  with  their  command  of  the  waters,  may 
be  easily  done,  leave  four  or  five  thousand  men,  and  direct 
their  operations  to  a  more  decisive  object.  They  will  infallibly 
proceed  either  immediately  up  the  river  Delaware  with  their 
whole  troops,  or,  what  is  more  probable,  land  somewhere  about 
South  Amboy  or  Shrewsbury,  and  march  straight  to  Trenton  or 
Burlington.     On  the  supposition  that  this  will  be  the  case,  what 


166  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

are  we  to  do?  What  force  have  we?  What  means  have  we  to 
prevent  their  possessing  themselves  of  Philadelphia?  General 
Washington's  army  cannot  possibly  keep  pace  with  them.  The 
length  of  his  route  is  not  only  infinitely  greater,  but  his  obstruc- 
tions almost  insuperable.  In  short,  before  he  could  cross  Hud- 
son River,  they  might  be  lodged  and  strongly  fortified  on  both 
banks  of  the  Delaware.  .  .  .  For  Heaven's  sake,  arouse  your- 
selves !  For  Heaven's  sake  let  ten  thousand  men  be  immedi- 
ately assembled,  and  stationed  somewhere  about  Trenton.  In 
my  opinion,  your  whole  depends  upon  it.  I  set  out  immediately 
for  head-quarters,  where  I  shall  communicate  my  apprehension 
that  such  will  be  the  next  operation  of  the  enemy,  and  urge  the 
expediency  of  sparing  a  part  of  his  army  (if  he  has  any  to 
spare) for  this  object."  * 

On  the  very  morning  that  Lee  was  writing  this  letter  at 
Amboy,  Washington  received  intelligence  by  express  from 
General  Heath,  stationed  above  King's  Bridge,  that  the 
enemy  were  landing  with  artillery  on  Throg's  Neck  2  in  the 
Sound,  about  nine  miles  from  the  camp.  Washington  sur- 
mised that  Howe  was  pursuing  his  original  plan  of  getting 
into  the  rear  of  the  American  army,  cutting  off  its  supplies, 
which  were  chiefly  derived  from  the  East,  and  interrupting 
its  communication  with  the  main  country.  Officers  were 
ordered  to  their  alarm  posts  and  the  troops  to  be  ready,  under 
arms,  to  act  as  occasion  might  require.  Word,  at  the  same 
time,  was  sent  to  General  Heath  to  dispose  of  the  troops  on 
his  side  of  King's  Bridge,  and  of  two  militia  regiments  posted 
on  the  banks  of  Harlem  River  opposite  the  camp,  in  such 
manner  as  he  should  think  necessaty. 

Having  made  all  his  arrangements  as  promptly  as  possible, 
Washington  mounted  his  horse,  and  rode  over  toward  Throg's 
Neck  to  reconnoitre. 

Throg's  Neck  is  a  peninsula  in  Westchester  County,  stretch- 
ing upward  of  two  miles  into  the  Sound.  It  was  separated 
from  the  mainland  by  a  narrow  creek  and  a  marsh,  and  was 
surrounded  by  water  every  high  tide.  A  bridge  across  a 
creek  connecting  with  a  ruined  causeway  across  the  marsh, 
led  to  the  mainland,  and  the  upper  end  of  the  creek  was 
fordable  at  low  water.  Early  in  the  morning,  eighty  or  ninety 
boats  full  of  men  had  stood  up  the  Sound  from  Montresor's 
Island,  and  Long  Island,  and  had  landed  troops  to  the  number 
of  four  thousand  on  Throg's  Point,  the  extremity  of  the  neck. 

1  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii.,  1008. 

a  Properly  Throck's  Neck,  from  Throckmorton,  the  name  of  the  original  proprietor 


/  ,y 


(Troin.  l/ie  win 
used  in  tiie 


PART  OF    NEW  JERSEY   &c 


Original  Mss Map  by  H.  ISrskine .F.  R,&,  \ 

Hie  U.  SArmy  t7/d~8Q,rwn  vU/uMY.Hisl.SocJ.ibraryJ 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  167 

Thcnoe  their  advance  pushed  forward  toward  the  causeway 
and  bridge,  to  secure  that  pass  to  the  mainland.  General 
Heath  had  been  too  rapid  for  them.  Colonel  Hand  and 
his  Philadelphia  riflemen,  the  same  who  had  checked  the 
British  advance  on  Long  Island,  had  taken  up  the  planks 
of  the  bridge,  and  posted  themselves  opposite  the  end  of  the 
causeway,  whence  they  commenced  firing  with  their  rifles. 
They  were  soon  re-enforced  by  Colonel  Prescott,  of  Bunker's 
Hill  renown,  with  his  regiment,  and  Lieutenant  Bryant  of 
the  artillery,  with  a  three-pounder.  Checked  at  this  pass, 
the  British  moved  toward  the  head  of  the  creek  ;  here  they 
found  the  Americans  in  possession  of  the  ford,  where  they 
were  re-enforced  by  Colonel  Graham,  of  the  New  York  line, 
with  his  regiment,  and  Lieutenant  Jackson  of  the  artillery, 
with  a  six- pounder.  These  skilful  dispositions  of  his  troops 
by  General  Heath  had  brought  the  enemy  to  a  stand.  By 
the  time  Washington  arrived  in  the  vicinity,  the  British  had 
encamped  on  the  neck  ;  the  riflemen  and  yagers  keeping  up  a 
scattering  fire  at  each  other  across  the  marsh ;  and  Captain 
Bryant  now  and  then  saluting  the  enemy  with  his  field-piece. 

Having  surveyed  the  ground,  Washington  ordered  works 
to  be  thrown  up  at  the  passes  from  the  neck  to  the  main- 
land. The  British  also  threw  up  a  work  at  the  end  of  the 
causeway.  In  the  afternoon  nine  ships,  with  a  great  number 
of  schooners,  sloops,  and  flat- bottomed  boats  full  of  men, 
passed  through  Hell  Gate,  toward  Throg's  Point ;  and  in- 
formation received  from  two  deserters,  gave  Washington 
reason  to  believe  that  the  greater  part  of  the  enemy's  forces 
were  gathering  in  that  quarter.  General  McDougall's  bri- 
gade, in  wh.ch  were  Colonel  Smallwood  and  the  independent 
companies,  was  sent  in  the  evening  to  strengthen  Heath's 
division  at  King's  Bridge,  and  to  throw  up  works  opposite  the 
ford  of  Harlem  River. 

Greene,  who  had  heard  of  the  landing  of  the  enemy  at  Throg's 
Neck,  wrote  over  to  Washington,  from  Fort  Constitution, 
informing  him  that  he  had  three  brigades  ready  to  join  him  if 
required.  "  If  the  troops  are  wanted  over  your  side,"  said  he, 
"  or  likely  to  be  so,  they  should  be  got  over  in  the  latter  part 
of  the  night,  as  the  shipping  may  move  up  from  below,  and 
impede,  if  not  totally  stop  the  troops  from  passing.  The  tents 
upon  Stateu  Island,"  he  added,  "  had  all  been  struck,  as  far  as 
could  be  ascertained."  It  was  plain  the  whole  scene  of  action 
was  changing. 

On  the  14th,  General-  Lee  arrived  in  camp,  where  he  was 


168  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

welcomed  as  the  harbinger  of  good  luck.  Washington  was 
absent,  visiting  the  posts  beyond  King's  Bridge,  and  the  passes 
leading  from  Throg's  Neck  ;  Lee  immediately  rode  forth  to  join 
him.  No  one  gave  him  a  sincerer  greeting  than  the  commander- 
in-chief  ;  who,  diffident  of  his  own  military  knowledge,  had  a 
high  opinion  of  that  of  Lee.  He  immediately  gave  him  com- 
mand of  the  troops  above  King's  Bridge,  now  the  greatest  part 
of  the  army,  but  desired  that  he  would  not  exercise  it  for  a  day 
or  two,  until  he  had  time  to  acquaint  himself  with  the  localities 
and  arrangements  of  the  post ;  Heath,  in  the  interim,  held  the 
command. 

Lee  was  evidently  elevated  by  his  successes  at  the  South,  and 
disposed  to  criticise  disparagingly  the  military  operations  of 
other  commanders.  In  a  letter,  written  on  the  day  of  his 
arrival  to  his  old  associate  in  arms,  General  Gates,  he  condemns 
the  position  of  the  army,  and  censures  Washington  for  submitting 
to  the  dictation  of  Congress,  whose  meddlesome  instructions 
had  produced  it.  "  Inter  nos,"  writes  he,  u  the  Congress  seems 
to  stumble  every  step.  I  do  not  mean  one  or  two  of  the  cattle, 
but  the  whole  stable.  I  have  been  very  free  in  delivering  my 
opinion  to  them.  In  my  opinion  General  Washington  is  much 
to  blame  in  not  menacing  'em  with  resignation,  unless  they 
refrain  from  unhinging  the  army  b}*  their  absurd  interference. 

"Keep  us  Ticonderoga ;  much  depends  upon  it.  We  ought 
to  have  an  army  in  the  Delaware.  I  have  roared  it  in  the  ears 
of  Congress,  but  carent  auribus.  Adieu,  my  dear  friend  ;  if  we 
do  meet  again  —  why,  we  shall  smile."  x 

In  the  mean  time,  Congress,  on  the  11th  of  October,  having 
heard  of  the  ingress  of  the  Phoenix,  Roebuck  and  Tartar,  passed 
a  resolution  that  General  Washington  be  desired,  if  it  be  practi- 
cable, by  every  art,  and  at  whatever  expense,  to  obstruct 
effectually  the  navigation  of  the  North  River  between  Fort 
Washington  and  Mount  Constitution,  as  well  to  prevent  the 
regress  of  the  enemy's  vessels  lately  gone  up  as  to  hinder  them 
from  receiving  succors. 

Under  so  many  conflicting  circumstances,  Washington  held  a 
council  of  war  on  the  16th,  at  Lee's  head-quarters,  at  which 
all  the  major-generals  were  present  excepting  Greene,  and  all 
the  brigadiers,  as  well  as  Colonel  Knox,  who  commanded  the 
artillery.  Letters  from  the  Convention  and  from  individual 
members  of  it  were  read,  concerning  the  turbulence  of  the 
disaffected  in  the  upper  parts  of  the  State  ;  intelligence  gained 

i  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii.,  1038. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  169 

from  deserters  was  likewise  stated,  showing  the  intention  of  the 
enemy  to  surround  the  camp.  The  policy  was  then  discussed 
of  remaining  in  their  present  position  on  Manhattan  Island,  and 
awaiting  there  the  menaced  attack  :  the  strength  of  the  position 
was  urged  ;  its  being  well  fortified,  and  extremely  difficult  of 
access.  Lee,  in  reply,  scoffed  at  the  idea  of  a  position  being 
good  merely  because  its  approaches  were  difficult.  How  could 
they  think  of  holding  a  position  where  the  enemy  were  so  strong 
in  front  and  rear ;  where  ships  had  the  command  of  the  water 
on  each  side,  and  where  King's  Bridge  was  their  only  pass  by 
which  to  escape  from  being  wholly  enclosed?  Had  not  their 
recent  experience  on  Long  Island  and  at  New  York  taught  them 
the  danger  of  such  positions?  "For  my  part,"  said  he,  "I 
would  have  nothing  to  do  with  the  islands  to  which  you  have 
been  clinging  so  pertinaciously  —  I  would  give  Mr.  Howe  a  fee- 
simple  of  them." 

"  After  much  consideration  and  debate,"  says  the  record  of 
the  council,  "the  following  question  was  stated:  Whether  (it 
having  appeared  that  the  obstructions  in  the  North  River  have 
proved  insufficient,  and  that  the  enemy's  whole  force  is  now  in 
our  rear  on  Frog  Point)  it  is  now  deemed  possible,  in  our  situ- 
ation, to  prevent  the  enemy  from  cutting  off  the  communication 
with  the  country,  and  compelling  us  to  fight  them  at  all  dis- 
advantages or  surrender  prisoners  at  discretion?  " 

All  agreed,  with  but  one  dissenting  voice,  that  it  was  not 
possible  to  prevent  the  communication  from  being  cut  off,  and 
that  one  of  the  consequences  mentioned  in  the  question  must 
follow. 

The  dissenting  voice  was  that  of  General  George  Clinton,  a 
brave  downright  man,  but  little  versed  in  the  science  of  warfare. 
He  could  not  comprehend  the  policy  of  abandoning  so  strong  a 
position  ;  they  were  equal  in  number  to  the  enemy,  and,  as  they 
must  fight  them  somewhere,  could  do  it  to  more  advantage  there 
than  anywhere  else.  Clinton  felt  as  a  guardian  of  the  Hudson 
and  the  upper  country,  and  wished  to  meet  the  enemy,  as  it 
were,  at  the  very  threshold. 

As  the  resolve  of  Congress  seemed  imperative  with  regard  to 
Fort  Washington,  that  post,  it  was  agreed,  should  be  u  retained 
as  long  as  possible." 

A  strong  garrison  was  accordingly  placed  in  it,  composed 
chiefly  of  troops  from  Magaw's  and  Slice's  Pennsylvania  regi- 
ments, the  latter  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Lambert  Cadwalader, 
of  Philadelphia.  Shee  having  obtained  leave  of  absence, 
Colonel  Magaw  was  put  in  command  of  the  post,  and  solemnly 


170  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

charged  by  Washington  to  defend  it  to  the  last  extremity.  The 
name  of  the  opposite  post  on  the  Jersey  shore,  where  Greene 
was  stationed,  was  changed  from  Fort  Constitution  to  Fort  Lee, 
in  honor  of  the  General.  Lee,  in  fact,  was  the  military  idol  of 
the  day.  Even  the  family  of  the  commander-in-chief  joined  in 
paying  him  homage.  Colonel  Tench  Tilghman,  Washington's 
aide-de-camp,  in  a  letter  to  a  friend,  writes:  "You  ask  if 
General  Lee  is  in  health,  and  our  people  bold.  I  answer  both 
in  the  affirmative.  His  appearance  among  us  has  contributed 
not  a  little  to  the  latter." 


CHAPTER  XXV. 

ARMY      ARRANGEMENTS WASHINGTON     AT     WHITE     PLAINS THE 

ENEMY    AT    THROG's    POINT SKIRMISH    OF    COLONEL     GLOVER 

ATTEMPT  TO  SURPRISE  ROGERS,  THE    RENEGADE TROOPERS  IN  A 

ROUGH     COUNTRY ALARMS    AT    WHITE     PLAINS CANNONADING 

OF    SHIPS    AT    FORT    WASHINGTON MARCH    OF    LEE FORTIFIED 

CAMP      AT     WHITE     PLAINS RECONNOITRING THE     AFFAIR     AT 

CHATTERTON      HILL RELATIVE      SITUATION     OF     THE     ARMIES 

CHANGE    OF    POSITION CONTRAST    OF   THE  APPEARANCE    OF   THE 

TROOPS GEORGE     CLINTON'S    IDEA    OF    STRATEGY  —  MOVEMENT 

OF   THE    BRITISH    ARMY INCENDIARIES    AT   WHITE    PLAINS. 

Previous  to  decamping  from  Manhattan  Island,  Washington 
formed  four  divisions  of  the  army,  which  were  respectively 
assigned  to  Generals  Lee,  Heath,  Sullivan  (recently  obtained  in 
exchange  for  General  Prescott),  and  Lincoln.  Lee  was 
stationed  on  Valentine's  Hill  on  the  mainland,  immediately 
opposite  King's  Bridge,  to  cover  the  transportation  across  it  of 
the  military  stores  and  heavy  baggage.  The  other  divisions 
were  to  form  a  chain  of  fortified  posts,  extending  about  thirteen 
miles  along  a  ridge  of  hills  on  the  west  side  of  the  Bronx,  from 
Lee's  camp  up  to  the  village  of  White  Plains. 

Washington's  head-quarters  continued  to  be  on  Harlem 
Heights  for  several  days,  during  which  time  he  was  continually 
in  the  saddle,  riding  about  a  broken,  woody,  and  half  wild 
country,  forming  posts,  and  choosing  sites  for  breastworks  and 
redoubts.  By  his  skilful  disposition  of  the  army,  it  was  pro- 
tected in  its  whole  length  by  the  Bronx,  a  narrow  but  deep 
stream,  fringed  with  trees,  which  ran  along  the  foot  of  the 
ridge ;  at  the  same  time  his  troops  faced  and  outflanked  the 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  171 

enemy,  and  covered  the  roads  along  which  the  stores  and  bag- 
gage had  to  be  transported.  On  the  21st,  he  shifted  his  head- 
quarters to  Valentine's  Hill,  and  on  the  23d  to  White  Plains, 
where  he  stationed  himself  in  a  fortified  camp. 

While  he  was  thus  incessantly  in  action,  General,  now  Sir 
William  Howe  (having  recently,  in  reward  for  his  services, 
been  made  a  knight  companion  of  the  Bath),  remained  for  six 
days  passive  in  his  camp  on  Throg's  Point,  awaiting  the  arrival 
of  supplies  and  re-enforcements,  instead  of  pushing  across 
to  the  Hudson,  and  throwing  himself  between  Washington's 
army  and  the  upper  country.  His  inaction  lost  him  a  golden 
opportunity.  By  the  time  his  supplies  arrived,  the  Americans 
had  broken  up  the  causeway  leading  to  the  mainland,  and 
taken  positions  too  strong  to  be  easily  forced. 

Finding  himself  headed  in  this  direction,  Sir  William  re-em- 
barked part  of  his  troops  in  flat-boats  on  the  18th,  crossed  East- 
chester  Bay,  and  landed  on  Pell's  Point,  at  the  mouth  of 
Hutchinson's  River.  Here  he  was  joined  in  a  few  hours  by  the 
main  body,  with  the  baggage  and  artilleiy,  and  proceeded 
through  the  manor  of  Pelham  toward  New  Rochelle  ;  still  with 
a  view  to  get  above  Washington's  army. 

In  their  march,  the  British  were  waylaid  and  harassed  by 
Colonel  Glover  of  Massachusetts,  with  his  own,  Reed's,  and 
Shepard's  regiments  of  infantry.  Twice  the  British  advance 
guard  were  thrown  into  confusion  and  driven  back  with  severe 
loss,  by  a  sharp  fire  from  behind  stone  fences.  A  third  time 
they  advanced  in  solid  columns.  The  Americans  gave  them  re- 
peated volleys,  and  then  retreated  with  the  loss  of  eight  killed 
and  thirteen  wounded,  among  whom  was  Colonel  Shepard. 
Colonel  Glover,  and  the  officers  and  soldiers  who  were  with  him 
in  this  skirmish,  received  the  public  thanks  of  Washington  for 
their  merit  and  good  behavior. 

On  the  21st,  General  Howe  was  encamped  about  two  miles 
north  of  New  Rochelle,  with  his  outposts  extending  to  Mamaro- 
neck  on  the  Sound.  At  the  latter  place  was  posted  Colonel 
Rogers,  the  renegade,  as  he  was  called,  with  the  Queen's  Ran- 
gers, his  newly-raised  corps  of  loyalists. 

Hearing  of  this,  Lord  Stirling  resolved,  if  possible,  to  cut  off 
this  outpost  and  entrap  the  old  hunter.  Colonel  Haslet,  of  his 
brigade,  always  prompt  on  such  occasions,  undertook  the  exploit 
at  the  head  of  seven  hundred  and  fifty  of  the  Delaware  troops, 
who  had  fought  so  bravely  on  Long  Island.  With  these  he 
crossed  the  line  of  the  British  march ;  came  undiscovered  upon 
the  post ;  drove  in  the  guard  ;  killed  a  lieutenant  and  several 


172  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

men,  and  brought  away  thirty-six  prisoners,  with  a  pair  of  colors, 
sixty  stands  of  arms,  and  other  spoils.  He  missed  the  main 
prize,  however.  Rogers  skulked  off  in  the  dark  at  the  first  fire. 
He  was  too  old  a  partisan  to  be  easily  entrapped. 

For  this  exploit,  Colonel  Haslet  and  his  men  were  publicly 
thanked  by  Lord  Stirling,  on  parade. 

These,  and  other  spirited  and  successful  skirmishes,  while 
they  retarded  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  had  the  far  more  im- 
portant effect  of  exercising  and  animating  the  American  troops, 
and  accustoming  them  to  danger. 

While  in  this  neighborhood,  Howe  was  re-enforced  by  a  second 
division  of  Hessians  under  General  Knyphausen,  and  a  regiment 
of  Waldeckers,  both  of  which  had  recently  arrived  in  New  York. 
He  was  joined,  also,  by  the  whole  of  the  seventeenth  light-dra- 
goons, and  a  part  of  the  sixteenth,  which  had  arrived  on  the  3d 
instant  from  Ireland,  with  Lieutenant-Colonel  (afterward  Earl) 
Harcourt.  Some  of  their  horses  had  been  brought  with  them 
across  the  sea,  others  had  been  procured  since  their  arrival. 

The  Americans  at  first  regarded  these  troopers  with  great 
dread.  Washington,  therefore,  took  pains  to  convince  them, 
that  in  a  rough,  broken  country,  like  the  present,  full  of  stone 
fences,  no  troops  were  so  inefficient  as  cavalry.  They  could  be 
waylaid  and  picked  off  by  sharp-shooters  from  behind  walls  and 
thickets,  while  they  could  not  leave  the  road  to  pursue  their 
covert  foe. 

Further  to  inspirit  them  against  this  new  enemy,  he  pro- 
claimed, in  general  orders,  a  reward  of  one  hundred  dollars  for 
every  trooper  brought  in  with  his  horse  and  accoutrements,  and 
so  on,  in  proportion  to  the  completeness  of  the  capture. 

On  the  25th,  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon,  intelligence 
was  brought  to  head-quarters  that  three  or  four  detachments  of 
the  enemy  were  on  the  march,  within  four  miles  of  the  camp, 
and  the  main  army  following  in  columns.  The  drums  beat  to 
arms  ;  the  men  were  ordered  to  their  posts ;  an  attack  was 
expected.  The  day  passed  away,  however,  without  any  demon- 
stration of  the  enemy.  Howe  detached  none  of  his  force  on 
lateral  expeditions,  evidently  meditating  a  general  engagement. 
To  prepare  for  it,  Washington  drew  all  his  troops  from  the  posts 
along  the  Bronx  into  the  fortified  camp  at  White  Plains.  Here 
every  thing  remained  quiet  but  expectant,  throughout  the  26th. 
In  the  morning  of  the  27th,  which  was  Sunday,  the  heavy  boom- 
ing of  cannon  was  heard  from  a  distance,  seemingly  in  the 
direction  of  Fort  Washington.  Scouts  galloped  off  to  gain 
intelligence.     We  will  anticipate  their  report. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  173 

Two  of  the  British  frigates,  at  seven  o'clock  in  the  morning, 
had  moved  up  the  Hudson,  and  come  to  anchor  near  Bour- 
dett's  Ferry,  below  the  Morris  House,  Washington's  old  head- 
quarters, apparently  with  the  intention  of  stopping  the  ferry, 
and  cutting  off  the  communication  between  Fort  Lee  and  Fort 
Washington.  At  the  same  time,  troops  made  their  appearance 
on  Harlem  Plains,  where  Lord  Percy  held  command.  Colonel 
Morgan  immediately  manned  the  lines  with  troops  from  the  gar- 
rison of  Fort  Washington.  The  ships  opened  a  fire  to  enfilade 
and  dislodge  them.  A  barbette  battery  on  the  cliffs  of  the  Jer- 
sey shore,  left  of  the  ferry,  fired  down  upon  the  frigate,  but  with 
little  effect.  Colonel  Magaw  got  down  an  eighteen-pounder  to 
the  lines  near  the  Morris  House,  and  fired  fifty  or  sixty  rounds, 
two  balls  at  a  time.  Two  eighteen-pounders  were  likewise 
brought  down  from  Fort  Lee,  and  planted  opposite  the  ships. 
By  the  fire  from  both  shores  they  were  hulled  repeatedly. 

It  was  the  thundering  of  these  cannonades  which  had  reached 
Washington's  camp  at  White  Plains,  and  even  startled  the 
Highlands  of  the  Hudson.  The  ships  soon  hoisted  all  sail. 
The  foremost  slipped  her  cable,  and  appeared  to  be  in  the 
greatest  confusion.  She  could  make  no  way,  though  towed  by 
two  boats.  The  other  ship,  seeing  her  distress,  sent  two  barges 
to  her  assistance,  and  by  the  four  boats  she  was  dragged  out  of 
reach  of  the  American  fire,  her  pumps  going  all  the  time.  u  Had 
the  tide  been  flood  one-half  hour  longer,"  writes  General  Greene, 
"  we  should  have  sunk  her." 

At  the  time  that  the  fire  from  the  ships  began,  Lord  Percy 
brought  up  his  field-pieces  and  mortars,  and  made  an  attack 
upon  the  lines.  He  was  resolutely  answered  by  the  troops 
sent  down  from  Fort  Washington,  and  several  Hessians  were 
killed.  An  occasional  firing  was  kept  up  until  evening,  when 
the  ships  fell  down  the  river,  and  the  troops  which  had  advanced 
on  Harlem  Plains  drew  within  their  lines  again. 

*'  We  take  this  day's  movement  to  be  only  a  feint,"  writes 
one  of  the  garrison  at  Fort  Lee  ;  "  at  any  rate,  it  is  little  honor- 
able to  the  red  coats."  Its  chief  effect  was  to  startle  the  dis- 
tant camp,  and  astound  a  quiet  country  with  the  thundering  din 
of  war. 

The  celebrated  Thomas  Paine,  author  of  "  The  Rights  of 
Man,"  and  other  political  works,  was  a  spectator  of  the  affair 
from  the  rocky  summit  of  the  Palisades,  on  trje  Jersey  shore. 

While  these  things  were  passing  at  Fort  Washington,  Lee  had 
struck  his  tents,  and  with  the  rear  division,  eight  thousand 
strong,  the  baggage  and  artillery,  and  a  train  of  wagons  four 


174  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

miles  long,  laden  with  stores  and  ammunition,  was  lumbering 
along  the  rough  country  roads  to  join  the  main  army.  It  was 
not  until  Monday  morning,  after  being  on  the  road  all  night, 
that  he  arrived  at  White  Plains. 

Washington's  camp  was  situated  on  high  ground,  facing  the 
east.  The  right  wing  stretched  toward  the  south  along  a  rocky 
hill,  at  the  foot  of  which  the  Bronx,  making  an  elbow,  protected 
it  in  flank  and  rear.  The  left  wing  rested  on  a  small,  deep  lake 
among  the  hills.     The  camp  was  strongly  intrenched  in  front. 

About  a  quarter  of  a  mile  to  the  right  of  the  camp,  and  sepa- 
rated from  the  height  on  which  it  stood  by  the  Bronx  and  a 
marshy  interval,  was  a  corresponding  height  called  Chatterton's 
Hill.  As  this  partly  commanded  the  right  flank,  and  as  the 
intervening  bend  of  the  Bronx  was  easily  passable,  Washington 
had  stationed  on  its  summit  a  militia  regiment. 

The  whole  encampment  was  a  temporary  one,  to  be  changed 
as  soon  as  the  military  stores  collected  there  could  be  removed ; 
and  now  that  General  Lee  was  arrived,  Washington  rode  out 
with  him,  and  other  general  officers  who  were  off  duty,  to 
reconnoitre  a  height  which  appeared  more  eligible.  When 
arrived  at  it,  Lee  pointed  to  another  on  the  north,  still  more 
commanding. 

" Yonder,"  said  he,  "is  the  ground  we  ought  to  occupy." 
"Let  us  go,  then,  and  view  it,"  replied  Washington.  They 
were  gently  riding  in  that  direction,  when  a  trooper  came  spur- 
ring up  his  panting  horse.  "  The  British  are  in  the  camp,  sir  !  " 
cried  he.  "Then,  gentlemen,"  said  Washington,  "we  have 
other  business  to  attend  to  than  reconnoitring."  Putting 
spurs  to  his  horse,  he  set  off  for  the  camp  at  full  gallop,  the. 
others  spurring  after  him. 

Arrived  at  head-quarters,  he  was  informed  by  Adjutant-Gen- 
eral Reed,  that  the  picket  guards  had  all  been  driven  in,  and  the 
b»nemy  were  advancing :  but  that  the  whole  American  army  was 
posted  in  order  of  battle.  "Gentlemen,"  said  Washington, 
turning  calmly  to  his  companions,  "you  will  return  to  your 
respective  posts,  and  do  the  best  you  can." 

Apprehensive  that  the  enemy  might  attempt  to  get  possession 
of  Chatterton's  Hill,  he  detached  Colonel  Haslet  with  his 
Delaware  regiment,  to  re-enforce  the  militia  posted  there.  To 
these  he  soon  added  General  McDougall's  brigade,  composed  of 
Smallwood's  Ma.rylanders,  Ritzema's  New  Yorkers,  and  two 
other  regiments.  These  were  much  reduced  by  sickness  and 
absence.  General  McDougall  had  command  of  the  whole  force 
upon  the  hill,  which  did  not  exceed  1,600  men. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  175 

These  dispositions  were  scarcely  made,  when  the  enemy 
appeared  glistening  on  the  high  grounds  beyond  the  village  of 
White  Plains.  They  advanced  in  two  columns,  the  right  com- 
manded by  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  the  left  by  the  Hessian  general, 
De  Heister.  There  was  also  a  troop  of  horse  ;  so  formidable  in 
the  inexperienced  eyes  of  the  Americans.  u  It  was  a  brilliant 
but  formidable  sight,"  writes  Heath  in  his  memoirs.  "  The 
sun  shone  bright,  their  arms  glittered  ;  and  perhaps  troops  never 
were  shown  to  more  advantage." 

For  a  time  they  halted  in  a  wheat  field,  behind  a  rising 
ground,  and  the  general  officers  rode  up  in  the  centre  to  hold  a 
consultation.  Washington  supposed  they  were  preparing  to 
attack  him  in  front,  and  such  indeed  was  their  intention  ;  but 
the  commanding  height  of  Chatterton's  Hill  had  caught  Sir 
William's  eye,  and  he  determined  first  to  get  possession  of  it. 

Colonel  Rahl  was  accordingly  detached  with  a  brigade  of 
Hessians,  to  make  a  circuit  southwardly  round  a  piece  of  wood, 
cross  the  Bronx  about  a  quarter  of  a  mile  below,  and  ascend  the 
south  side  of  the  hill ;  while  General  Leslie,  with  a  large  force, 
British  and  Hessian,  should  advance  directly  in  front,  throw  a 
bridge  across  the  stream,  and  charge  up  the  hill. 

A  furious  cannonade  was  now  opened  by  the  British  from 
fifteen  or  twenty  pieces  of  artillery,  placed  on  high  ground  op- 
posite the  hill;  under  cover  of  which,  the  troops  of  General 
Leslie  hastened  to  construct  the  bridge.  In  so  doing,  they  were 
severely  galled  by  two  field-pieces,  planted  on  a  ledge  of  rock 
on  Chatterton's  Hill,  and  in  charge  of  Alexander  Hamilton,  the 
youthful  captain  of  artillery.  Smallwood's  Maryland  battalion, 
also,  kept  up  a  sharp  fire  of  small-arms. 

As  soon  as  the  bridge  was  finished,  the  British  and  Hessians 
under  Leslie  rushed  over  it,  formed,  and  charged  up  the  hill  to 
take  Hamilton's  two  field-pieces.  Three  times  the  two  field- 
pieces  were  discharged,  ploughing  the  ascending  columns  from 
hill-top  to  river,  while  Smallwood's  "blue  and  buff"  Mary- 
landers  kept  up  their  volleys  of  musketry. 

In  the  mean  time,  Rahl  and  his  Hessian  brigade  forded  the 
Bronx  lower  down,  pushed  up  the  south  side  of  the  hill,  and 
endeavored  to  turn  McDougall's  right  flank.  The  militia  gave 
the  general  but  little  support.  They  had  been  dismayed  at  the 
opening  of  the  engagement  by  a  shot  from  a  British  cannon, 
which  wounded  one  of  them  in  the  thigh,  and  nearly  put  the 
whole  to  flight.  It  was  with  the  utmost  difficulty  McDougall 
had  rallied  them,  and  posted  them  behind  a  stone  wall.  Here 
they  did  some  service,  until  a  troop  of  British  cavalry,  having 


176  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

gained  the  crest  of  the  hill,  came  on,  brandishing  their  sabres. 
At  their  first  charge  the  militia  gave  a  random,  scattering  fire, 
then  broke,  and  fled  in  complete  confusion. 

A  brave  stand  was  made  on  the  summit  of  the  hill  by  Haslet, 
Ritzema,  and  Smallwood,  with  their  troops.  Twice  they  re- 
pulsed horse  and  foot,  British  and  Hessians,  until,  cramped  for 
room  and  greatly  outnumbered,  they  slowly  and  sullenly  re- 
treated down  the  north  side  of  the  hill,  where  there  was  a  bridge 
across  the  Bronx.  Smallwood  remained  upon  the  ground  for 
some  time  after  the  retreat  had  begun,  and  received  two  flesh 
wounds,  one  in  the  hip,  the  other  through  the  arm.  At  the 
bridge  over  the  Bronx,  the  retreating  troops  were  met  by 
General  Putnam,  who  was  coming  to  their  assistance  with 
Beall's  brigade.  In  the  rear  of  this  they  marched  back  into 
the  camp. 

The  loss  on  both  sides,  in  this  short  but  severe  action,  was 
nearly  equal.  That  of  the  Americans  was  between  three  and 
four  hundred  men,  killed,  wounded,  and  taken  prisoners.  At 
first  it  was  thought  to  be  much  more,  many  of  the  militia  and  a 
few  of  the  regulars  being  counted  as  lost,  who  had  scattered 
themselves  among  the  hills,  but  afterward  returned  to  head- 
quarters. 

The  British  army  now  rested  with  their  left  wing  on  the  hill 
they  had  just  taken,  and  which  they  were  busy  intrenching. 
They  were  extending  their  right  wing  to  the  left  of  the  Amer- 
ican lines,  so  that  their  two  wings  and  centre  formed  nearly  a 
semicircle.  It  was  evidently  their  design  to  outflank  the  Amer- 
ican camp,  and  get  in  the  rear  of  it.  The  day,  however,  being 
far  advanced,  was  suffered  to  pass  without  any  further  attack, 
but  the  morrow  was  looked  forward  to  for  a  deadly  conflict. 
Washington  availed  himself  of  this  interval  to  have  the  sick  and 
wounded,  and  as  much  of  the  stores  as  possible,  removed  from 
the  camp.  "  The  two  armies,"  says  General  Heath  in  his 
Memoirs,  wt  lay  looking  at  each  other,  within  long  cannon  shot. 
In  the  night  time  the  British  lighted  up  a  vast  number  of  fires, 
the  weather  growing  pretty  cold.  These  fires,  some  on  the  level 
ground,  some  at  the  foot  of  the  hills,  and  at  all  distances  to 
their  brows,  some  of  which  were  lofty,  seemed  to  the  eye  to 
mix  with  the  stars.  The  American  side  doubtless  exhibited 
to  them  a  similar  appearance." 

During  this  anxious  night,  Washington  was  assiduously  oc- 
cupied throwing  back  his  right  wing  to  stronger  ground  ;  doub- 
ling his  intrenchments  and  constructing  three  redoubts,  with  a 
line  in  front,  on  the  summit  of  his  post.     These  works  were 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  177 

principally  intended  for  defence  against  small-arms,  and  were 
thrown  up  with  a  rapidity  that  to  the  enemy  must  have  savored 
of  magic.  They  were,  in  fact,  made  of  the  stalks  of  Indian 
corn  or  maize  taken  from  a  neighboring  corn-field,  and  pulled 
up  with  the  earth  clinging  in  masses  to  the  large  roots.  "  The 
roots  of  the  stalks,"  says  Heath,  "and  earth  on  them  placed 
in  the  face  of  the  works,  answered  the  purpose  of  sods  and 
fascines.  The  tops  being  placed  inward,  as  the  loose  earth  was 
thrown  upon  them,  became  as  so  many  trees  to  the  work,  which 
was  carried  up  with  a  despatch  scarcely  conceivable." 

In  the  morning  of  the  29th,  when  Howe  beheld  how  greatly 
Washington  had  improved  his  position  and  strengthened  it,  by 
what  appeared  to  be  solidly  constructed  works,  lie  postponed  his 
meditated  assault,  ordered  up  Lord  Percy  from  Harlem  with  the 
fourth  brigade  and  two  battalions  of  the  sixth,  and  proceeded  to 
throw  up  lines  and  redoubts  in  front  of  the  American  camp,  as 
if  preparing  to  cannonade  it.  As  the  enemy  were  endeavoring 
to  outflank  him,  especially  on  his  right  wing,  Washington  appre- 
hended one  of  their  objects  might  be  to  advance  a  part  of  their 
force,  and  seize  on  Pine's  Bridge  over  Croton  River,  which 
would  cut  off  his  communication  with  the  upper  country.  Gen- 
eral Beall,  with  three  Maryland  regiments,  was  sent  off  with  all 
expedition  to  secure  that  pass.  It  was  Washington's  idea  that, 
having  possession  of  Croton  River  and  the  passes  in  the  High- 
lands, his  army  would  be  safe  from  further  pursuit,  and  have 
time  to  repose  after  its  late  excessive  fatigue,  and  would  be 
fresh,  and  ready  to  harass  the  enemy  should  they  think  fit  to 
winter  up  the  country. 

At  present  nothing  could  exceed  the  war-worn  condition  of 
the  troops,  unseasoned  as  they  were  to  this  kind  of  service.  A 
scornful  letter,  written  at  this  time  by  a  British  officer,  to  his 
friend  in  London,  gives  a  picture  of  the  ragged  plight  to  which 
they  were  reduced,  in  this  rainy  and  inclement  season.  "The 
rebel  army  are  in  so  wretched  a  condition  as  to  clothing  and 
accoutrements,  that  I  believe  no  nation  ever  saw  such  a  set  of 
tatterdemalions.  There  are  few  coats  among  them  but  what  are 
out  at  elbows,  and  in  a  whole  regiment  there  is  scarce  a  pair  of 
breeches.  Judge,  then,  how  they  must  be  pinched  by  a  winter's 
campaign.  We,  who  are  warmly  clothed  and  well  equipped, 
already  feel  it  severely  ;  for  it  is  even  now  much  colder  than  I 
ever  felt  it  in  England." 

Alas  for  the  poor  half -naked,  weather-beaten  patriots,  who 
had  to  cope  with  these  well-fed,  well-clad,  well-appointed  mer- 
cenaries !    A  letter  written  at  the  very  same  date  (October  31), 


178  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

by  General  George  Clinton,  shows  what,  in  their  forlorn  plight, 
the}'  had  to  grapple  with. 

"  We  had  reason,"  writes  he,  "  to  apprehend  an  attack  last 
night,  or  by  daylight  this  morning.  Our  lines  were  manned  all 
night  in  consequence  ;  and  a  most  horrid  night  it  was  to  lay  iu 
cold  trenches.  Uncovered  as  we  are,  da%  on  fatigue,  making 
redoubts,  fleches,  abatis,  and  retreating  from  them  and  the  little 
temporary  huts  made  for  our  comfort  before  they  are  well  fin- 
ished,  I  fear  will  ultimately  destroy  our  arm}'  without  fighting."  l 
"However,"  adds  he,  honestly,  "I  would  not  be  understood 
to  condemn  measures.  They  may  be  right  for  aught  I  know. 
I  do  not  understand  much  of  the  refined  art  of  war ;  it  is  said 
to  consist  in  stratagem  and  deception."  In  a  previous  letter  to 
the  same  friend,  in  a  moment  of  hurry  and  alarm,  he  writes, 
"  Pray  let  Mrs.  Clinton  know  that  I  am  well,  and  that  she  need 
not  be  uneasy  about  me.  It  would  be  too  much  honor  to  die  in 
so  good  a  cause." 

Clinton,  as  we  have  before  intimated,  was  an  honest  and  ar- 
dent patriot,  of  resolute  spirit,  and  plain,  direct  good  sense  ;  but 
an  inexperienced  soldier.  His  main  idea  of  warfare  was 
straightforward  fighting ;  and  he  was  greatly  perplexed  by  the 
continual  strategy  which  Washington's  situation  required.  One 
of  the  aides-de-camp  of  the  latter  had  a  truer  notion  on  the  sub- 
ject. "The  campaign  hitherto,"  said  he,  "has  been  a  fair 
trial  of  generalship,  in  which  I  flatter  myself  we  have  had  the 
advantage.  If  we,  with  our  motley  army,  can  keep  Mr.  Howe 
and  his  grand  appointment  at  bay,  I  think  we  shall  make  no 
contemptible  military  figure."  2 

On  the  night  of  the  31st,  Washington  made  another  of  those 
moves  which  perplexed  the  worthy  Clinton.  In  the  course  of  the 
night  he  shifted  his  whole  position,  set  fire  to  the  barns  and 
out-houses  containing  forage  and  stores,  which  there  was  no 
time  to  remove,  and,  leaving  a  strong  rear-guard  on  the  heights, 
and  in  the  neighboring  woods,  retired  with  his  main  army  a  dis- 
tance of  five  miles,  among  the  high,  rocky  hills  about  North- 
castle.  Here  he  immediately  set  to  work  to  intrench  and 
fortify  himself  ;  his  policy  at  this  time  being,  as  he  used  to  say, 
"  to  fight  with  the  spade  and  mattock." 

General  Howe  did  not  attempt  to  dislodge  him  from  his  fast- 
ness. He  at  one  time  ordered  an  attack  on  the  rear-guard,  but 
a  violent  rain  prevented  it,  and  for  two  or  three  days  he 
remained  seemingly  inactive.     "All  matters  are  as  quiet  as  if 

1  George  Clinton  to  John  McKesson,  October  31.     Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ii.,  1312. 
*  Tench  Tilghmau  to  William  Duer,  October  31. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  179 

the  enenry  were  one  hundred  miles  distant  from  us,"  writes  one 
of  Washington's  aides  on  the  2d  of  November.  During  the 
night  of  the  4th,  this  quiet  was  interrupted.  A  mysterious 
sound  was  heard  in  the  direction  of  the  British  camp  ;  like  the 
rumbling  of  wagons  and  artillery.  At  daybreak  the  meaning 
of  it  was  discovered.  The  enemy  were  decamping.  Long- 
trains  were  observed,  defiling  across  the  hilly  country,  along  the 
roads  leading  to  Dobbs'  Ferry  on  the  Hudson.  The  move- 
ment continued  for  three  successive  days,  until  their  whole 
force,  British  and  Hessians,  disappeared  from  White  Plains. 

The  night  after  their  departure  a  party  of  Americans,  heated 
with  liquor,  set  fire  to  the  court-house  and  other  edifices  in  the 
village,  as  if  they  had  belonged  to  the  enemy  ;  an  outrage  which 
called  forth  a  general  order  from  Washington,  expressive  of  his 
indignation,  and  threatening  the  perpetrators  with  signal  pun- 
ishment when  detected.  We  notice  this  matter,  because  in 
British  accounts,  the  burning  of  those  buildings  had  been  charged 
upon  Washington  himself ;  being,  no  doubt,  confounded  with 
the  burning  of  the  barns  and  out-houses  ordered  by  him  on 
shifting  his  encampment. 


CHAPTER  XXVI. 

CONJECTURES     AS      TO     THE      INTENTIONS      OF     THE      ENEMY CON- 
SEQUENT        PRECAUTIONS CORRESPONDENCE        WITH        GREENE 

RESPECTING    FORT    WASHINGTON DISTRIBUTION    OF     THE     ARMY 

LEE    LEFT  IN  COMMAND    AT    NORTHCASTLE INSTRUCTIONS    TO 

HIM  —  WASHINGTON    AT    PEEKSKILL VISITS    TO     THE     POSTS     IN 

THE    HIGHLANDS. 

Various  were  the  speculations  at  head-quarters  on  the  sud- 
den movement  of  the  enemy.  Washington  writes  to  General 
William  Livingston  (now  governor  of  the  Jerseys)  :  u  They 
have  gone  toward  the  North  River  and  King's  Bridge.  Some 
suppose  they  are  going  into  winter  quarters,  and  will  sit  down 
in  New  York  without  doing  more  than  investing  Fort  Washing- 
ton. I  cannot  subscribe  wholly  to  this  opinion  myself.  That 
they  will  invest  Fort  Washington,  is  a  matter  of  which  there 
can  be  no  doubt;  and  I  think  there  is  a  strong  probability  that 
General  Howe  will  detach  a  part  of  his  force  to  make  an  incur- 
sion into  the  Jerseys,  provided  he  is  going  to  New  York.     He 


180  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

must  attempt  something  on  account  of  his  reputation,  for  what 
has  he  done  as  }'et,  with  his  great  army?  " 

In  the  same  letter  he  expressed  his  determination,  as  soon  as 
it  should  appear  that  the  present  manoeuvre  was  a  real  retreat, 
and  not  a  feint,  to  throw  over  a  bod}7  of  troops  into  the  Jerseys 
to  assist  in  checking  Howe's  progress.  He,  moreover,  recom- 
mended to  the  governor  to  have  the  militia  of  that  State  put  on 
the  best  possible  footing,  and  a  part  of  them  held  in  readiness 
to  take  the  place  of  the  State  levies,  whose  term  of  service 
would  soon  expire.  He  advised,  also,  that  the  inhabitants  con- 
tiguous to  the  water  should  be  prepared  to  remove  their  stock, 
grain,  effects,  and  carriages,  on  the  earliest  notice. 

In  a  letter  of  the  same  date,  he  charged  General  Greene, 
should  Howe  invest  Fort  Washington  with  part  of  his  force, 
to  give  the  garrison  all  possible  assistance. 

On  the  following  day  (Novembers) ,  his  aide-de-camp,  Colonel 
Tilghinan,  writes  to  General  Greene  from  head-quarters: 
"  The  enemy  are  at  Dobbs'  Ferry  with  a  great  number  of  boats, 
ready  to  go  into  Jersey,  or  proceed  up  the  river.'" 

Greene  doubted  any  intention  of  the  enemy  to  cross  the  river  ; 
it  might  only  be  a  feint  to  mislead ;  still,  as  a  precaution,  he 
had  ordered  troops  up  from  the  flying  camp,  and  was  posting 
them  opposite  Dobbs'  Ferry,  and  at  other  passes  where  a  land- 
ing might  be  attempted ;  the  whole  being  under  the  com- 
mand of  General  Mercer. 

Affairs  at  Fort  Washington  soon  settled  the  question  of  the 
enemy's  intentions  with  regard  to  it.  Lord  Percy  took  his 
station  with  a  body  of  troops  before  the  lines  to  the  south. 
Knyphausen  advanced  on  the  north.  The  Americans  had  pre- 
viously abandoned  Fort  Independence,  burned  its  barracks,  and 
removed  the  stores  and  cannon.  Crossing  King's  Bridge, 
Knyphausen  took  a  position  between  it  and  Fort  Washington. 
The  approach  to  the  fort,  on  this  side,  was  exceedingly  steep 
and  rocky ;  as,  indeed,  were  all  its  approaches  excepting  that 
on  the  south,  where  the  country  was  more  open,  and  the  ascent 
gradual.  The  fort  could  not  hold  within  its  walls  above  one 
thousand  men  ;  the  rest  of  the  troops  were  distributed  about 
the  lines  and  outworks.  While  the  fort  was  thus  menaced,  the 
chevaux-de-frise  had  again  proved  inefficient.  On  the  night  of 
the  5th,  a  frigate  and  two  transports,  bound  up  to  Dobbs' 
Ferry,  with  supplies  for  Howe's  army,  had  broken  through  ; 
though,  according  to  Greene's  account,  not  without  being  con- 
siderably shattered  by  the  batteries. 

Informed  of  these  facts,  Washington  wrote  to  Greene  on  the 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  181 

8th  :  u  If  we  cannot  prevent  vessels  from  passing  up  the  river, 
and  the  enemy  are  possessed  of  all  the  surrounding  country, 
what  valuable  purpose  can  it  answer  to  hold  a  post  from  which 
the  expected  benefit  cannot  be  had?  I  am,  therefore,  inclined 
to  think,  that  it  will  not  be  prudent  to  hazard  the  men  and 
stores  at  Mount  Washington  ;  but,  as  you  are  on  the  spot,  I 
leave  it  to  you  to  give  such  orders  as  to  evacuating  Mount 
Washington  as  you  may  judge  best,  and  so  far  revoking  the 
orders  given  to  Colonel  Magaw,  to  defend  it  to  the  last." 

Accounts  had  been  received  at  head-quarters  of  a  considerable 
movement  on  the  preceding  evening  (November  7),  among  the 
enemy's  boats  at  Dobbs'  Ferry,  with  the  intention,  it  was  said, 
of  penetrating  the  Jerseys,  and  falling  down  upon  Fort  Lee. 
Washington,  therefore,  in  the  same  letter  directed  Greene  to 
have  all  the  stores  not  necessary  to  the  defence  removed  imme- 
diately, and  to  destroy  all  the  stock,  the  hay  and  grain,  in  the 
neighborhood,  which  the  owners  refused  to  remove.  "  Expe- 
rience has  shown,"  adds  he,  "  that  a  contrary  conduct  is  not  of 
the  least  advantage  to  the  poor  inhabitants,  from  whom  all  their 
effects  of  every  kind  are  taken  without  distinction  and  without 
the  least  satisfaction." 

Greene,  in  reply  (November  9),  adhered  with  tenacity  to  the 
policy  of  maintaining  Fort  Washington.  "The  enemy,"  said 
he,  "  must  invest  it  with  double  the  number  of  men  required  for 
its  defence.  They  must  keep  troops  at  King's  Bridge,  to  cutoff 
all  communication  with  the  country,  and  in  considerable  force, 
for  fear  of  an  attack."  He  did  not  consider  the  fort  in  imme- 
diate danger.  Colonel  Magaw  thought  it  would  take  the  enemy 
until  the  end  of  December  to  carry  it.  In  the  mean  time,  the 
garrison  could  at  any  time  be  brought  off,  and  even  the  stores 
removed,  should  matters  grow  desperate.  If  the  enemy  should 
not  find  it  an  object  of  importance,  they  would  not  trouble 
themselves  about  it;  if  they  should,  it  would  be  a  proof  that 
they  felt  an  injury  from  its  being  maintained.  The  giving  it  up 
would  open  for  them  a  free  communication  with  the  country  by 
the  way  of  King's  Bridge.1 

It  is  doubtful  when  or  where  Washington  received  this  letter, 
as  he  left  the  camp  at  Northcastle  at  eleven  o'clock  of  the  fol- 
lowing morning.  There  being  still  considerable  uncertainty  as 
to  the  intentions  of  the  enemy,  all  his  arrangements  were  made 
accordingly.  All  the  troops  belonging  to  the  States  west  of  the 
Hudson,  were  to  be  stationed  in  the  Jerseys,  under  command 

i  Am.  Archives,  5tb  Series,  iii.,  618. 


182  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

of  General  Putnam.  Lord  Stirling  had  already  been  sent  for- 
ward with  the  Maryland  and  Virginia  troops  to  Peekskill,  to 
cross  the  river  at  King's  Ferry.  Another  division  composed  of 
Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  troops,  under  General  Heath, 
was  to  co-operate  with  the  brigade  of  New  York  militia  under 
General  George  Clinton,  in  securing  the  Highland  posts  on  both 
sides  of  the  river. 

The  troops  which  would  remain  at  Northcastle  after  the  de- 
parture of  Heath  and  his  division,  were  to  be  commanded  by 
Lee.  Washington's  letter  of  instructions  to  that  general  is 
characterized  by  his  own  modesty,  and  his  deference  for  Lee's 
superior  military  experience.  He  suggests,  rather  than  orders, 
yet  his  letter  is  sufficiently  explicit.  "A  little  time  now," 
writes  he,  ''  must  manifest  the  enemy's  designs,  and  point  out 
to  you  the  measures  proper  to  be  pursued  by  that  part  of  the 
army  under  your  command.  I  shall  give  no  directions,  there- 
fore, on  this  he'ad,  having  the  most  entire  confidence  in  your 
judgment  and  military  exertions.  One  thing,  however,  I  will 
suggest,  namely,  that  the  appearance  of  embarking  troops  for 
the  Jerseys  may  be  intended  as  a  feint  to  weaken  us,  and  render 
the  post  we  now  hold  more  vulnerable,  or  the  enemy  may  find 
that  troops  are  assembled  with  more  expedition,  and  in  greater 
numbers,  than  they  expected,  on  the  Jersey  shore,  to  oppose 
them  ;  and,  as  it  is  possible,  from  one  or  other  of  these  motives, 
that  they  may  yet  pay  the  party  under  your  command  a  visit,  it 
will  be  unnecessary,  I  am  persuaded,  to  recommend  to  you  the 
propriety  of  putting  this  post,  if  you  stay  at  it,  into  a  proper 
posture  of  defence,  and  guarding  against  surprises.  But  I 
would  recommend  it  to  your  consideration,  whether,  under  the 
suggestion  above,  your  retiring  to  Croton  Bridge,  and  some 
strong  post  still  more  easterly  (covering  the  passes  through  the 
Highlands) ,  may  not  be  more  advisable  than  to  run  the  hazard 
of  an  attack  with  unequal  numbers.  At  any  rate,  I  think  all 
your  baggage  and  stores,  except  such  as  are  necessary  for  im- 
mediate use,  ought  to  be  to  the  northward  of  Croton  River. 
.  .  .  You  will  consider  the  post  at  Croton's  (or  Pine's) 
Bridge  as  under  your  immediate  care.  ...  If  the  enemy 
should  remove  the  whole,  or  the  greater  part  of  their  force 
to  the  west  side  of  Hudson's  River,  I  have  no  doubt  of  your 
following  with  all  possible  despatch,  leaving  the  militia  and 
invalids  to  cover  the  frontiers  of  Connecticut  in  case  of  need." 

We  have  been  minute  in  stating  these  matters,  from  their 
bearing  on  subsequent  operations. 

On  the  10th  of  November,  Washington  left  the  camp  at  North- 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  183 

castle,  at  11  o'clock,  and  arrived  at  Peekskill  at  sunset ;  whithei 
General  Heath,  with  his  division,  had  preceded  him  by  a  few 
hours.  Lord  Stirling  was  there,  likewise,  having  effeeted  the 
transportation  of  the  Maryland  and  Virginia  troops  across  the 
river,  and  landed  them  at  the  ferry  south  of  Stony  Point ; 
though  a  better  landing  was  subsequently  found  north  of  the 
point.  His  lordship  had  thrown  out  a  scouting  party  in  the 
advance,  and  a  hundred  men  to  take  possession  of  a  gap  in 
the  mountain,  through  which  a  road  passed  toward  the  Jerseys. 

Washington  was  now  at  the  entrance  of  the  Highlands,  that 
grand  defile  of  the  Hudson,  the  object  of  so  much  precaution 
and  solicitude.  On  the  following  morning,  accompanied  by 
Generals  Heath,  Stirling,  James  and  George  Clinton,  Mifflin, 
and  others,  he  made  a  military  visit  in  boats  to  the  Highland 
posts.  Fort  Montgomery  was  in  a  considerable  state  of  for- 
wardness, and  a  work  in  the  vicinity  was  projected  to  co-oper- 
ate with  it.  Fort  Constitution  commanded  a  sudden  bend  of 
the  river,  but  Lord  Stirling,  in  his  report  of  inspection,  had 
intimated  that  the  fort  itself  was  commanded  by  West  Point 
opposite.  A  glance  of  the  eye,  without  going  on  shore,  was 
sufficient  to  convince  Washington  of  the  fact.  A  fortress  sub- 
sequently erected  on  that  point,  has  been  considered  the  Key 
of  the  Highlands. 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th,  at  an  early  hour,  Washington 
rode  out  with  General  Heath  to  reconnoitre  the  east  side  of  the 
Hudson,  at  the  gorge  of  the  Highlands.  Henry  Wisner,  in  a 
report  to  the  New  York  Convention,  had  mentioned  a  hill  to  the 
north  of  Peekskill,  so  situated,  with  the  road  winding  along 
the  side  of  it,  that  ten  men  on  the  top,  by  rolling  down  stones, 
might  prevent  ten  thousand  from  passing.  "  I  believe,"  said- 
he,  "  nothing  more  need  be  done  than  to  keep  great  quantities 
of  stones  at  the  different  places  where  the  troops  must  pass,  if 
they  attempt  penetrating  the  mountains."  Near  Robinson's 
Bridge,  in  this  vicinity,  about  two  miles  from  Peekskill,  Wash- 
ington chose  a  place  where  troops  should  be  stationed  to  cover 
the  south  entrance  into  the  mountains  ;  and  here,  afterward,  was 
established  an  important  military  depot  called  Continental 
Village. 

On  the  same  day  (12th),  he  wrote  to  General  Lee,  enclosing 
a  copy  of  resolutions  just  received  from  Congress,  respecting 
levies  for  the  new  army,  showing  the  importance  of  immediately 
beginning  the  recruiting  service.  If  no  commissioners  arrived 
from  Rhode  Island,  he  was  to  appoint  the  officers  recommended 
to  that  State  by  General  Greene.     u  I  cannot  conclude,"  adds 


184  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

lie,  u  without  reminding  you  of  the  military  and  other  stores 
about  your  encampment,  and  at  Northcastle,  and  to  press  the 
removal  of  them  above  Croton  Bridge,  or  such  other  places  of 
security  as  you  may  think  proper.  General  Howe,  having  sent 
no  part  of  his  force  to  Jersey  yet,  makes  the  measure  more 
necessary,  as  he  may  turn  his  views  another  way,  and  attempt 
their  destruction." 

It  was  evidently  Washington's  desire  that  Lee  should  post 
himself,  as  soon  as  possible,  beyond  the  Croton,  where  he  would 
be  safe  from  surprise,  and  at  hand  to  throw  his  troops  promptly 
across  the  Hudson,  should  the  Jerseys  be  invaded. 

Having  made  all  these  surveys  and  arrangements,  Washing- 
ton placed  Heath  in  the  general  command  of  the  Highlands, 
with  written  instructions  to  fortify  the  passes  with  all  possible 
despatch,  and  directions  how  the  troops  were  to  be  distributed 
on  both  sides  of  the  river ;  and  here  we  take  occasion  to  give 
some  personal  notice  of  this  trusty  officer. 

Heath  was  now  in  the  fortieth  year  of  his  age.  Like  many 
of  the  noted  officers  of  the  Revolution,  he  had  been  brought  up 
in  rural  life,  on  an  hereditary  farm  near  Boston  ;  yet,  according 
to  his  own  account,  though  passionately  fond  of  agricultural 
pursuits,  he  had  also,  almost  from  childhood,  a  great  relish  for 
military  affairs,  and  had  studied  every  treatise  on  the  subject 
in  the  English  language,  so  that  he  considered  himself  "  fully 
acquainted  with  the  theory  of  war,  in  all  its  branches  and  duties, 
from  the  private  soldier  to  the  commander-in-chief." 

He  describes  himself  to  be  of  a  middling  stature,  light  com- 
plexion, very  corpulent  and  bald-headed,  so  that  the  French 
officers  who  served  in  America  compared  him,  in  person,  to  the 
Marquis  of  Granby.1 

Such  was  the  officer  intrusted  with  the  command  of  the  High- 
land passes,  and  encamped  at  Peekskill,  their  portal.  We  shall 
find  him  faithful  to  his  trust ;  scrupulous  in  obeying  the  letter 
of  his  instructions ;  but  sturdy  and  punctilious  in  resisting  any 
undue  assumption  of  authority. 

1  Heath's  Memoirs. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  185 


CHAPTER  XXVII. 

AFFAIRS  ON  LAKE  CIIAMPLAIN GATES  AT  TICONDEROGA AR- 
NOLD'S FLOTILLA MILITARY  PREPARATIONS  OF  SIR  GUY  CARLE- 
TON  AT  ST.  JOHNS NAUTICAL  ENCOUNTERS GALLANT  CONDUCT 

OF  ARNOLD  AND  WATERBURY CARLETON  IN  POSSESSION  OF  CROWN 

POINT HIS    RETURN    TO    CANADA    AND    WINTER    QUARTERS. 

During  his  brief  and  busy  sojourn  at  Peekskill,  Washington 
received  important  intelligence  from  the  Northern  army  ;  es- 
pecially that  part  of  it  on  Lake  Cham  plain,  under  the  command 
of  General  Gates.  A  slight  retrospect  of  affairs  in  that  quarter 
is  proper,  before  we  proceed  to  narrate  the  eventful  campaign 
in  the  Jerseys. 

The  preparations  for  the  defence  of  Ticonderoga,  and  the 
nautical  service  on  the  lake,  had  met  with  difficulties  at  every 
step.  At  length,  by  the  middle  of  August,  a  small  flotilla  was 
completed,  composed  of  a  sloop  and  schooner  each  of  twelve 
guns  (six  and  four  pounders),  two  schooners  mounting  eight 
guns  each,  and  five  gondolas,  each  of  three  guns.  The  flotilla 
was  subsequently  augmented,  and  the  command  given  by  Gates 
to  Arnold,  in  compliance  with  the  advice  of  Washington,  who 
had  a  high  opinion  of  that  officer's  energy,  intrepidity,  and  fer- 
tility in  expedients. 

Sir  Guy  Carleton,  in  the  mean  time,  was  straining  every 
nerve  for  the  approaching  conflict.  The  successes  of  the  British 
forces  on  the  seaboard  had  excited  the  zealous  rivalry  of  the 
forces  in  Canada.  The  commanders,  newly  arrived,  were  fear- 
ful the  war  might  be  brought  to  a  close  before  they  could  have 
an  opportunity  to  share  in  the  glory.  Hence  the  ardor  with 
which  they  encountered  and  vanquished  obstacles  which  might 
otherwise  have  appeared  insuperable.  Vessels  were  brought 
from  England  in  pieces  and  put  together  at  St.  Johns,  boats  of 
various  kinds  and  sizes  were  transported  over  land,  or  dragged 
up  the  rapids  of  the  Sorel.  The  soldiers  shared  with  the  sea- 
men in  the  toil.  The  Canadian  fanners,  also,  were  taken  from 
their  agricultural  pursuits,  and  compelled  to  aid  in  these,  to 
them,  unprofitable  labors.  Sir  Guy  was  full  of  hope  and  ardor. 
Should  he  get  the  command  of  Lakes  Champlain  and  George, 
the  northern  part  of  New  York  would  be  at  his  mercy ;  before 
winter  set  in  he  might  gain  possession  of  Albany.  He  would 
then  be  able  to  co-operate  with  General  Howe  in  severing  and 


186  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

subduing  the  northern  and  southern  provinces,  and  bringing  the 
war  to  a  speedy  and  triumphant  close. 

In  despite  of  every  exertion,  three  months  elapsed  before  his 
armament  was  completed.  Winter  was  fast  approaching.  Be- 
fore it  arrived,  the  success  of  his  brilliant  plan  required  that  he 
should  fight  his  way  across  Lake  Champlain  ;  carry  the  strong 
posts  of  Crown  Point  and  Ticonderoga  ;  traverse  Lake  George, 
and  pursue  a  long  and  dangerous  march  through  a  wild  and 
rugged  country,  beset  with  forests  and  morasses,  to  Albany. 
That  was  the  first  post  to  the  southward  where  he  expected  to 
find  rest  and  winter  quarters  for  his  troops.1 

By  the  month  of  October,  between  twenty  and  thirty  sail 
were  afloat,  and  ready  for  action.  The  flag-ship  (the  Inflex- 
ible) mounted  eighteen  twelve-pounders ;  the  rest  were  gun- 
boats, a  gondola  and  a  flat-bottomed  vessel  called  aradeau,  and 
named  the  Thunderer ;  carrying  a  battery  of  six  twenty-four 
and  twelve  six  pounders,  besides  howitzers.  The  gun-boats 
mounted  brass  field-pieces  and  howitzers.  Seven  hundred  sea- 
men navigated  the  fleet ;  two  hundred  of  them  were  volunteers 
from  the  transports.  The  guns  were  worked  by  detachments 
from  the  corps  of  artillery.  In  a  word,  according  to  British 
accounts,  "no  equipment  of  the  kind  was  ever  better  appointed 
or  more  amply  furnished  with  every  kind  of  provision  necessary 
for  the  intended  service."  2 

Captain  Pringle  conducted  the  armament,  but  Sir  Guy  Carle- 
ton  was  too  full  of  zeal,  and  too  anxious  for  the  event,  not  to 
head  the  enterprise  ;  he  accordingly  took  his  station  on  the  deck 
of  the  flag-ship.  They  made  sail  early  in  October,  in  quest  of 
the  American  squadron,  which  was  said  to  be  abroad  upon  the 
lake.  Arnold,  however,  being  ignorant  of  the  strength  of  the 
enemy,  and  unwilling  to  encounter  a  superior  force  in  the  open 
lake,  had  taken  his  post  under  cover  of  Valcour  Island,  in  the 
upper  part  of  a  deep  channel,  or  strait  between  that  island  and 
the  mainland.  His  force  consisted  of  three  schooners,  two 
sloops,  three  galleys  and  eight  gondolas ;  carrying  in  all 
seventy  guns,  many  of  them  eighteen-pounders. 

The  British  ships,  sweeping  past  Cumberland  Head  with  a 
fair  wind  and  flowing  sail  on  the  morning  of  the  11th,  had  left 
the  southern  end  of  Valcour  Island  astern,  when  they  dis- 
covered Arnold's  flotilla  anchored  behind  it,  in  a  line  extending 
across  the  strait  so  as  not  tQ  be  outflanked.  They  immediately 
hauled  close  to  the  wind,  and  tried  to  beat  up  into  the  channel. 
The  wind,   however,   did  not  permit  the   largest   of  them    to 

1  Civil  War  iu  America,  vol  i.,  p.  212.  2  idem,  i.,  211. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  187 

enter.  Arnold  took  advantage  of  the  circumstance.  He  was 
on  board  of  the  galley  Congress,  and,  leaving  the  line,  advanced 
with  two  other  galleys  and  the  schooner  Royal  Savage,  to 
attack  the  smaller  vessels  as  they  entered  before  the  large  ones 
could  come  up.  About  twelve  o'clock  the  enemy's  schooner 
Carleton  opened  a  brisk  fire  upon  the  Royal  Savage  and  the 
galleys.  It  was  as  briskly  returned.  Seeing  the  enemy's 
gun-boats  approaching,  the  Americans  endeavored  to  return  to 
the  line.  In  so  doing,  the  Royal  Savage  ran  aground.  Her 
crew  set  her  on  fire  and  abandoned  her.  In  about  an  hour 
the  British  brought  all  their  gun-boats  in  a  range  across  the 
lower  part  of  the  channel,  within  musket  shot  of  the  Amer- 
icans, the  schooner  Carleton  in  the  advance.  They  landed, 
also,  a  large  number  of  Indians  on  the  island,  to  keep  up  a 
galling  fire  from  the  shore  upon  the  Americans  with  their 
rifles.  The  action  now  became  general,  and  was  severe  and 
sanguinary.  The  Americans,  finding  themselves  thus  hemmed 
in  by  a  superior  force,  fought  witli  desperation.  Arnold 
pressed  with  his  galley  into  the  hottest  of  the  fight.  The 
Congress  was  hulled  several  times,  received  seven  shots  be- 
tween wind  and  water,  was  shattered  in  mast  and  rii><ririo; 
and  many  of  the  crew  were  killed  or  wounded.  The  ardor  of 
Arnold  increased  with  his  danger.  He  cheered  on  his  men 
by  voice  and  example,  often  pointing  the  guns  with  his  own 
hands.  He  was  ably  seconded  by  Brigadier-General  Water- 
bury,  in  the  Washington  galley,  which,  like  his  own  vessel, 
was  terribly  cut  up.  The  contest  lasted  throughout  the  day. 
Carried  on  as  it  was  within  a  narrow  compass,  and  on  a 
tranquil  lake,  almost  every  shot  took  effect.  The  fire  of  the 
Indians  from  the  shore  was  less  deadly  than  had  been  ex- 
pected ;  but  their  whoops  and  yells,  mingling  with  the  rattling 
of  the  musketry,  and  the  thundering  of  the  cannon,  increased 
the  horrors  of  the  scene.  Volumes  of  smoke  rose  above  the 
woody  shores,  which  echoed  with  the  unusual  din  of  war,  and 
for  a  time  this  lovely  recess  of  a  beautiful  and  peaceful  lake 
was  rendered  a  perfect  pandemonium. 

The  evening  drew  nigh,  yet  the  contest  was  undecided. 

Captain  Pringle,  after  a  consultation  with  Sir  Guy  Carle- 
ton, called  off  the  smaller  vessels  which  had  been  engaged, 
and  anchored  his  whole  squadron  in  a  line  as  near  as  possible 
to  the  Americans,  so  as  to  prevent  their  escape  ;  trusting  to 
capture  the  whole  of  them  when  the  wind  should  prove  favor- 
able, so  that  he  could  bring  his  large  vessels  into  action. 

Arnold,  however,  sensible  that  with    his    inferior  and  crip 


188  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON'. 

pled  force  all  resistance  would  be  unavailing,  took  advantage 
of  a  dark  cloudy  night,  and  a  strong  north  wind ;  his  vessels 
slipped  silently  through  the  enenry's  line  without  being  dis- 
covered, one  following  a  light  on  the  stern  of  the  other  ;  and  by 
daylight  they  were  out  of  sight.  They  had  to  anchor,  however, 
at  Schuyler's  Island,  about  ten  miles  up  the  lake,  to  stop  leaks 
and  make  repairs.  Two  of  the  gondolas  were  here  sunk, 
being  past  remedy.  About  noon  the  retreat  was  resumed, 
but  the  wind  had  become  adverse ;  and  they  made  little 
progress.  Arnold's  galley,  the  Congress,  the  Washington 
galley  and  four  gondolas,  all  which  had  suffered  severely  in 
the  late  fight,  fell  astern  of  the  rest  of  the  squadron  in  the 
course  of  the  night.  In  the  morning,  when  the  sun  lifted  a 
fog  which  had  covered  the  lake,  they  beheld  the  enemy  within 
a  few  miles  of  them  in  full  chase,  while  their  own  comrades 
were  nearly  out  of  sight,  making  the  best  of  their  way  for 
Crown  Point. 

It  was  now  an  anxious  trial  of  speed  and  seamanship. 
Arnold,  with  the  crippled  relics  of  his  squadron,  managed  by 
noon  to  get  within  a  few  leagues  of  Crown  Point,  when  they 
were  overtaken  by  the  Inflexible,  the  Carle  ton,  and  the  schooner 
Maria  of  14  guns.  As  soon  as  they  came  up,  they  poured  in 
a  tremendous  fire.  The  Washington  galley,  already  shattered, 
and  having  lost  most  of  her  officers,  was  compelled  to  strike, 
and  General  Waterbury  and  the  crew  were  taken  prisoners. 
Arnold  had  now  to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  action.  For  a  long 
time  he  was  engaged  within  musket  shot  with  the  Inflexible, 
and  the  two  schooners,  until  his  galley  was  reduced  to  a  wreck 
and  one-third  of  the  crew  were  killed.  The  gondolas  were 
nearly  in  the  same  desperate  condition  ;  }Tet  the  men  stood 
stoutly  to  their  guns.  Seeing  resistance  vain,  Arnold  deter- 
mined that  neither  vessels  nor  crew  should  fall  into  the  hands 
of  the  enemy.  He  ordered  the  gondolas  to  run  on  shore,  in  a 
small  creek  in  the  neighborhood,  the  men  to  set  fire  to  them  as 
soon  as  they  grounded,  to  wade  on  shore  with  their  muskets, 
and  keep  off  the  enemy  until  they  were  consumed.  He  did  the 
same  with  his  own  galley  ;  remaining  on  board  of  her  until  she 
was  in  flames,  lest  the  enemy  should  get  possession  and  strike 
his  flag,  which  was  kept  flying  to  the  last. 

He  now  set  off  with  his  gallant  crew,  many  of  whom  were 
wounded,  by  a  road  through  the  woods  to  Crown  Point,  where 
he  arrived  at  night,  narrowly  escaping  an  Indian  ambush. 
Two  schooners,  two  galleys,  one  sloop  and  one  gondola,  the 
remnant  which  had  escaped  of  this  squadron,  were  at  anchor 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  189 

at  the  Point,  and  General  Waterbury  and  most  of  his  men  ar- 
rived there  the  next  day  on  parole.  Seeing  that  the  place  must 
soon  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  they  set  fire  to  the  houses, 
destroyed  every  thing  they  could  not  carry  away,  and  embarking 
in  the  vessels  made  sail  for  Ticonderoga. 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  in  these  two  actions  is  said  to  have 
been  between  eighty  and  ninety  men  ;  that  of  the  British  about 
forty.  It  is  worthy  of  mention,  that  among  the  young  officers 
in  Sir  Guy  Carleton's  squadron,  was  Edw,ard  Pellew,  who  after- 
ward rose  to  renown  as  Admiral  Viscount  Exmouth  ;  celebrated, 
among  other  things,  for  his  victory  at  Algiers. 

The  conduct  of  Arnold  in  these  naval  affairs  gained  him  new 
laurels.  He  was  extolled  for  the  judgment  with  which  he  chose 
his  position,  and  brought  his  vessels  into  action  ;  for  his  mas- 
terly retreat,  and  for  the  self-sacrificing  devotion  with  which  he 
exposed  himself  to  the  overwhelming  force  of  the  enemy  in 
covering  the  retreat  of  part  of  his  flotilla. 

Sir  Guy  Carleton  took  possession  of  the  ruined  works  at 
Crown  Point,  where  he  was  soon  joined  by  the  army.  He  made 
several  movements  by  land  and  water,  as  if  meditating  an  at- 
tack upon  Ticonderoga ;  pushing  strong  detachments  on  both 
sides  of  the  lake,  which  approached  within  a  small  distance  of 
the  fort,  while  one  vessel  appeared  within  cannon  shot  of  a 
lower  battery,  sounding  the  depth  of  the  channel,  until  a  few 
shot  obliged  her  to  retire.  General  Gates,  in  the  mean  time, 
strengthened  his  works  with  incessant  assiduity,  and  made  every 
preparation  for  an  obstinate  defence.  A  strong  easterly  wind 
prevented  the  enemy's  ships  from  advancing  to  attack  the  lines, 
and  gave  time  for  the  arrival  of  re-enforcements  of  militia  to  the 
garrison.  It  also  afforded  time  for  Sir  Guy  Carleton  to  cool  in 
ardor,  and  calculate  the  chances  and  the  value  of  success.  The 
post,  from  its  strength,  and  the  apparent  number  and  res- 
olution of  the  garrison,  could  not  be  taken  without  great 
loss  of  life.  If  taken,  the  season  was  now  too  far  advanced  to 
think  of  passing  Lake  George,  and  exposing  the  army  to  the 
perils  of  a  winter  campaign  in  the  inhospitable  and  impracticable 
wilds  to  the  southward.  Ticonderoga,  too,  could  not  be  kept 
during  the  winter,  so  that  the  only  result  of  the  capture  would 
be  the  reduction  of  the  works  and  the  taking  of  some  cannon  ; 
all  which  damage  the  Americans  could  remedy  before  the  open- 
ing of  the  summer  campaign.  If,  however,  the  defence  should 
be  obstinate,  the  British  army,  even  if  successful,  might  sus- 
tain a  loss  sufficient  to  cripple  its  operations  in  the  coming  year.1 

1  Civil  War  in  America,  vol.  i.,p.  214. 


190  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

These,  and  other  prudential  reasons,  induced  Carleton  to  give 
up  all  attempt  upon  the  fortress  at  present;  wherefore,  re-em- 
barking his  troops,  he  returned  to  St.  Johns,  and  cantoned 
them  in  Canada  for  the  winter.  It  was  not  until  about  the  1st 
of  November,  that  a  reconnoitring  party,  sent  out  from  Ticon- 
deroga  by  General  Gates,  brought  him  back  intelligence  that 
Crown  Point  was  abandoned  by  the  enemy,  and  not  a  hostile 
sail  in  sight.  All  apprehensions  of  an  attack  upon  Ticonderoga 
during  the  present  year  were  at  an  end,  and  many  of  the  troops 
stationed  there  were  already  on  their  march  toward  Albany. 

Such  was  the  purport  of  the  news  from  the  north,  received 
by  Washington  at  Peekskill.  It  relieved  him  for  the  present 
from  all  anxiety  respecting  affairs  on  Lake  Champiain,  and  gave 
him  the  prospect  of  re-enforcements  from  that  quarter. 


CHAPTER    XXVIII. 

WASHINGTON     CROSSES     THE    HUDSON ARRIVES    AT    FORT     LEE 

AFFAIRS    AT    FORT    WASHINGTON QUESTION    ABOUT     ITS     ABAN- 
DONMENT  MOVEMENTS    OF     HOWE THE    FORT    SUMMONED    TO 

SURRENDER REFUSAL     OF     COLONEL     MAG  AW THE     FORT     AT- 
TACKED  CAPTURE  OF  THE  FORT  AND  GARRISON COMMENTS  OF 

WASHINGTON    ON    THE    STATE    OF  AFFAIRS. 

On  the  morning  of  the  12th  of  November,  Washington 
crossed  the  Hudson,  to  the  ferry  below  Stony  Point,  with  the 
residue  of  the  troops  destined  for  the  Jerseys.  Far  below 
were  to  be  descried  the  Phoonix,  the  Roebuck,  and  the  Tartar, 
at  anchor  in  the  broad  waters  of  Haverstraw  Bay  and  the  Tappan 
Sea,  guarding  the  lower  ferries.  The  army,  thus  shut  out  from 
the  nearer  passes,  was  slowly  winding  its  way  by  a  circuitous 
route  through  the  gap  in  the  mountains,  which  Lord  Stirling  had 
secured.  Leaving  the  troops  which  had  just  landed,  to  pursue 
the  same  route  to  the  Hackensack,  Washington,  accompanied 
by  Colonel  Reed,  struck  a  direct  course  for  Fort  Lee,  being 
anxious  about  affairs  at  Fort  Washington.  He  arrived  there  on 
the  following  day,  and  found,  to  his  disappointment,  that  Gen- 
eral Greene  had  taken  no  measures  for  the  evacuation  of  that 
fortress  ;  but  on  the  contrary,  had  re-enforced  it  with  a  part  of 
Colonel  Durkee's  regiment,  and  the  regiment  of  Colonel  Raw- 
lings,  so  that  its  garrison  now  numbered  upward  of  two  thou- 
sand men  ;  a  great  part,  however,  were  militia.     Washington's 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  191 

orders  for  its  evacuation  had,  in  fact,  been  discretionary,  leaving; 
the  execution  of  them  to  Greene's  judgment,  "  as  being  on  the 
spot."  The  latter  had  differed  in  opinion  as  to  the  policy  of 
such  a  measure  ;  and  Colonel  Magaw,  who  had  charge  of  the 
fortress,  was  likewise  confident  it  might  be  maintained. 

Colonel  Reed  was  of  opposite  counsels  ;  but  then  he  was  per- 
sonally interested  in  the  safety  of  the  garrison.  It  was  com- 
posed almost  entirely  of  Pennsylvania  troops  under  Magaw  and 
Lambert  Cadwalader ;  excepting  a  small  detachment  of  Mary- 
land riflemen  commanded  by  Otho  II.  Williams.  They  were 
his  friends  and  neighbors,  the  remnant  of  the  brave  men  who 
had  suffered  so  severely  under  Atlee  and  Smallwood.  *  The 
fort  was  now  invested  on  all  sides  but  one  ;  and  the  troops 
under  Howe  which  had  been  encamped  at  Dobbs'  Ferry,  were 
said  to  be  moving  down  toward  it.  Reed's  solicitude  was  not 
shared  by  the  garrison  itself.  Colonel  Magaw,  its  brave  com- 
mander, still  thought  it  was  in  no  immediate  danger. 

Washington  was  much  perplexed.  The  main  object  of  Howe 
was  still  a  matter  of  doubt  with  him.  He  could  not  think  that 
Sir  William  was  moving  his  whole  force  upon  that  fortress,  to 
invest  which,  a  part  would  be  sufficient.  He  suspected  an 
ulterior  object,  probably  a  Southern  expedition,  as  he  was  told 
a  large  number  of  ships  were  taking  in  wood  and  water  at  New 
York.  He  resolved,  therefore,  to  continue  a  few  days  in  this 
neighborhood,  during  which  he  trusted  the  designs  of  the 
enemy  would  be  more  apparent ;  in  the  mean  time  he  would 
distribute  troops  at  Brunswick,  Amboy,  Elizabethtown  and  Fort 
Lee,  so  as  to  be  read}'  at  these  various  points  to  check  any 
incursions  into  the  Jerseys. 

In  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  he  urged  for  an 
increase  of  ordnance  and  field-artillery.  The  rough,  hilly 
country  east  of  the  Hudson,  and  the  strongholds  and  fastnesses 
of  which  the  Americans  had  possessed  themselves,  had  pre- 
vented the  enemy  from  profiting  by  the  superiority  of  their 
artillery  ;  but  this  would  not  be  the  case,  should  the  scene  of 
action  change  to  an  open  champaign  country,  like  the  Jerseys. 

Washington  was  mistaken  in  his  conjecture  as  to  Sir  William 
Howe's  design.  The  capture  of  Fort  Washington  was,  at 
present,  his  main  object ;  and  he  was  encamped  on  Fordham 
Heights,  not  far  from  King's  Bridge,  until  preliminary  steps 
should  be  taken.  In  the  night  of  the  14th,  thirty  flat-bottomed 
boats  stole  quietly  up  the  Hudson,  passed  the  American  forts 

*  W.  B.  Reed's  Life  of  Reed,  i.,  252. 


192  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

undiscovered,  and  made  their  way  through  Spyt  den  Duivel 
Creek  into  Harlem  River.  The  means  were  thus  provided  for 
crossing  that  river  and  landing  before  unprotected  parts  of  the 
American  works. 

On  the  15th,  General  Howe  sent  in  a  summons  to  surrender, 
with  a  threat  of  extremities  should  he  have  to  carry  the  place  by 
assault.  Magaw,  in  his  reply,  intimated  a  doubt  that  General 
Howe  would  execute  a  threat  "  so  unworthy  of  himself  and  the 
British  nation;  but  give  me  leave,"  added  he,  "to  assure  his 
Excellency,  that,  actuated  by  the  most  glorious  cause  that  man- 
kind ever  fought  in,  I  am  determined  to  defend  this  post  to  the 
very  last  extremity." 

Apprised  by  the  Colonel  of  his  peril,  General  Greene  sent 
over  re-enforcements,  with  an  exhortation  to  him  to  persist  in 
his  defence  ;  and  despatched  an  express  to  Washington,  who 
was  at  Hackensack,  where  the  troops  which  had  crossed  from 
Peekskill  were  encamped.  It  was  nightfall  when  Washington 
arrived  at  Fort  Lee.  Greene  and  Putnam  were  over  at  the 
besieged  fortress.  He  threw  himself  into  a  boat,  and  had  partly 
ci-ossed  the  river,  when  he  met  those  generals  returning.  They 
informed  him  of  the  garrison's  having  been  re-enforced,  and 
assured  him  that  it  was  in  high  spirits,  and  capable  of  making 
a  good  defence.  It  was  with  difficulty,  however,  they  could 
prevail  on  him  to  return  with  them  to  the  Jersey  shore,  for  he 
was  excessively  excited. 

Early  the  next  morning  (16th),  Magaw  made  his  disposition 
for  the  expected  attack.  His  forces,  with  the  recent  addition 
amounted  to  nearly  three  thousand  men.  As  the  fort  could 
not  contain  above  a  third  of  that  number,  most  of  them  were 
stationed  about  the  outworks. 

Colonel  Lambert  Calwalader,  with  eight  hundred  Pennsylva- 
nians,  was  posted  in  the  outer  lines,  about  two  miles  and  a  half 
south  of  the  fort,  the  side  menaced  by  Lord  Percy  with  sixteen 
hundred  men.  Colonel  Rawlings,  of  Maryland,  with  a  body  of 
troops,  many  of  them  riflemen,  was  stationed  b}7  a  three-gun 
battery,  on  a  rocky,  precipitous  hill,  north  of  the  fort,  and  be- 
tween it  and  Spyt  den  Duivel  Creek.  Colonel  Baxter,  of  Bucks 
County,  Pennsylvania,  with  his  regiment  of  militia,  was  posted 
east  of  the  fort,  on  rough,  woody  heights,  bordering  the  Harlem 
River,  to  watch  the  motions  of  the  enemy,  who  had  thrown  up 
redoubts  on  high  and  commanding  ground,  on  the  opposite  side 
of  the  river,  apparently  to  cover  the  crossing  and  landing  of 
troops . 

Sir  William  Howe  had  planned  four  simultaneous  attacks ;  one 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  193 

on  the  north  by  Knyphausen,  who  was  encamped  on  the  York 
side  of  King's  Bridge,  within  cannon  shot  of  Fort  Washington, 
but  separated  from  it  by  high  and  rough  hills,  covered  with 
almost  impenetrable  woods.  He  was  to  advance  in  two  col- 
umns, formed  by  detachments  made  from  the  Hessians  of  his 
corps,  the  brigade  of  Rahl,  and  the  regiment  of  Waldeckers. 
The  second  attack  was  to  be  by  two  battalions  of  light  infantry, 
and  two  battalions  of  guards,  under  Brigadier-General  Mathew, 
who  was  to  cross  Harlem  River  in  flat-boats,  under  cover  of  the 
redoubts  above  mentioned,  and  to  land  on  the  right  of  the  fort. 
This  attack  was  to  be  supported  by  the  first  and  second  grena- 
diers, and  a  regiment  of  light  infantry  under  command  of 
Lord  Cornwallis.  The  third  attack,  intended  as  a  feint  to  dis- 
tract the  attention  of  the  Americans,  was  to  be  by  Colonel 
Sterling,  with  the  fort3'-second  regiment,  who  was  to  drop  down 
the  Harlem  River  in  bateaux,  to  the  left  of  the  American  lines, 
facing  New  York.  The  fourth  attack  was  to  be  on  the  south, 
by  Lord  Percy,  with  the  English  and  Hessian  troops  under 
his  command,  on  the  right  flank  of  the  American  intrench- 
ments.1 

About  noon,  a  heavy  cannonade  thundering  along  the  rocky 
hills,  and  sharp  volleys  of  musketry,  proclaimed  that  the  action 
was  commenced.  Knyphausen's  division  was  pushing  on  from 
the  north  in  two  columns,  as  had  been  arranged.  The  right 
was  led  by  Colonel  Rahl,  the  left  by  himself.  Rahl  essayed  to 
mount  a  steep,  broken  height  called  Cock  Hill,  which  rises  from 
Spyt  den  Duivel  Creek,  and  was  covered  with  woods.  Kny- 
phausen  undertook  a  hill  rising  from  the  King's  Bridge  road,  but 
soon  found  himself  entangled  in  a  woody  defile,  difficult  to  pen- 
etrate, and  where  his  Hessians  were  exposed  to  the  fire  of  the 
three-gun  battery,  and  Rawlings'  riflemen. 

While  this  was  going  on  at  the  north  of  the  fort,  General 
Mathew,  with  his  light  infantry  and  guards,  crossed  the  Harlem 
River  in  the  flat-boats,  under  cover  of  a  heavy  fire  from  the 
redoubts. 

He  made  good  his  landing,  after  being  severely  handled  by 
Baxter  and  his  men,  from  behind  rocks  and  trees,  and  the 
breastworks  thrown  upon  the  steep  river  bank.  A  short  con- 
test ensued.  Baxter,  while  bravely  encouraging  his  men,  was 
killed  Iry  a  British  officer.  His  troops,  overpowered  by  numbers, 
retreated  to  the  fort.  General  Mathew  now  pushed  on  with  his 
guards  and  light  infantry  to  cut  off  Cadwalader.     That  officer 

1  Sir  William  Howe  to  Lord  George  Germaine. 


194  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

had  gallantly  defended  the  lines  against  the  attack  of  Lord 
Percy,  until  informed  that  Colonel  Sterling  was  dropping  down 
Harlem  River  in  bateaux  to  flank  the  lines,  and  take  him  in  the 
rear.  He  sent  off  a  detachment  to  oppose  his  landing.  They 
did  it  manfully.  About  ninety  of  Sterling's  men  were  killed  or 
wounded  in  their  boats,  but  he  persevered,  landed,  and  forced 
his  way  up  a  steep  height,  which  was  well  defended,  gained  the 
summit,  forced  a  redoubt,  and  took  nearly  two  hundred  prison- 
ers. Thus  doubly  assailed,  Cadwalader  was  obliged  to  retreat 
to  the  fort.  He  was  closely  pursued  by  Percy  with  his  English 
troops  and  Hessians,  but  turned  repeatedly  on  his  pursuers. 
Thus  he  fought  his  way  to  the  fort,  with  the  loss  of  several 
killed  and  more  taken  prisoners ;  but  marking  his  track  by  the 
number  of  Hessians  slain. 

The  defence  on  the  north  side  of  the  fort  was  equally  obsti- 
nate and  unsuccessful.  Rawlings,  with  his  Maryland  riflemen 
and  the  aid  of  the  three-gun  battery,  had  for  some  time  kept 
the  left  column  of  Hessians  and  Waldeckers  under  Knyphausen 
at  bay.  At  length  Colonel  Rahl,  with  the  right  column  of  the 
division,  having  forced  his  way  directly  up  the  north  side  of 
the  steep  hill  at  Spyt  den  Duivel  Creek,  came  upon  Rawlings' 
men,  whose  rifles  from  frequent  discharges,  had  become  foul  and 
almost  useless,  drove  them  from  their  strong  post,  and  followed 
them  until  within  a  hundred  yards  of  the  fort,  where  he  was 
joined  by  Knyphausen,  who  had  slowly  made  his  way  through 
dense  forest  and  over  felled  trees.  Here  they  took  post  behind 
a  large  stone  house,  and  sent  in  a  flag,  with  a  second  summons 
to  surrender. 

Washington,  surrounded  by  several  of  his  officers,  had  been 
an  anxious  spectator  of  the  battle  from  the  opposite  side  of 
the  Hudson.  Much  of  it  was  hidden  from  him  by  intervening 
hills  and  forest ;  but  the  roar  of  cannonry  from  the  valley  of 
Harlem  River,  the  sharp  and  incessant  reports  of  rifles,  and  the 
smoke  rising  above  the  tree  tops,  told  him  of  the  spirit  with 
which  the  assault  was  received  at  various  points,  and  gave  him 
for  a  time  a  hope  that  the  defence  might  be  successful.  The 
action  about  the  lines  to  the  south  lay  open  to  him,  and  could 
be  distinctly  seen  through  a  telescope  ;  and  nothing  encouraged 
him  more  than  the  gallant  style  in  which  Cadwalader  with  an 
inferior  force  maintained  his  position.  When  he  saw  him, 
however,  assailed  in  flank,  the  line  broken,  and  his  troops,  over- 
powered by  numbers,  retreating  to  the  fort,  he  gave  up  the 
game  as  lost.  The  worst  sight  of  all,  was  to  behold  his  men 
cut  down  and  bayoneted  by  the  Hessians  while  begging  quarter. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  195 

It  is  said  so  completely  to  have  overcome  him,  that  he  wept 
"  with  the  tenderness  of  a  child." 

Seeing  the  flag  go  into  the  fort  from  Knyphansen's  division, 
and  surmising  it  to  be  a  summons  to  surrender,  he  wrote  a  note 
to  Magaw,  telling  him  that  if  he  could  hold  out  until  evening, 
and  the  place  could  not  be  maintained,  he  would  endeavor  to 
bring  off  the  garrison  in  the  night.  Captain  Gooch,  of  Boston, 
a  brave  and  daring  man,  offered  to  be  the  bearer  of  the  note. 
"  He  ran  down  to  the  river,  jumped  into  a  small  boat,  pushed 
over  the  river,  landed  under  the  bank,  ran  up  to  the  fort  and 
delivered  the  message,  —  came  out,  ran  and  jumped  over  the 
broken  ground,  dodging  the  Hessians,  some  of  whom  struck  at 
him  with  their  pieces  and  others  attempted  to  thrust  him  with 
their  bayonets  ;  escaping  through  them,  he  got  to  his  boat  and 
returned  to  Fort  Lee."  l 

Washington's  message  arrived  too  late.  "  The  fort  was  so 
crowded  by  the  garrison,  and  the  troops  which  had  retreated 
into  it,  that  it  was  difficult  to  move  about.  The  enemy,  too, 
were  in  possession  of  the  little  redoubts  around,  and  could  have 
poured  in  showers  of  shells  and  ricochet  balls  that  would  have 
made  dreadful  slaughter."  It  was  no  longer  possible  for 
Magaw  to  get  his  troops  to  man  the  lines ;  he  was  compelled, 
therefore,  to  }rield  himself  and  his  garrison  prisoners  of  war. 
The  only  terms  granted  them  were,  that  the  men  should  retain 
their  baggage  and  the  officers  their  swords. 

The  sight  of  the  American  flag  hauled  down,  and  the  British 
flag  waving  in  its  place,  told  Washington  of  the  surrender. 
His  instant  care  was  for  the  safety  of  the  upper  country,  now 
that  the  lower  defences  of  the  Hudson  were  at  an  end.  Before 
he  knew  any  thing  about  the  terms  of  capitulation,  he  wrote  to 
General  Lee,  informing  him  of  the  surrender,  and  calling  his 
attention  to  the  passes  of  the  Highlands  and  those  which  lay 
east  of  the  river ;  begging  him  to  have  such  measures  adopted 
for  their  defence  as  his  judgment  should  suggest  to  be  necessary. 
"I  do  not  mean,"  added  he,  "to  advise  abandoning  your 
present  post,  contrary  to  your  own  opinion  ;  but  only  to  mention 
my  own  ideas  of  the  importance  of  those  passes,  and  that  you 
cannot  give  too  much  attention  to  their  security,  by  having 
works  erected  on  the  most  advantageous  places  for  that  pur- 
pose." 

Lee,  in  reply,  objected  to  removing  from  his  actual  encamp- 
ment at  Northcastle.     "It  would  give  us,"  said  he,  "  the  air 

*  Heath's  Memoirs,  p.  86. 


196  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

of  being  frightened ;  it  would  expose  a  fine,  fertile  country  to 
their  ravages  ;  and  I  must  add,  that  we  are  as  secure  as  we 
could  be  in  any  position  whatever."  After  stating  that  he 
should  deposit  his  stores,  etc.,  in  a  place  fully  as  safe,  and  more 
central  than  Peekskill,  he  adds:  "As  to  ourselves,  light  as  we 
are,  several  retreats  present  themselves.  In  short,  if  we  keep 
a  good  look-out,  we  are  in  no  danger  ;  but  I  must  entreat  your 
Excellency  to  enjoin  the  officers  posted  at  Fort  Lee,  to  give 
us  the  quickest  intelligence,  if  they  observe  any  embarkation  on 
the  North  River."  As  to  the  affair  of  Fort  Washington,  all 
that  Lee  observed  on  the  subject  was:  "Oh,  general,  why 
would  you  be  over-persuaded  by  men  of  inferior  judgment  to 
your  own?     It  was  a  cursed  affair." 

Lee's  allusion  to  men  of  inferior  judgment  was  principally 
aimed  at  Greene,  whose  influence  with  the  commander-in-chief 
seems  to  have  excited  the  jealousy  of  other  officers  of  rank. 
So  Colonel  Tilghman,  Washington's  aide-de-camp,  writes  on 
the  17th,  to  Robert  R.  Livingston  of  New  York,  "  We  were  in 
a  fair  way  of  finishing  the  campaign  with  credit  to  ourselves, 
and,  I  think,  to  the  disgrace  of  Mr.  Howe  ;  and  had  the  general 
followed  his  own  opinion,  the  garrison  would  have  been  with- 
drawn immediately  upon  the  enemy's  falling  down  from  Dobbs' 
Ferry.  But  General  Greene  was  positive  that  our  forces  might 
at  any  time  be  drawn  off  under  the  guns  of  Fort  Lee.  Fatal 
experience  has  evinced  the  contrary."  l 

Washington's  own  comments  on  the  reduction  of  the  fort, 
made  in  a  letter  to  his  brother  Augustine,  are  worthy  of  special 
note.  "This  is  a  most  unfortunate  affair,  and  has  given  me 
great  mortification  ;  as  we  have  lost,  not  only  two  thousand 
men,'2  that  were  there,  but  a  good  deal  of  artillery,  and  some 
of  the  best  arms  we  had.  And  what  adds  to  my  mortification 
is,  that  this  post,  after  the  last  ships  went  past  it,  was  held 
contrary  to  my  wishes  and  opinion,  as  I  conceived  it  to  be  a 
hazardous  one  :  but  it  having  been  determined  on  by  a  full  coun- 
cil of  general  officers,  and  a  resolution  of  Congress  having  been 
received,  strongly  expressive  of  their  desire  that  the  channel 
of  the  river  which  we  had  been  laboring  to  stop  for  a  long  time 
at  that  place,  might  be  obstructed,  if  possible ;  and  knowing 
that  this  could  not  be  done,  unless  there  were  batteries  to  pro- 
tect the  obstructions,  I  did  not  care  to  give  an  absolute  order 
for  withdrawing  the  garrison,  till  I  could  get  round  and  see  the 

1  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iii.,  780. 

2  The  number  of  prisoners,  as  returned  by  Sir  William  Howe,  was  2,818.  of  whom 
2,607  were  privates.    They  were  marched  off  to  New  York  at  midnight. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  197 

situation  of  things  ;  and  then  it  became  too  late,  as  the  place 
was  invested.  Upon  the  passing  of  the  last  ships,  I  had  given 
it  as  my  opinion  to  General  Greene,  under  whose  care  it  was, 
that  it  would  be  best  to  evacuate  the  place ;  but,  as  the  order 
was  discretionary,  and  his  opinion  differed  from  mine,  it  was 
unhappily  delayed  too  long,  to  my  great  grief." 

The  correspondence  of  Washington  with  his  brother  is  full  of 
gloomy  anticipations.  u  In  ten  days  from  this  date,  there  will 
not  be  above  two  thousand  men,  if  that  number,  of  the  fixed 
established  regiments  on  this  side  of  Hudson  River,  to  oppose 
Howe's  whole  army,  and  very  little  more  on  the  other,  to  se- 
cure the  eastern  colonies,  and  the  important  passes  leading 
through  the  Highlands  to  Albany,  and  the  country  about  the 
lakes.  In  short  it  is  impossible  for  me,  in  the  compass  of  a 
letter,  to  give  you  any  idea  of  our  situation,  of  my  difficulties, 
and  of  the  constant  perplexities  I  meet  with,  derived  from  the 
unhappy  policy  of  short  enlistments,  and  delaying  them  too 
long.  Last  fall,  or  winter,  before  the  army,  which  was  then 
to  be  raised,  was  set  about,  I  represented  in  clear  and  explicit 
terms  the  evils  which  would  arise  from  short  enlistments,  the 
expense  which  must  attend  the  raising  an  army  every  year,  and 
the  futility  of  such  an  army  when  raised  ;  and  if  I  had  spoken 
with  a  prophetic  spirit,  I  could  not  have  foretold  the  evils  with 
more  accuracy  than  I  did.  All  the  year  since,  I  have  been 
pressing  Congress  to  delay  no  time  in  engaging  men  upon  such 
terms  as  would  insure  success,  telling  them  that  the  longer  it 
was  delayed,  the  more  difficult  it  would  prove.  But  the  meas- 
ure was  not  commenced  until  it  was  too  late  to  be  effected. 
...  I  am  wearied  almost  to  death  with  the  retrograde  motion 
of  things  ;  and  I  solemnly  protest,  that  a  pecuniary  reward  of 
twenty  thousand  pounds  a  year  would  not  induce  me  to  undergo 
what  I  do,  and,  after  all,  perhaps  to  lose  my  character;  as  it  is 
impossible,  under  such  a  variety  of  distressing  circumstances, 
to  conduct  matters  agreeably  to  public  expectation/ ' 


198  •     LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XXIX. 

THE    ENEMY    CROSS    THE    HUDSON RETREAT     OF     THE     GARRISON 

FROM    FORT    LEE THE    CROSSING    OF    THE    HACKENSACK LEE 

ORDERED    TO    MOVE    TO    THE    WEST    SIDE  OF  THE  RIVER REED's 

LETTER    TO    HIM SECOND     MOVE     OF    THE    ARMY    BEYOND    THE 

PASSAIC ASSISTANCE  SOUGHT  FROM  VARIOUS  QUARTERS COR- 
RESPONDENCE   AND    SCHEMES    OF    LEE — HEATH    STANCH    TO    HIS 

INSTRUCTIONS ANXIETY  OF    GEORGE    CLINTON    FOR   THE    SAFETY 

OF  THE  HUDSON CRITICAL  SITUATION  OF  THE  ARMY DIS- 
PARAGING CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  LEE  AND  REED WASH- 
INGTON RETREATS  ACROSS  THE  RARITAN ARRIVES  AT  TREN- 
TON  REMOVES   HIS   BAGGAGE  ACROSS  THE  DELAWARE DISMAY 

AND  DESPONDENCY  OF    THE    COUNTRY PROCLAMATION    OF    LORD 

HOWE EXULTATION    OF  THE    ENEMY WASHINGTON'S    RESOLVE 

IN    CASE    OF    EXTREMITY. 

With  the  capture  of  Fort  Washington,  the  project  of  ob- 
structing the  navigation  of  the  Hudson,  at  that  point,  was  at 
an  end.  Fort  Lee,  consequently,  became  useless,  and  Wash- 
ington ordered  all  the  ammunition  and  stores  to  be  removed, 
preparatory  to  its  abandonment.  This  was  effected  with  the 
whole  of  the  ammunition,  and  a  part  of  the  stores,  and  every 
exertion  was  making  to  hurry  off  the  remainder,  when,  early  in 
the  morning  of  the  20th,  intelligence  was  brought  that  the  enemy, 
with  two  hundred  boats,  had  crossed  the  river  and  landed  a 
few  miles  above.  General  Greene  immediately  ordered  the 
garrison  under  arms,  sent  out  troops  to  hold  the  enemy  in 
check,  and  sent  off  an  express  to  Washington  at  Hacken- 
sack. 

The  enemy  had  crossed  the  Hudson,  on  a  very  rainy  night, 
in  two  divisions,  one  diagonally  upward  from  King's  Bridge, 
landing  on  the  west  side,  about  eight  o'clock ;  the  other 
marched  up  the  east  bank,  three  or  four  miles,  and  then  crossed 
to  the  opposite  shore.  The  whole  corps,  six  thousand  strong, 
and  under  the  command  of  Lord  Cornwallis,  were  landed,  with 
their  cannon,  by  ten  o'clock,  at  a  place  called  Closter  Dock, 
five  or  six  miles  above  Fort  Lee,  and  under  that  line  of  lofty 
and  perpendicular  cliffs  known  as  the  Palisades.  "The  sea- 
men," says  Sir  William  Howe,  "distinguished  themselves 
remarkably  on  this  occasion,  by  their  readiness  to  drag  the 
cannon  up  a  very  narrow  road,  for  nearly  half  a  mile  to  the 


LIFE   OF    WASHING  ION.  199 

top  of  a  precipice,  which  bounds  the  shore  for  some  miles  on 
the  west  side.  "  x 

Washington  arrived  at  the  fort  in  three-quarters  of  an  hour. 
Being  told  that  the  enemy  were  extending  themselves  across  the 
country,  he  at  once  saw  that  they  intended  to  form  a  line  from 
the  Hudson  to  the  Hackensack,  and  hem  the  whole  garrison  in 
between  the  two  rivers.  Nothing  would  save  it  but  a  prompt  re- 
treat to  secure  the  bridge  over  the  Hackensack.  No  time  was 
Vo  be  lost.  The  troops  sent  out  to  check  the  enemy  were  re- 
called. The  retreat  commenced  in  all  haste.  There  was  a 
want  of  horses  and  wagons  ;  a  great  quantity  of  baggage,  stores 
and  provisions,  therefore,  was  abandoned.  So  was  all  the 
artillery  excepting  two  twelve-pounders.  Even  the  tents  were 
left  standing,  and  camp-kettles  on  the  fire.  With  all  their  speed 
they  did  not  reach  the  Hackensack  River  before  the  vanguard 
of  the  enemy  was  close  upon  them.  Expecting  a  brush,  the 
greater  part  hurried  over  the  bridge,  others  crossed  at  the  ferry, 
and  some  higher  up.  The  enemy,  however,  did  not  dispute  the 
passage  of  the  river ;  but  Cornwallis  stated  in  his  despatches, 
that,  had  not  the  Americans  been  apprised  of  his  approach,  he 
would  have  surrounded  them  at  the  fort.  Some  of  his  troops 
that  night  occupied  the  tents  they  had  abandoned. 

From  Hackensack,  Colonel  Grayson,  one  of  Washington's 
aides-de-camp,  wrote  instantly,  by  his  orders,  to  General  Lee ; 
informing  him  that  the  enemy  had  crossed  into  the  Jerseys,  and, 
as  was  reported,  in  great  numbers.  "  His  Excellency,"  adds 
Grayson,  u  thinks  it  would  be  advisable  in  you  to  remove  the 
troops  under  your  command  on  this  side  of  the  North  River,  and 
there  wait  for  further  commands." 

Washington  himself  wrote  to  Lee  on  the  following  day  (No- 
vember 21).  "  I  am  of  opinion,"  said  he,  "  and  the  gentlemen 
about  me  concur  in  it,  that  the  public  interest  requires  your 
coming  over  to  this  side  of  the  Hudson  with  the  Continental 
troops.  .  .  .  The  enemy  is  evidently  changing  the  seat  of  war  to 
this  side  of  the  North  River,  and  the  inhabitants  of  this  country 
will  expect  the  Continental  army  to  give  them  what  support  they 
can ;  and  failing  in  that,  they  will  cease  to  depend  upon,  or 
support  a  force  from  which  no  protection  is  to  be  derived.  It 
is,  therefore,  of  the  utmost  importance,  that  at  least  an  appear- 
ance of  force  should  be  made,  to  keep  this  province  in  connection 
with  the  others." 

1  Some  writers  have  stated  that  Cornwallis  crossed  on  the  18th.  They  have  been  misled 
by  a  letter  of  Sir  William  Howe,  which  gives  that  date.  Lord  Howe,  in  a  letter  to  the  Sec- 
retary of  the  Admiralty,  gives  the  date  we  have  stated  (the  20th),  which  is  the  true  one. 


200  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

In  this  moment  of  hurry  and  agitation,  Colonel  Reed,  also, 
Washington's  Jidus  Achates,  wrote  to  Lee,  but  in  a  tone  and 
spirit  that  may  surprise  the  reader,  knowing  the  devotion  he  had 
hitherto  manifested  for  the  commander-in-chief.  After  ex- 
pressing the  common  wish  that  Lee  should  be  at  the  principal 
scene  of  action,  he  adds  :  "  I  do  not  mean  to  natter  or  praise 
you,  at  the  expense  of  any  other ;  but  I  do  think  it  is  entirely 
owing  to  you,  that  this  army,  and  the  liberties  of  America,  so 
far  as  they  are  dependent  on  it,  are  not  entirely  cut  off.  You 
have  decision,  a  quality  often  wanting  in  minds  otherwise  valu- 
able, and  I  ascribe  to  this  our  escape  from  York  Island,  King's 
Bridge,  and  the  Plains  ;  and  I  have  no  doubt,  had  you  been  here, 
the  garrison  of  Mount  Washington  would  now  have  composed  a 
part  of  this  army  ;  and  from  all  these  circumstances,  I  confess, 
I  do  ardently  wish  to  see  you  removed  from  a  place  where  there 
will  be  so  little  call  for  your  judgment  and  experience,  to  the 
place  where  they  are  likely  to  be  so  necessary.  Nor  am  I  singu- 
lar in  my  opinion ;  every  gentleman  of  the  family,  the  officers 
and  soldiers  generally,  have  a  confidence  in  you.  The  enemy 
constantly  inquire  where  you  are,  and  seem  to  be  less  confident 
when  you  are  present." 

Then  alluding  to  the  late  affair  at  Fort  Washington,  he  con- 
tinues :  "  General  Washington's  own  judgment,  seconded  by 
representations  from  us,  would,  I  believe,  have  saved  the  men, 
and  their  arms  ;  but,  unluckily,  General  Greene's  judgment  was 
contrary.  This  kept  the  general's  mind  in  a  state  of  suspense, 
till  the  stroke  was  struck.  Oh,  general !  An  indecisive  mind 
is  one  of  the  greatest  misfortunes  that  can  befall  an  army; 
how  often  have  I  lamented  it  this  campaign.  All  circumstances 
considered,  we  are  in  a  very  awful  and  alarming  situation  ;  one 
that  requires  the  utmost  wisdom,  and  firmness  of  mind.  As 
soon  as  the  season  will  admit,  I  think  yourself  and  some  others 
should  go  to  Congress,  and  form  the  plan  of  the  new  army. 
...  I  must  conclude,  with  my  clear  and  explicit  opinion, 
that  your  presence  is  of  the  last  importance."1 

Well  might  Washington  apprehend  that  his  character  and 
conduct,  in  the  perplexities  in  which  he  was  placed,  would  be 
liable  to  be  misunderstood  by  the  public,  when  the  friend  of  his 
bosom  could  so  misjudge  him. 

Reed  had  evidently  been  dazzled  by  the  daring  spirit  and 
unscrupulous  policy  of  Lee,  who,  in  carrying  out  his  measures, 
heeded  but  little  the  counsels  of  others,  or  even  the  orders  of 

1  Memoirs  of  Reed,  i.,  255. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  201 

government ;  Washington's  respect  for  both,  and  the  caution 
with  which  he  hesitated  in  adopting  measures  in  opposition  to 
them,  was  stamped  by  the  bold  soldier  and  his  admirers  as 
indecision. 

At  Ilackeusack  the  army  did  not  exceed  three  thousand  men, 
and  they  were  dispirited  by  ill  success,  and  the  loss  of  tents  and 
baggage.  They  were  without  intrenching  tools,  in  a  flat  country, 
where  there  were  no  natural  fastnesses.  Washington  resolved, 
therefore,  to  avoid  any  attack  from  the  enemy,  though,  by  so 
doing,  he  must  leave  a  fine  and  fertile  region  open  to  their 
ravages  ;  or  a  plentiful  storehouse,  from  which  they  would  draw 
voluntary  supplies.  A  second  move  was  necessary,  again  to 
avoid  the  danger  of  being  enclosed  between  two  rivers.  Leav- 
ing three  regiments,  therefore,  to  guard  the  passes  of  the  Hack- 
ensack,  and  serve  as  covering  parties,  he  again  decamped,  and 
threw  himself  on  the  west  bank  of  the  Passaic,  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Newark. 

His  army,  small  as  it  was,  would  soon  be  less.  The  term  of 
enlistment  of  those  under  General  Mercer,  from  the  flying 
camp,  was  nearly  expired  ;  and  it  was  not  probable  that,  dis- 
heartened as  they  were  by  defeats  and  losses,  exposed  to 
inclement  weather,  and  unaccustomed  to  military  hardships, 
they  would  longer  forego  the  comforts  of  their  homes,  to  drag 
out  the  residue  of  a  ruinous  campaign. 

In  addition,  too,  to  the  superiority  of  the  force  that  was  fol- 
lowing him,  the  rivers  gave  the  enemy  facilities,  by  means  of 
their  shipping,  to  throw  troops  in  his  rear.  In  this  extremity 
he  cast  about  in  every  direction  for  assistance.  Colonel  Reed, 
on  whom  he  relied  as  on  a  second  self,  was  despatched  to  Bur- 
lington, with  a  letter  to  Governor  William  Livingston,  describing 
his  hazardous  situation,  and  entreating  him  to  call  out  a  portion 
of  the  New  Jersey  militia ;  and  General  Mifflin  was  sent  to 
Philadelphia  to  implore  immediate  aid  from  Congress,  and  the 
local  authorities. 

His  main  reliance  for  prompt  assistance,  however,  was  upon 
Lee.  On  the  24th  came  a  letter  from  that  general,  addressed 
to  Colonel  Reed.  Washington  opened  it,  as  he  was  accustomed 
to  do,  in  the  absence  of  that  officer,  with  letters  addressed  to 
him  on  the  business  of  the  army.  Lee  was  at  his  old  encamp- 
ment at  Northcastle.  He  had  no  means,  he  said,  of  crossing 
at  Dobbs'  Ferry,  and  the  round  by  King's  Ferry  would  be  so 
great,  that  he  could  not  get  there  in  time  to  answer  any  pur- 
pose. "  I  have  therefore,"  added  he,  "  ordered  General  Heath, 
who  is  close  to  the  only  ferry  which  can  be  passed,  to  detach 


202  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

two  thousand  men  to  apprise  his  Excellency,  and  await  his  fur- 
ther orders  ;  a  mode  which  I  flatter  myself  will  answer  better 
what  I  conceive  to  be  the  spirit  of  the  orders,  than  should  I 
move  the  corps  from  hence.  Withdrawing  our  troops  from 
hence  would  be  attended  with  some  very  serious  consequences, 
which  at  present  would  be  tedious  to  enumerate ;  as  tonryself," 
adds  he,  "  I  hope  to  set  out  to-morrow." 

A  letter  of  the  same  date  (November  23),  from  Lee  to  James 
Bowdoin,  president  of  the  Massachusetts  council,  may  throw 
some  light  on  his  motives  for  delaying  to  obey  the  orders  of  the 
commander-in-chief.  u  Before  the  unfortunate  affair  of  Fort 
Washington,"  writes  he,  "  it  was  my  opinion  that  the  two 
armies  —  that  on  the  east,  and  that  on  the  west  side  of  the 
North  River  —  must  rest  each  on  its  own  bottom  ;  that  the  idea 
of  detaching  and  re-enforcing  from  one  side  to  the  other,  on 
every  motion  of  the  enemy,  was  chimerical ;  but  to  harbor  such 
a  thought  in  our  present  circumstances  is  absolute  insanity.  In 
this  invasion,  should  the  enemy  alter  the  present  direction  of 
their  operations,  and  attempt  to  open  the  passage  of  the  High- 
lands, or  enter  New  England,  I  should  never  entertain  the 
thought  of  being  succored  by  the  western  army.  I  know  it 
is  impossible.  We  must,  therefore,  depend  upon  ourselves. 
To  Connecticut  and  Massachusetts  I  shall  look  for  assistance. 
...  I  hope  the  cursed  job  of  Fort  Washington  will  occasion 
no  dejection  :  the  place  itself  was  of  no  value.  For  my  own 
part,  I  am  persuaded  that  if  we  only  act  with  common  sense, 
spirit,  and  decision,  the  day  must  be  our  own." 

In  another  letter  to  Bowdoin,  dated  on  the  following  day, 
and  enclosing  an  extract  from  Washington's  letter  of  November 
21,  he  writes:  "  Indecision  bids  fair  for  tumbling  down  the 
goodly  fabric  of  American  freedom,  and,  with  it,  the  rights  of 
mankind.  'Twas  indecision  of  Congress  prevented  our  having  a 
noble  army,  and  on  an  excellent  footing.  'Twas  indecision  in 
our  military  councils  which  cost  us  the  garrison  of  Fort  Wash- 
ington, the  consequence  of  which  must  be  fatal,  unless  reme- 
died in  time  by  a  contrary  spirit.  Enclosed  I  send  you  an 
extract  of  a  letter  from  the  general,  on  which  you  will  make 
your  comments  ;  and  I  have  no  doubt  you  will  concur  with  me 
in  the  necessity  of  raising  immediately  an  army  to  save  us  from 
perdition.  Affairs  appear  in  so  important  a  crisis,  that  i  think 
the  resolves  of  the  Congress  must  no  longer  too  nicely  weigh 
with  us.  We  must  save  the  community,  in  spite  of  the  ordi- 
nances of  the  legislature.  There  are  times  when  we  must  com- 
mit treason  against  the  laws  of  the  State,  for  the  salvation  of 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  203 

the  State.  The  present  crisis  demands  this  brave,  virtuous  kind 
of  treason."  He  urges  President  Bowdoin,  therefore,  to  waive 
all  formalities,  and  not  only  complete  the  regiments  prescribed 
to  the  province,  but  to  add  four  companies  to  each  regiment. 
"  We  must  not  only  have  a  force  sufficient  to  cover  your 
province,  and  all  these  fertile  districts,  from  the  insults  and 
irruptions  of  the  tyrant's  troops,  but  sufficient  to  drive  'em  out 
of  all  their  quarters  in  the  Jerseys,  or  all  is  lost.  ...  In  the 
mean  time,  send  up  a  formidable  body  of  militia,  to  supply  the 
place  of  the  Continental  troops,  which  I  am  ordered  to  convey 
over  the  river.  Let  your  people  be  well  supplied  with  blankets, 
and  warm  clothes,  as  I  am  determined,  by  the  help  of  God,  to 
unnest  'em,  even  in  the  dead  of  winter."  * 

It  is  evident  Lee  considered  Washington's  star  to  be  on  the 
decline,  and  his  own  in  the  ascendant.  The  w' affair  of  Fort 
Washington,"  and  the  "  indecision  of  the  commander-in-chief," 
were  apparently  his  watchwords. 

On  the  following  day  (24th),  he  writes  to  Washington  from 
Northcastle,  on  the  subject  of  removing  troops  across  the 
Hudson.  "  I  have  received  your  orders,  and  shall  endeavor 
to  put  them  in  execution,  but  question  whether  I  shall  be  able  to 
carry  with  me  any  considerable  number ;  not  so  much  from 
a  want  of  zeal  in  the  men,  as  from  their  wretched  condition  with 
respect  to  shoes,  stockings,  and  blankets,  which  the  piesent  bad 
weather  renders  more  intolerable.  I  sent  Heath  orders  to 
transport  two  thousand  men  across  the  river,  apprise  the 
general,  and  wait  for  further  orders  ;  but  that  great  man  (as  I 
might  have  expected)  intrenched  himself  within  the  letter  of 
his  instructions,  and  refused  to  part  with  a  single  file,  though  I 
undertook  to  replace  them  with  a  part  of  my  own."  He  con- 
cludes by  showing  that,  so  far  from  hurrying  to  the  support  of 
his  commander-in-chief,  he  was  meditating  a  side  blow  of  his 
own  devising.  "  I  should  march  this  da}T  with  Glover's  brigade  ; 
but  have  just  received  intelligence  that  Rogers'  corps,  a  part  of 
the  light  horse,  and  another  brigade  lie  in  so  exposed  a  situation, 
as  to  present  us  the  fairest  opportunity  of  carrying  them  off. 
If  we  succeed,  it  will  have  a  great  effect,  and  amply  compensate 
for  two  days'  delay." 

Scarce  had  Lee  sent  this  letter,  when  he  received  one  from 
Washington,  informing  him  that  he  had  mistaken  his  views  in 
regard  to  the  troops  required  to  cross  the  Hudson  ;  it  was  his 
(Lee's)  division  that  he  wanted  to  have  over.    The  force  under 

1  Am.  Archives,  5th  Serien,  iii.,  811. 


204  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Heath  must  remain  to  guard  the  posts  and  passes  through  the 
Highlands,  the  importance  of  which  was  so  infinitely  great, 
that  there  should  not  be  the  least  possible  risk  of  losing  them. 
In  the  same  letter  Washington,  who  presumed  Lee  was  by  this 
time  at  Peekskill,  advised  him  to  take  every  precaution  to 
come  by  a  safe  route,  and  by  all  means  to  keep  between  the 
enemy  and  the  mountains,  as  he  understood  they  were  taking 
measures  to  intercept  his  march. 

Lee's  reply  was  still  from  Northcastle.  He  explained  that 
his  idea  of  detaching  troops  from  Heath's  division  was  merely 
for  expedition's  sake,  intending  to  replace  them  from  his  own. 
The  want  of  carriages  and  other  causes  had  delayed  him.  From 
the  force  of  the  enemy  remaining  in  Westchester  County,  he  did 
not  conceit  the  number  of  them  in  the  Jerseys  to  be  near  so 
great  as  Washington  was  taught  to  believe.  He  had  been 
making  a  sweep  of  the  country  to  clear  it  of  the  tories.  Part 
of  his  army  had  now  moved  on,  and  he  would  set  out  on  the 
following  day.  He  concluded  with  the  assurance,  u  I  shall  take 
care  to  obey  your  Excellency's  orders,  in  regard  to  my  march, 
as  exactly  as  possible." 

On  the  same  day,  he  vents  his  spleen  in  a  tart  letter  to  Heath. 
"  I  perceive,"  writes  he,  "  that  you  have  formed  an  idea,  that 
should  General  Washington  remove  to  the  Straits  of  Magellan, 
the  instructions  he  left  with  you,  upon  a  particular  occasion, 
have,  to  all  intents  and  purposes,  invested  you  with  a  command 
separate  from,  and  independent  of  any  other  superiors.  .  .  . 
That  General  Heath  is  by  no  means  to  consider  himself  obliged 
to  obey  the  second  in  command."  He  concluded  by  informing 
him  that,  as  the  commander-in-chief  was  now  separated  from 
them,  he  (Lee)  commanded,  of  course,  on  this  side  of  the 
water,  and  for  the  future  would,  and  must  be  obeyed. 

Before  receiving  this  letter,  Heath,  doubtful  whether  Wash- 
ington might  not  be  pressed,  and  desirous  of  having  his  troops 
across  the  Hudson,  had  sent  off  an  express  to  him  for  explicit 
instructions  on  that  point,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  had  kept 
them  ready  for  a  move. 

General  George  Clinton,  who  was  with  him,  and  had  the 
safety  of  the  Hudson  at  heart,  was  in  an  agony  of  solicitude. 
"  We  have  been  under  marching  orders  these  three  days  past," 
writes  he,  "  and  only  wait  the  directions  of  General  Washing- 
ton. Should  they  be  to  move,  all's  over  with  the  river  this 
season,  and,  I  fear,  forever.  General  Lee,  four  or  five  days 
ago,  had  orders  to  move  with  his  division  across  the  river. 
Instead  of  so  doing,  he  ordered  General  Heath  to  march  his 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  205 

men  through,  and  he  would  replace  them  with  so  many  of  his. 
General  Heath  could  not  do  this  consistent  with  his  instruc- 
tions, but  put  his  men  under  marching  orders  to  wait  his  Ex- 
cellency's orders."  Honest  George  Clinton  was  still  perplexed 
and  annoyed  by  these  marchings  and  countermarchings  ;  and 
especially  with  these  incessant  retreats.  "  A  strange  way  of 
cooking  business!"  writes  he.  "We  have  no  particular  ac- 
counts yet  from  head-quarters,  but  I  am  apt  to  believe  retreating 
is  yet  fashionable.'''' 

The  return  of  the  express  sent  to  Washington  relieved  Clin- 
ton's anxiety  about  the  Highlands ;  reiterating  the  original 
order,  that  the  division  under  Heath  should  remain  for  the 
protection  of  the  passes. 

Washington  was  still  at  Newark  when,  on  the  27th,  he  re- 
ceived Lee's  letter  of  the  24th,  speaking  of  his  scheme  of  cap- 
turing Rogers  the  partisan.  Under  other  circumstances  it 
might  have  been  a  sufficient  excuse  for  his  delay,  but  higher 
interests  were  at  stake  ;  he  immediately  wrote  to  Lee  as  follows  : 
"  My  former  letters  were  so  full  and  explicit,  as  to  the  neces- 
sity of  your  marching  as  early  as  possible,  that  it  is  unnecessary 
to  add  more  on  that  head.  I  confess  I  expected  you  would 
have  been  sooner  in  motion.  The  force  here,  when  joined  by 
yours,  will  not  be  adequate  to  any  great  opposition  ;  at  present 
it  is  weak,  and  it  has  been  more  owing  to  the  badness  of  the 
weather  that  the  enemy's  progress  has  been  checked,  than  any 
resistance  we  could  make.  They  are  now  pushing  this  way  — 
part  of  'em  have  passed  the  Passaic.  Their  plan  is  not 
entirely  unfolded,  but  I  shall  not  be  surprised  if  Philadelphia 
should  turn  out  the  object  of  their  movement." 

The  situation  of  the  little  army  was  daily  becoming  more 
perilous.  In  a  council  of  war,  several  of  the  members  urged  a 
move  to  Morristown,  to  form  a  junction  with  the  troops  expected 
from  the  Northern  army.  Washington,  however,  still  cherished 
the  idea  of  making  a  stand  at  Brunswick  on  the  Raritan,  or,  at 
all  events,  of  disputing  the  passage  of  the  Delaware  ;  and  in  this 
intrepid  resolution  he  was  warmly  seconded  by  Greene. 

Breaking  up  his  camp  once  more,  therefore,  he  continued  his 
retreat  toward  New  Brunswick ;  but  so  close  was  Cornwallis 
upon  him,  that  his  advance  entered  one  end  of  Newark,  just  as 
the  American  rear-guard  had  left  the  other. 

From  Brunswick,  Washington  wrote  on  the  29th  to  William 
Livingston,  governor  of  the  Jerseys,  requesting  him  to  have  all 
boats  and  river  craft,  for  seventy  miles  along  the  Delaware, 
removed  to  the  western  bank  out  of  the  reach  of  the  enemy, 


206  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

and  put  under  guard.  He  was  disappointed  in  his  hope  of 
making  a  stand  on  the  banks  of  the  Ran  tan.  All  the  force 
he  could  muster  at  Brunswick,  including  the  New  Jersey  militia, 
did  not  exceed  four  thousand  men.  Colonel  Reed  had  failed 
in  procuring  aid  from  the  New  Jersey  legislature.  That  body, 
shifting  from  place  to  place,  was  on  the  eve  of  dissolution. 
The  term  of  the  Maryland  and  New  Jersey  troops  in  the  flying 
camp  had  expired.  General  Mercer  endeavored  to  detain  them, 
representing  the  disgrace  of  turning  their  backs  upon  the  cause 
when  the  enemy  was  at  hand :  his  remonstrances  were  fruitless. 
As  to  the  Pennsylvania  levies,  they  deserted  in  such  numbers 
that  guards  were  stationed  on  the  roads  and  ferries  to  intercept 
them. 

At  this  moment  of  care  and  perplexity,  a  letter,  forwarded  by 
express,  arrived  at  head-quarters.  It  was  from  General  Lee, 
dated  from  his  camp  at  Northcastle,  to  Colonel  Reed,  and  was 
in  reply  to  the  letter  written  by  that  officer  from  Hackensack  on 
the  21st,  which  we  have  already  laid  before  the  reader.  Sup- 
posing that  it  related  to  official  business,  Washington  opened 
it,  and  read  as  follows  : 

"  My  dear  Reed  :  —  I  received  your  most  obliging,  flattering 
letter ;  lament  with  you  that  fatal  indecision  of  mind,  which  in 
war  is  a  much  greater  disqualification  than  stupidity,  or  even 
want  of  personal  courage.  Accident  may  put  a  decisive  blun- 
derer in  the  right ;  but  eternal  defeat  and  miscarriage  must 
attend  the  man  of  the  best  parts,  if  cursed  with  indecision. 
The  General  recommends  in  so  pressing  a  manner  as  almost  to 
amount  to  an  order,  to  bring  over  the  Continental  troops  under 
my  command,  which  recommendation,  or  order,  throws  me  into 
the  greatest  dilemma  from  several  considerations. ' '  After  stating 
these  considerations,  he  adds:  "My  reason  for  not  having 
marched  already  is,  that  we  have  just  received  intelligence  that 
Rogers'  corps,  the  light  horse,  part  of  the  Highlanders,  and 
another  brigade,  lie  in  so  exposed  a  situation  as  to  give  the 
fairest  opportunity  of  being  carried.  I  should  have  attempted 
it  last  night,  but  the  rain  was  too  violent,  and  when  our  pieces 
are  wet,  you  know  our  troops  are  hors  du  combat.  This  night  I 
hope  will  be  better.  ...  I  only  wait  myself  for  this  business 
of  Rogers  and  company  being  over.  I  shall  then  fly  to  you  ; 
for,  to  confess  a  truth,  I  really  think  our  chief  will  do  better 
with  me  than  without  me." 

A  glance  over  this  letter  sufficed  to  show  Washington  that,  at 
this  dark  moment,  when  he  most  needed  support  and  sympathy, 
his  character  and  military  conduct  were  the  subject  of  dispar- 


^§fc&^ 


OPERATION'S 

on  Hie 

DELAWTAHE 

Oct.     &  Nov.     1777. 

(Sparks'1  Washitvfton  ~Vol.  V.J 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  207 

aging  comments,  between  the  friend  in  whom  he  had  so  impli- 
citly confided,  and  a  sarcastic  and  apparently  self-constituted 
rival.  Whatever  ma}'  have  been  his  feelings  of  wounded  pride 
and  outraged  friendship,  he  restrained  them,  and  enclosed  the 
letter  to  Reed,  with  the  following  chilling  note  : 

"Dear  Sir: —  The  enclosed  was  put  into  my  hands  by  an 
express  from  White  Plains.  Having  no  idea  of  its  being  a  pri- 
vate letter,  much  less  suspecting  the  tendency  of  the  corre- 
spondence, I  opened  it,  as  I  have  done  all  other  letters  to  you 
from  the  same  place,  and  Peekskill,  upon  the  business  of  3-011  r 
office,  as  I  conceived,  and  found  them  to  be.  This,  as  it  is  the 
truth,  must  be  my  excuse  for  seeing  the  contents  of  a  letter, 
which  neither  inclination  nor  intention  would  have  prompted 
me  to,"  etc. 

The  very  calmness  and  coldness  of  this  note  must  have  had 
a  greater  effect  upon  Reed,  than  could  have  been  produced  by 
the  most  vehement  reproaches.  In  subsequent  communications, 
he  endeavored  to  explain  away  the  offensive  paragraphs  in  Lee's 
letter,  declaring  there  was  nothing  m  his  own  inconsistent  with 
the  respect  and  affection  he  had  ever  borne  for  Washington's 
person  and  character. 

Fortunately  for  Reed,  Washington  never  saw  that  letter. 
There  were  passages  in  it  be}ond  the  reach  of  softening  expla- 
nation. As  it  was,  the  purport  of  it,  as  reflected  in  Lee's  reply, 
had  given  him  a  sufficient  shock.  His  magnanimous  nature, 
however,  was  incapable  of  harboring  long  resentments  ;  espe- 
cially in  matters  relating  solely  to  himself.  His  personal  re- 
spect for  Colonel  Reed  continued ;  he  invariably  manifested  a 
high  sense  of  his  merits,  and  consulted  him,  as  before,  on  mili- 
tary affairs  ;  but  his  hitherto  affectionate  confidence  in  him,  as 
a  sympathizing  friend,  had  received  an  incurable  wound.  His 
letters,  before  so  frequent,  and  such  perfect  outpourings  of 
heart  and  mind,  became  few  and  far  between,  and  confined  to 
matters  of  business. 

It  must  have  been  consoling  to  Washington  at  this  moment  of 
bitterness,  to  receive  the  following  letter  (dated  November  27) 
from  William  Livingston,  the  intelligent  and  patriotic  governor 
of  New  Jersey.  It  showed  that  while  many  misjudged  him, 
and  friends  seemed  falling  from  his  side,  others  appreciated  him 
truly,  and  the  ordeal  he  was  undergoing. 

"  I  can  easily  form  some  idea  of  the  difficulties  under  which 
you  labor,"  writes  Livingston,  "  particularly  of  one  for  which 
the  public  can  make  no  allowance,  because  your  prudence,  and 
fidelity  to  the  cause,  will   not  suffer  you   to  reveal    it  to  the 


208  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

public ;  an  instance  of  magnanimity,  superior,  perhaps,  to  any 
that  can  be  shown  in  battle.  But  depend  upon  it,  my  dear  sir, 
the  impartial  world  will  do  you  ample  justice  before  long.  May 
God  support  you  under  the  fatigue,  both  of  body  and  mind,  to 
which  you  must  be  constantly  exposed."  L 

Washington  lingered  at  Brunswick  until  the  1st  of  December, 
in  the  vain  hope  of  being  re-enforced.  The  enemy,  in  the  mean 
time,  advanced  through  the  country,  impressing  wagons  and 
horses,  and  collecting  cattle  and  sheep,  as  if  for  a  distant 
march.  At  length  their  vanguard  appeared  on  the  opposite 
side  of  the  Raritan.  Washington  immediately  broke  down  the 
end  of  the  bridge  next  the  village,  and  after  nightfall  resumed 
his  retreat.  In  the  mean  time,  as  the  river  was  fordable,  Cap- 
tain Alexander  Hamilton  planted  his  fi  Id-pieces  on  high,  com- 
manding ground,  and  opened  a  spirited  fire  to  check  any 
attempt  of  the  enemy  to  cross. 

At  Princeton,  Washington  left  twelve  hundred  men  in  two 
brigades,  under  Lord  Stirling  and  General  Adam  Stephen,  to 
cover  the  country,  and  watch  the  motions  of  the  enemy. 
Stephen  was  the  same  officer  that  had  served  as  a  colonel  under 
Washington  in  the  French  war,  as  second  in  command  of  the 
Virginia  troops,  and  had  charge  of  Fort  Cumberland.  In  con- 
sideration of  his  courage  and  military  capacity,  he  had,  in 
1764,  been  intrusted  with  the  protection  of  the  frontier.  He 
had  recently  brought  a  detachment  of  Virginia  troops  to  the 
army,  and  received  from  Congress,  in  September,  the  com- 
mission of  brigadier-general. 

The  harassed  army  reached  Trenton  on  the  2d  of  December. 
Washington  immediately  proceeded  to  remove  his  baggage  and 
stores  across  the  Delaware.  In  his  letters  from  this  place  to 
the  President  of  Congress,  he  gives  his  reasons  for  his  con- 
tinued  retreat.  "  Nothing  but  necessity  obliged  me  to  retire  be- 
fore the  enemy,  and  leave  so  much  of  the  Jerseys  unprotected. 
Sorry  am  I  to  observe  that  the  frequent  calls  upon  the  militia 
of  this  State,  the  want  of  exertion  in  the  principal  gentlemen  of 
the  country,  and  a  fatal  supineness  and  insensibility  of  danger, 
till  it  is  too  late  to  prevent  an  evil  that  was  not  only  foreseen, 
but  foretold,  have  been  the  causes  of  our  late  disgraces. 

1  We  cannot  dismiss  this  painful  incident  in  Washington's  life,  without  a  prospective 
note  on  the  subject.  Reed  was  really  of  too  generous  and  intelligent  a  nature  not  to  be 
aware  of  the  immense  value  of  the  friendship  he  had  put  at  hazard.  He  grieved  over 
his  mistake,  especially  as  after  events  showed  more  and  more  the  majestic  greatness 
of  Washington's  character.  A  letter  in  the  following  year,  in  which  he  sought  to  con- 
vince Washington  of  his  sincere  and  devoted  attachment,  is  really  touching  in  its  appeals. 
We  are  happy  to  add,  that  it  appears  to  have  been  successful,  and  to  have  restored,  in  a 
great  measure,  their  relations  of  friendly  confidence. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  209 

"  If  the  militia  of  this  State  had  stepped  forth  in  season 
(and  timely  notice  they  had),  we  might  have  prevented  the 
enemy's  crossing  the  Hackensack.  We  might,  with  equal 
possibility  of  success,  have  made  a  stand  at  Brunswick  on  the 
Raritan.  But  as  both  these  rivers  were  fordable  in  a  variety 
of  places,  being  knee  deep  only,  it  required  many  men  to  guard 
the  passes,  and  these  we  had  not." 

In  excuse  for  the  people  of  New  Jersey,  it  may  be  observed, 
that  they  inhabited  an  open,  agricultural  country,  where  the 
sound  of  war  had  never  been  heard.  Many  of  them  looked 
upon  the  Revolution  as  rebellion  ;  others  thought  it  a  ruined 
enterprise  ;  the  armies  engaged  in  it  had  been  defeated  and 
broken  up.  They  beheld  the  commander-in-chief  retreating 
through  their  country  with  a  handful  of  men,  weary,  wayworn, 
dispirited ;  without  tents,  without  clothing,  many  of  them 
barefooted,  exposed  to  wintry  weather,  and  driven  from  post 
to  post,  by  a  well-clad,  well-fed,  triumphant  force,  tricked  out 
in  all  the  glittering  bravery  of  war.  Could  it  be  wondered  at, 
that  peaceful  husbandmen,  seeing  their  quiet  fields  thus  sud- 
denly overrun  by  adverse  hosts,  and  their  very  hearthstones 
threatened  with  outrage,  should,  instead  of  flying  to  arms,  seek 
for  the  safety  of  their  wives  and  little  ones,  and  the  protection 
of  their  humble  means,  from  the  desolation  which  too  often 
marks  the  course  even  of  friendly  armies? 

Lord  Howe  and  his  brother  sought  to  profit  by  this  dismay 
and  despondency.  A  proclamation,  dated  30th  of  November, 
commanded  all  persons  in  arms  against  his  majesty's  govern- 
ment, to  disband  and  return  home,  and  all  Congresses  to  desist 
from  treasonable  acts :  offering  a  free  pardon  to  all  who  should 
comply  within  fifty  days. 

Many  who  had  been  prominent  in  the  cause  hastened  to  take 
advantage  of  this  proclamation.  Those  who  had  most  property 
to  lose  were  the  first  to  submit.  The  middle  ranks  remained 
generally  steadfast  in  this  time  of  trial.1 

The  following  extract  of  a  letter  from  a  field-officer  in  New 
York,  dated  December  2,  to  his  friend  in  London,  gives  the 
British  view  of  affairs.  "  The  rebels  continue  flying  before  our 
army.  Lord  Cornwallis  took  the  fort  opposite  Brunswick, 
plunged  into  Raritan  River,  and  seized  the  town.  Mr.  Washing- 
ton had  orders  from  the  Congress  to  rally  and  defend  that  post, 
but  he  sent  them  word  he  could  not.  He  was  seen  retreating 
with  two  brigades  to  Trenton,  where  they  talk  of  resisting ;  but 

i  Gordon's  Hist.  Am.  War,  ii.,  p.  129. 


210  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

such  a  panic  has  seized  the  rebels,  that  no  part  of  the  Jerseys 
will  hold  them,  and  I  doubt  whether  Philadelphia  itself  will  stop 
their  career.  The  Congress  have  lost  their  authority.  .  .  . 
They  are  in  such  consternation  that  they  know  not  what  to  do. 
The  two  Adamses  are  in  New  England ;  Franklin  gone  to 
France  ;  Lynch  has  lost  his  senses  ;  Rutledge  has  gone  home 
disgusted  ;  Dana  is  persecuting  at  Albany,  and  Jay's  in  the 
country  playing  as  bad  a  part ;  so  that  the  fools  have  lost 
the  assistance  of  the  knaves.  However,  should  they  embrace  the 
enclosed  proclamation,  they  may  yet  escape  the  halter.  .  .  . 
Honest  David  Mathew,  the  mayor,  has  made  his  escape  from 
them,  and  arrived  here  this  day."  * 

In  this  dark  day  of  peril  to  the  cause,  and  to  himself, 
Washington  remained  firm  and  undaunted.  In  casting  about 
for  some  stronghold  where  he  might  make  a  desperate  stand 
for  the  liberties  of  his  country,  his  thoughts  reverted  to  the 
mountain  regions  of  his  early  campaigns.  General  Mercer  was 
at  hand,  who  had  shared  his  perils  among  these  mountains, 
and  his  presence  may  have  contributed  to  bring  them  to  his 
mind.  "  What  think  you,"  said  Washington;  "if  we  should 
retreat  to  the  back  parts  of  Pennsylvania,  would  the  Pennsyl- 
vanians  support  us?  " 

"  If  the  lower  counties  give  up,  the  back  counties  will  do  the 
same,"  was  the  discouraging  reply. 

"  We  must  then  retire  to  Augusta  County  in  Virginia,"  said 
Washington.  "  Numbers  will  repair  to  us  for  safety,  and  we 
will  try  a  predatory  war.  If  overpowered,  we  must  cross  the 
Alleganies." 

Such  was  the  indomitable  spirit,  rising  under  difficulties,  and 
buoyant  in  the  darkest  moment,  that  kept  our  tempest-tossed 
cause  from  foundering. 

1  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iii.,  1037 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  211 


CHAPTER  XXX. 

LEE    AT     PEEKSKILL STANCH    ADHERENCE    OF    HEATH    TO    ORDERS 

LEE     CROSSES     THE     HUDSON WASHINGTON     AT     TRENTON 

LEE    AT     THE     HEELS     OF     THE     ENEMY  —  HIS     SPECULATIONS     ON 

MILITARY      GREATNESS   FORCED      MARCH      OF      CORNWALLIS  

WASHINGTON    CROSSES    THE     DELAWARE PUTNAM     IN    COMMAND 

AT     PHILADELPHIA BAFFLING     LETTERS    OF    LEE  HOPES     TO 

RECONQUER      THE      JERSEYS  GATES      ON      THE      MARCH  LEE 

QUARTERED    AT     BASKINGRIDGE SURPRISED    AND    CAPTURED 

SPECULATIONS    ON    HIS    CONDUCT. 

Notwithstanding  the  repeated  and  pressing  orders  and 
entreaties  of  the  commander-in-chief,  Lee  did  not  reach  Peeks- 
kill  until  the  30th  of  November.  In  a  letter  of  that  date  to 
Washington,  who  had  complained  of  his  delay,  he  simply 
alleged  difficulties,  which  he  would  explain  when  both  had 
leisure.  His  scheme  to  entrap  Rogers,  the  renegade,  had 
failed  ;  the  old  Indian  hunter  had  been  too  much  on  the  alert ; 
he  boasted,  however,  to  have  rendered  more  service  by  his  delay, 
than  he  would  have  done  had  he  moved  sooner.  His  forces 
were  thereby  augmented,  so  that  he  expected  to  enter  the  Jer- 
seys with  four  thousand  firm  and  willing  men,  who  would  make 
a  very  important  diversion. 

"The  day  after  to-morrow,"  added  he,  "we  shall  pass  the 
river,  when  I  should  be  glad  to  receive  your  instructions  ;  but 
I  could  wish  you  would  bind  me  as  little  as  possible ;  not  from 
any  opinion,  I  do  assure  you,  of  my  own  parts,  but  from  a 
persuasion  that  detached  generals  cannot  have  too  great  lati- 
tude, unless  they  are  very  incompetent  indeed." 

Lee  had  calculated  upon  meeting  no  further  difficulty  in  ob- 
taining men  from  Heath.  He  rode  to  that  general's  quarters 
in  the  evening,  and  was  invited  by  him  to  alight  and  take  tea. 
On  entering  the  house,  Lee  took  Heath  aside,  and  alluding  to 
his  former  refusal  to  supply  troops  as  being  inconsistent  with 
the  orders  of  the  commander-in-chief,  "  in  point  of  law,"  said 
he,  "you  are  right,  but  in  point  of  policy  I  think  you  are 
wrong.  I  am  going  into  the  Jerseys  for  the  salvation  of 
America ;  I  wish  to  take  with  me  a  larger  force  than  I  now 
have,  and  request  you  to  order  two  thousand  of  your  men  to 
march  with  me." 

Heath  answered  that  he  could  not  spare  that  number.     He 


212  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

was  then  asked  to  order  one  thousand;  to  which  he  replied, 
that  the  business  might  be  as  well  brought  to  a  point  at  once  — 
that  not  a  single  man  should  march  from  the  post  by  his  order. 
"  Then,"  exclaimed  Lee,  "  I  will  order  them  myself,"  "  That 
makes  a  wide  difference,"  rejoined  Heath.  "  You  are  my 
senior,  but  I  have  received  positive  written  instructions  from 
him  who  is  superior  to  us  both,  and  I  will  not  myself  break 
those  orders."  In  proof  of  his  words,  Heath  produced  the 
recent  letter  received  from  Washington,  repeating  his  former 
orders  that  no  troops  should  be  removed  from  that  post.  Lee 
glanced  over  the  letter.  "  The  commander-in-chief  is  now  at  a 
distance,  and  does  not  know  what  is  necessary  here  so  well  as 
I  do."  He  asked  a  sight  of  the  return  book  of  the  division.  It 
was  brought  by  Major  Huntington,  the  deputy  adjutant-general. 
Lee  ran  his  eye  over  it,  and  chose  two  regiments.  "You  will 
order  them  to  march  early  to-morrow  morning  to  join  me," 
said  he  to  the  major.  Heath,  ruffling  with  the  pride  of  military 
law,  turned  to  the  major  with  an  air  of  authority.  "  Issue 
such  orders  at  your  peril!"  exclaimed  he:  then  addressing- 
Lee,  "  Sir,"  said  he,  "if  you  come  to  this  post,  and  mean  to 
issue  orders  here  which  will  break  the  positive  ones  I  have  re- 
ceived, I  pray  you  do  it  completely  yourself,  and  through  your 
own  deputy  adjutant-general  who  is  present,  and  not  draw  me 
or  any  of  my  family  in  as  partners  in  the  guilt." 

"It  is  right,"  said  Lee;  "Colonel  Scammel,  do  you  issue 
the  order."  It  was  done  accordingtv  ;  but  Heath's  punctilious 
scruples  were  not  yet  satisfied.  "  I  have  one  more  request  to 
make,  sir,"  said  he  to  Lee,  "  and  that  is,  that  you  will  be  pleased 
to  give  me  a  certificate  that  you  exercise  command  at  this  post, 
and  order  from  it  these  regiments." 

Lee  hesitated  to  comply,  but  George  Clinton,  who  was 
present,  told  him  he  could  not  refuse  a  request  so  reasonable. 
He  accordingly  wrote,  "  For  the  satisfaction  of  General  Heath, 
and  at  his  request,  I  do  certify  that  I  am  commanding  officer, 
at  this  present  writing,  in  this  post,  and  that  I  have,  in  that 
capacity,  ordered  Prescott's  and  Wyllis's  regiments  to  march." 

Heath's  military  punctilio  was  satisfied,  and  he  smoothed  his 
ruffled  plumes.  Early  the  next  morning  the  regiments  moved 
from  their  cantonments  ready  to  embark,  when  Lee  again  rode 
up  to  his  door.  "Upon  further  consideration,"  said  he,  "I 
have  concluded  not  to  take  the  two  regiments  with  me  —  you 
may  order  them  to  return  to  their  former  post." 

"  This  conduct  of  General  Lee,"  adds  Heath  in  his  memoirs, 
"  appeared  not  a  little  extraordinary,  and  one  is  almost  at  a  loss 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  213 

to  account  for  it.  He  had  been  a  soldier  from  his  youth,  had  a 
perfect  knowledge  of  service  in  all  its  branches,  but  was  rather 
obstinate  in  his  temper,  and  could  scarcely  brook  being  crossed 
in  any  thing  in  the  line  of  his  profession."  x 

It  was  not  until  the  4th  of  December,  that  Lee  crossed  the 
Hudson  and  began  a  laggard  march,  though  aware  of  the  immi- 
nent peril  of  Washington  and  his  army  —  how  different  from  the 
celerity  of  his  movements  in  his  expedition  to  the  South ! 

In  the  mean  time,  Washington,  who  was  at  Trenton,  had 
prolited  by  a  delay  of  the  enemy  at  Brunswick,  and  removed 
most  of  the  stores  and  baggage  of  the  army  across  the  Delaware  ; 
and,  being  re-enforced  by  fifteen  hundred  of  the  Pennsylvania 
militia,  procured  by  Mifflin,  prepared  to  face  about,  and  march 
back  to  Princeton  with  such  of  his  troops  as  were  fit  for  service, 
there  to  be  governed  by  circumstances,  and  the  movements  of 
General  Lee.  Accordingly,  ou  the  5th  of  December  he  sent 
about  twelve  hundred  men  in  the  advance,  to  re-enforce  Lord 
Stirling,  and  the  next  day  set  off  himself  with  the  residue. 

"The  general  has  gone  forward  to  Princeton,"  writes  Colonel 
Reed,  "  where  there  are  about  three  thousand  men,  with  which, 
I  fear,  he  will  not  be  able  to  make  any  stand."  2 

While  on  the  march,  Washington  received  a  letter  from 
Greene,  who  was  at  Princeton,  informing  him  of  a  report  that 
Lee  was  "  at  the  heels  of  the  enemy."  "  I  should  think,"  adds 
Greene,  "  he  had  better  keep  on  the  flanks  than  the  rear,  unless 
it  were  possible  to  concert  an  attack  at  the  same  instant  of  time 
in  front  and  rear.  ...  I  think  General  Lee  must  be  confined 
within  the  lines  of  some  general  plan,  or  else  his  operations  will 
be  independent  of  j^ours.  His  own  troops,  General  St.  Clair's, 
and  the  militia,  must  form  a  respectable  army." 

Lee  had  no  idea  of  conforming  to  a  general  plan  ;  he  had  an 
independent  plan  of  his  own,  and  was  at  that  moment  at  Pomp- 
ton,  indulging  speculations  on  military  greatness,  and  the 
lamentable  want  of  it  in  his  American  contemporaries.  In  a 
letter  from  that  place  to  Governor  Cooke  of  Rhode  Island,  he 
imparts  his  notions  on  the  subject.  "  Theory  joined  to  practice, 
or  a  heaven-born  genius,  can  alone  constitute  a  general.  As  to 
the  latter,  God  Almighty  indulges  the  modern  world  very  rarely 
with  the  spectacle ;  and  I  do  not  know,  from  what  I  have  seen, 
that  he  has  been  more  profuse  of  this  ethereal  spirit  to  the 
Americans  than  to  other  nations." 

While  Lee  was  thus  loitering   and  speculating,  Cornwallis, 

1  The  above  scene  is  given  almost  literally  from  General  Heath's  Memoirs. 

2  lieed  to  the  President  of  Congress. 


214  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

knowing  how  far  he  was  in  the  rear,  and  how  weak  was  the  sit- 
uation of  Washington's  army,  and  being  himself  strongly  re- 
enforced,  made  a  forced  march  from  Brunswick,  and  was  within 
two  miles  of  Princeton.  Stirling,  to  avoid  being  surrounded, 
immediately  set  out  with  two  brigades  for  Trenton.  Washing- 
ton, too,  receiving  intelligence  by  express  of  these  movements, 
hastened  back  to  that  place,  and  caused  boats  to  be  collected  from 
all  quarters,  and  the  stores  and  troops  transported  across  the 
Delaware.  He  himself  crossed  with  the  rear-guard  on  Sunday 
morning,  and  took  up  his  quarters  about  a  mile  from  the  river ; 
causing  the  boats  to  be  destroyed,  and  troops  to  be  posted 
opposite  the  fords.  He  was  conscious,  however,  as  he  said, 
that  with  his  small  force  he  could  make  no  great  opposition, 
should  the  enemy  bring  boats  with  them.  Fortunately  they  did 
not  come  thus  provided. 

The  rear-guard,  says  an  American  account,  had  barely  crossed 
the  river,  when  Lord  Cornwallis  ' '  came  marching  down  with  all 
the  pomp  of  war,  in  great  expectation  of  getting  boats,  and 
immediately  pursuing."  Not  one  was  to  be  had  there  or  else- 
where ;  for  Washington  had  caused  the  boats,  for  an  extent  of 
seventy  miles  up  and  down  the  river,  to  be  secured  on  the  right 
bank.  His  lordship  was  effectually  brought  to  a  stand.  He 
made  some  moves  with  two  columns,  as  if  he  would  cross  the 
Delaware  above  and  below,  either  to  push  on  to  Philadelphia, 
or  to  entrap  Washington  in  the  acute  angle  made  by  the  bend  of 
the  river  opposite  Bordentown.  An  able  disposition  of  American 
troops  along  the  upper  part  of  the  river,  and  of  a  number  of 
galleys  below,  discouraged  any  attempt  of  the  kind.  Cornwallis, 
therefore,  gave  up  the  pursuit,  distributed  the  German  troops 
in  cantonments  along  the  left  bank  of  the  river,  and  stationed 
his  main  force  at  Brunswick,  trusting  to  be  able  before  long  to 
cross  the  Delaware  on  the  ice. 

On  the  8th,  Washington  wrote  to  the  President  of  Congress : 
"  There  is  not  a  moment's  time  to  be  lost  in  assembling  such  a 
force  as  can  be  collected,  as  the  object  of  the  enemy  cannot 
now  be  doubted  in  the  smallest  degree.  Indeed,  I  shall  be  out 
in  my  conjecture,  for  it  is  only  conjecture,  if  the  late  embar- 
kation at  New  York  is  not  for  Delaware  River,  to  co-operate 
with  the  army  under  General  Howe,  who,  I  am  informed  from 
good  authority,  is  with  the  British  troops,  and  his  whole  force 
upon  this  route.  I  have  no  certain  intelligence  of  General 
Lee,  although  I  have  sent  expresses  to  him,  and  lately  a  Colonel 
Humpton,  to  bring  me  some  accurate  accounts  of  his  situation. 
I  last   night   despatched   another  gentleman   to    him    (Major 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  215 

Hoops) ,  desiring  he  would  hasten  his  march  to  the  Delaware, 
on  which  I  would  provide  boats  near  a  place  called  Alexandria, 
for  the  transportation  of  his  troops.  1  cannot  account  for  the 
slowness  of  his  march." 

In  further  letters  to  Lee,  Washington  urged  the  peril  of  Phil- 
adelphia. "Do  come  on,"  writes  he;  "your  arrival  may  be 
fortunate,  and,  if  it  can  be  effected  without  delay,  it  may  be  the 
means  of  preserving  a  city,  whose  loss  must  prove  of  the  most 
fatal  consequence  to  the  cause  of  America." 

Putnam  was  now  detached  to  take  command  of  Philadelphia, 
and  put  it  in  a  state  of  defence,  and  General  Mifflin  to  have 
charge  of  the  munitions  of  war  deposited  there.  By  their  advice 
Congress  hastily  adjourned  on  the  12th  of  December,  to  meet 
again  on  the  20th,  at  Baltimore. 

Washington's  whole  force  at  this  time  was  about  five  thousand 
five  hundred  men ;  one  thousand  of  them  Jersey  militia,  fifteen 
hundred  militia  from  Philadelphia,  and  a  battalion  of  five  hun- 
dred of  the  German  yeomanry  of  Pennsylvania.  Gates,  how- 
ever, he  was  informed,  was  coming  on  with  seven  regiments 
detached  by  Schuyler  from  the  Northern  department ;  re-enforced 
by  these,  and  the  troops  under  Lee,  he  hoped  to  be  able  to 
attempt  a  stroke  upon  the  enemy's  forces,  which  lay  a  good  deal 
scattered,  and  to  all  appearances,  in  a  state  of  security.  "A 
lucky  blow  in  this  quarter,"  writes  he,  "  would  be  fatal  to  them, 
and  would  most  certainly  raise  the  spirits  of  the  people,  which 
are  quite  sunk  by  our  late  misfortunes."  x 

While  cheering  himself  with  these  hopes,  and  trusting  to 
speedy  aid  from  Lee,  that  wayward  commander,  though  nearly 
three  weeks  had  elapsed  since  he  had  received  Washington's 
orders  and  entreaties  to  join  him  with  all  possible  despatch,  was 
no  farther  on  his  march  than  Morristown,  in  the  Jerseys  ;  where, 
with  militia  recruits,  his  force  was  about  four  thousand  men.  In 
a  letter  written  by  him  on  the  8th  of  December  to  a  committee 
of  Congress,  he  says  :  "If  I  was  not  taught  to  think  the  army 
with  General  Washington  had  been  considerably  re-enforced,  I 
should  immediately  join  him  ;  but  as  I  am  assured  he  is  very 
strong,  I  should  imagine  we  can  make  a  better  impression  by 
beating  up  and  harassing  their  detached  parties  in  their  rear,  for 
which  purpose,  a  good  post  at  Chatham  seems  the  best  calcu- 
lated. It  is  a  happy  distance  from  Newark,  Elizabethtown, 
Woodbridge  and  Boundbrook.  We  shall,  I  expect,  annoy, 
distract,  and  consequently  weaken  them  in  a  desultory  war."  a 

1  Washington  to  Governor  Trumbull,  14th  December. 
*  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  hi.,  1121. 


216  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

On  the  same  day  ne  writes  from  Chatham,  in  reply  to  Wash- 
ington's letter  by  Major  Hoops,  just  received  :  "  1  am  extremely 
shocked  to  hear  that  your  force  is  so  inadequate  to  the  necessity 
of  your  situation,  as  I  had  been  taught  to  think  you  had  been 
considerably  re-enforced.  Your  last  letters,  proposing  a  plan  of 
surprises  and  forced  marches,  convinced  me  that  there  was  no 
danger  of  your  being  obliged  to  pass  the  Delaware  ;  in  con- 
sequence of  which  proposals,  I  have  put  myself  in  a  position 
the  most  convenient  to  co-operate  with  you  by  attacking  their 
rear.  I  cannot  persuade  myself  that  Philadelphia  is  their  ob- 
ject at  present.  ...  It  will  be  difficult,  T  am  afraid,  to  join 
you  ;  but  cannot  I  do  you  more  service  by  attacking  their 
rear?" 

This  letter,  sent  by  a  light- horseman,  received  an  instant 
reply  from  Washington.  "  Philadelphia,  beyond  all  question, 
is  the  object  of  the  enemy's  movements,  and  nothing  less  than 
our  utmost  exertions  will  prevent  General  Howe  from  possess- 
ing it.  The  force  I  have  is  weak,  and  utterly  incompetent  to 
that  end.  I  must,  therefore,  entreat  you  to  push  on  with  every 
possible  succor  you  can  bring."  * 

On  the  9th,  Lee,  who  was  at  Chatham,  receives  information 
from  Heath,  that  three  of  the  regiments  detached  under  Gates 
from  the  Northern  army,  had  arrived  from  Albany  at  Peekskill. 
He  instantly  writes  to  him  to  forward  them,  without  loss  of 
time,  to  Morristown  :  "  I  am  in  hopes,"  adds  he,  "  to  reconquer 
(if  I  may  so  express  myself)  the  Jerseys.  It  was  really  in  the 
hands  of  the  enemy  before  my  arrival." 

On  the  11th,  Lee  writes  to  Washington  from  Morristown, 
where  he  says  his  troops  had  been  obliged  to  halt  two  days  for 
want  of  shoes.  He  now  talked  of  crossing  the  great  Bruns- 
wick post-road,  and,  by  a  forced  night's  march,  making  his  way 
to  the  ferry  above  Burlington,  where  boats  should  be  sent  up 
from  Philadelphia  to  receive  him. 

"I  am  much  surprised,"  writes  Washington  in  reply,  "that 
you  should  be  in  any  doubt  respecting  the  route  you  should 
take,  after  the  information  you  have  received  upon  that  head. 
A  large  number  of  boats  was  procured,  and  is  still  retained  at 
Tiuicum,  under  a  strong  guard,  to  facilitate  your  passage  across 
the  Delaware.  I  have  so  frequently  mentioned  our  situation, 
and  the  necessity  of  your  aid,  that  it  is  painful  for  me  to  add  a 
word  on  the  subject.  .  .  .  Congress  have  directed  Philadel- 
phia to  be  defended  to  the  last  extremity.     The  fatal  conse- 

i  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iii.,  1138. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  217 

quences  that  must  attend  its  loss  are  but  too  obvious  to  every 
one  ;  your  arrival  may  be  the  means  of  saving  it." 

In  detailing  the  close  of  General  Lee's  march,  so  extraordi- 
nary for  its  tardiness,  we  shall  avail  ourselves  of  the  memoir 
already  cited  of  General  Wilkinson,  who  was  at  that  time  a 
brigade  major,  about  twenty-two  years  of  age,  and  was  accom- 
panying General  Gates,  who  had  been  detached  by  Schuyler 
with  seven  regiments  to  re-enforce  Washington.  Three  of  these 
regiments,  as  we  have  shown,  had  descended  the  Hudson  to 
JPeekskill,  and  were  ordered  by  Lee  to  Morristown.  Gates  had 
embarked  with  the  remaining  four,  and  landed  with  them  at 
Esopus,  whence  he  took  a  back  route  by  the  Delaware  and  the 
Minisink. 

On  the  11th  of  December,  he  was  detained  by  a  heavy  snow- 
storm, in  a  sequestered  valley  near  the  Wallpeck  in  New  Jersey. 
Being  cut  off  from  all  information  respecting  the  adverse  armies, 
he  detached  Major  Wilkinson  to  seek  Washington's  camp,  with 
a  letter,  stating  the  force  under  his  command,  and  inquiring 
what  route  he  should  take.  Wilkinson  crossed  the  hills  on 
horseback  to  Sussex  court-house,  took  a  guide,  and  proceeded 
down  the  country.  Washington,  he  soon  learned,  had  passed 
the  Delaware  several  days  before  ;  the  boats,  he  was  told,  had 
been  removed  from  the  ferries,  so.  that  he  woulct  find  some  diffi- 
culty  in  getting  over,  but  Major-General  Lee  was  at  Morristown. 
Finding  such  obstacles  in  his  way  to  the  commander-in-chief,  he 
determined  to  seek  the  second  in  command,  and  ask  orders 
from  him  for  General  Gates.  Lee  had  decamped  from  Mor- 
ristown on  the  12th  of  December,  but  had  marched  no  further 
than  Vealtown,  barely  eight  miles  distant.  There  he  left  General 
Sullivan  with  the  troops,  while  he  took  up  his  quarters  three 
miles  off,  at  a  tavern,  at  Baskingridge.  As  there  was  not  a 
British  cantonment  within  twenty  miles,  he  took  but  a  small 
guard  for  his  protection,  thinking  himself  perfectly  secure. 

About  four  o'clock  in  the  morning,  Wilkinson  arrived  at  his 
quarters.  He  was  presented  to  the  general  as  he  lay  in  bed, 
and  delivered  into  his  hands  the  letter  of  General  Gates.  Lee, 
observing  it  was  addressed  to  Washington,  declined  opening  it, 
until  apprised  by  Wilkinson  of  its  contents,  and  the  motives  of 
his  visit.  He  then  broke  the  seal,  and  recommended  Wilkinson 
to  take  repose.  The  latter  lay  down  on  his  blanket,  before  a 
comfortable  fire,  among  the  officers  of  his  suite;  "for  we 
were  not  encumbered  in  those  days,"  says  he,  "  with  beds  or 
baggage." 

Lee,  naturally  indolent,  lingered  in  bed  until  eight  o'clock. 


218  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

He  then  came  down  in  his  usual  slovenly  style,  half-dressed,  in 
slippers  and  blanket  coat,  his  collar  open,  and  his  linen  appar- 
ently of  some  days'  wear.  After  some  inquiries  about  the 
campaign  in  the  North,  he  gave  Wilkinson  a  brief  account  of 
the  operations  of  the  main  army,  which  he  condemned  in  strong 
terms,  and  in  his  usual  sarcastic  way.  He  wasted  the  morning 
in  altercation  with  some  of  the  militia,  particularly  the  Con- 
necticut light  horse;  "several  of  whom,"  says  Wilkinson, 
"  appeared  in  large,  full-buttoned  perukes,  and  were  treated 
very  irreverently.  One  wanted  forage,  another  his  horse  shod, 
another  his  pay,  a  fourth  provisions,  etc.  ;  to  which  the  general 
replied,  '  your  wants  are  numerous  ;  but  you  have  not  mentioned 
the  last.  —  you  want  to  go  home,  and  shall  be  indulged;  for 
d —  you,  }'ou  do  no  good  here.'  " 

Colonel  Scammel,  the  adjutant-general,  called  from  General 
Sullivan  for  orders  concerning  the  morning's  march.  After 
musing  a  moment  or  two,  Lee  asked  him  if  he  had  a  manu- 
script map  of  the  country.  It  was  produced,  and  spread  upon 
a  table.  Wilkinson  observed  Lee  trace  with  his  finger  the  route 
from  Vealtown  to  Pluckamin,  thence  to  Somerset  court-house, 
and  on,  by  Rocky  Hill,  to  Princeton  ;  he  then  returned  to  Plucka- 
min, and  traced  the  route  in  the  same  manner  by  Boundbrook  to 
Brunswick,  ancl  after  a  close  inspection  carelessly  said  to  Scam- 
mel, "  Tell  General  Sullivan  to  move  down  toward  Pluckamin  ; 
that  I  will  soon  be  with  him."  This,  observes  Wilkinson,  was 
off  his  route  to  Alexandria  on  the  Delaware,  where  he  had  been 
ordered  to  cross,  and  directly  on  that  toward  Brunswick  and 
Princeton.  He  was  convinced,  therefore,  that  Lee  meditated 
an  attack  on  the  British  post  at  the  latter  place. 

From  these  various  delays  they  did  not  sit  down  to  breakfast 
before  ten  o'clock.  After  breakfast  Lee  sat  writing  a  reply  to 
General  Gates,  in  which,  as  usual,  he  indulged  in  sarcastic  com- 
ments on  the  commander-in-chief.  ' '  The  ingenious  manoeuvre  of 
Fort  Washington,"  writes  he,  "has  completely  unhinged  the 
goodly  fabric  we  had  been  building.  There  never  was  so  d — d 
a  stroke  ;  entre  nous,  a  certain  great  man  is  most  damnably  de- 
ficient. He  has  thrown  me  into  a  situation  where  I  have  my 
choice  of  difficulties  :  if  I  stay  in  this  province  I  risk  myself  and 
army ;  and  if  I  do  not  stay,  the  province  is  lost  forever.  .  .  . 
As  to  what  relates  to  yourself,  if  you  think  you  can  be  in  time 
to  aid  the  general,  I  would  have  you  by  all  means  go ;  you 
will  at  least  save  your  army,"  etc.1 

1  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iii.,  1201. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  219 

While  Lee  was  writing,  Wilkinson  was  looking  out  of  a  win- 
dow down  a  lane,  about  a  hundred  yards  in  length,  leading  from 
the  house  to  the  main  road.  Suddenly  a  party  of  British 
dragoons  turned  a  corner  of  the  avenue  at  a  full  charge. 
"Here,  sir,  are  the  British  cavalry!"  exclaimed  Wilkinson. 
"Where?"  replied  Lee,  who  had  just  signed  his  letter. 
"Around  the  house!"  —  for  they  had  opened  file  and  sur- 
rounded it.  "  Where  is  the  guard?  d —  the  guard,  why  don't 
they  fire?"  Then  after  a  momentary  pause — "Do,  sir,  see 
what  has  become  of  the  guard." 

The  guards,  alas,  unwary  as  their  general,  and  chilled  by  the 
air  of  a  frosty  morning,  had  stacked  their  arms,  and  repaired  to 
the  south  side  of  a  house  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  road  to  sun 
themselves,  and  were  now  chased  by  the  dragoons  in  different 
directions.  In  fact,  a  tory,  who  had  visited  the  general  the 
evening  before,  to  complain  of  the  loss  of  a  horse  taken  by  the 
army,  having  found  where  Lee  was  to  lodge  and  breakfast,  had 
ridden  eighteen  miles  in  the  night  to  Brunswick  and  given  the 
information,  and  had  piloted  back  Colonel  Harcourt  with  his 
dragoons.1 

The  women  of  the  house  would  fain  have  concealed  Lee  in  a 
bed,  bat  he  rejected  the  proposition  with  disdain.  Wilkinson, 
according  to  his  own  account,  posted  himself  in  a  place  where 
only  one  person  could  approach  at  a  time,  and  there  took  his 
stand,  a  pistol  in  each  hand,  resolved  to  shoot  the  first  and  sec- 
ond assailant,  and  then  appeal  to  his  sword.  While  in  this 
"  unpleasant  situation,"  as  he  terms  it,  he  heard  a  voice  declare, 
"  If  the  general  does  not  surrender  in  five  minutes,  I  will  set  fire 
to  the  house  !  "  After  a  short  pause  the  threat  was  repeated, 
with  a  solemn  oath.  Within  two  minutes  he  heard  it  proclaimed, 
"  Here  is  the  general,  he  has  surrendered/' 

There  was  a  shout  of  triumph,  but  a  great  hurry  to  make  sure 
of  the  prize  before  the  army  should  arrive  to  the  rescue.  A 
trumpet  sounded  the  recall  to  the  dragoons,  who  were  chasing 
the  scattered  guards.  The  general,  bareheaded,  and  in  his 
slippers  and  blanket  coat,  was  mounted  on  Wilkinson's  horse, 
which  stood  at  the  door,  and  the  troop  clattered  off  with  their 
prisoner  to  Brunswick.  In  three  hours  the  booming  of  cannon 
in  that  direction  told  the  exultation  of  the  enemy.2  They 
boasted  of  having  taken  the  American  Palladium ;  for  they 
considered  Lee  the  most  scientific  and  experienced  of  the  rebel 
generals. 

1  Jos.  Trumbull  to  Governor  Trumbull.  — Am.  Archives,  hth  Series,  Hi.,  1265. 
«  Idem. 


220  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

On  the  departure  of  the  troops,  Wilkinson,  finding  the  coast 
clear,  ventured  from  his  stronghold,  repaired  to  the  stable, 
mounted  the  first  horse  he  could  find,  and  rode  full  speed  in 
quest  of  General  Sullivan,  whom  he  found  under  march  toward 
Pluckamiu.  He  handed  him  the  letter  to  Gates,  written  by  Lee 
the  moment  before  his  capture,  and  still  open.  Sullivan  having 
read  it,  returned  it  to  Wilkinson,  and  advised  him  to  rejoin 
General  Gates  without  delay :  for  his  own  part,  being  now  in 
command,  he  changed  his  route,  and  pressed  forward  to  join  the 
commander-in-chief. 

The  loss  of  Lee  was  a  severe  shock  to  the  Americans ;  many 
of  whom,  as  we  have  shown,  looked  to  him  as  the  man  who  was 
to  rescue  them  from  their  critical,  and  well-nigh  desperate  situ- 
ation. With  their  regrets,  however,  were  mingled  painful  doubts, 
caused  by  his  delay  in  obeying  the  repeated  summons  of  his 
commander-in-chief,  when  the  latter  was  in  peril ;  and  by  his 
exposing  himself  so  unguardedly  in  the  very  neighborhood  of 
the  enemy.  Some  at  first  suspected  that  he  had  done  so  design- 
edly, and  with  collusion ;  but  this  was  soon  disproved  by  the 
indignities  attending  his  capture,  and  his  rigorous  treatment 
subsequently  by  the  British ;  who  affected  to  consider  him  a 
deserter,  from  his  having  formerly  served  in  their  army. 

Wilkinson,  who  was  at  that  time  conversant  with  the  cabals 
of  the  camp,  and  apparently  in  the  confidence  of  some  of  the 
leaders,  points  out  what  he  considers  the  true  secret  of  Lee's 
conduct.  His  militar}'  reputation,  originally  very  high,  had 
been  enhanced  of  late,  by  its  being  generally  known  that  he  had 
been  opposed  to  the  occupation  of  Fort  Washington  ;  while  the 
fall  of  that  fortress  and  other  misfortunes  of  the  campaign, 
though  beyond  the  control  of  the  commander-in-chief,  had 
quickened  the  discontent  which,  according  to  Wilkinson,  had 
been  generated  against  him  at  Cambridge,  and  raised  a  party 
against  him  in  Congress.  "  It  was  confidently  asserted  at  the 
time,"  adds  he,  "-but  is  not  worthy  of  credit,  that  a  motion 
had  been  made  in  that  body  tending  to  supersede  him  in  the 
command  of  the  army.  In  this  temper  of  the  times,  if  General 
Lee  had  anticipated  General  Washington  in  cutting  the  cordon 
of  the  enemy  between  New  York  and  the  Delaware,  the  com- 
mander-in-chief would  probably  have  been  superseded.  In  this 
case,  Lee  would  have  succeeded  him." 

What  an  unfortunate  change  would  it  have  been  for  the 
country !  Lee  was  undoubtedly  a  man  of  brilliant  talents, 
shrewd  sagacity,  and  much  knowledge  and  experience  in  the 
art  of  war ;  but  he  was  wilful  and  uncertain  in  his  temper,  self* 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  221 

indulgent  in  his  habits,  and  an  egoist  in  warfare  ;  boldly  dash- 
ing for  a  soldier's  glory  rather  than  warily  acting  for  a  country's 
good.  He  wanted  those  great  moral  qualities  which,  in  addition 
to  military  capacity,  inspired  such  universal  confidence  in  the 
wisdom,  rectitude  and  patriotism  of  Washington,  enabling  him 
to  direct  and  control  legislative  bodies  as  well  as  armies  ;  to 
harmonize  the  jarring  passions  and  jealousies  of  a  wide  and 
imperfect  confederacy,  and  to  cope  with  the  varied  exigencies 
of  the  Revolution. 

The  very  retreat  which  Washington  had  just  effected  through 
the  Jerseys  bore  evidence  to  his  generalship.  Thomas  Paine, 
who  had  accompanied  the  army  "  from  Fort  Lee  to  the  edge  of 
Pennsylvania,"  thus  speaks  in  one  of  his  writings  published 
at  the  time  :  "  With  a  handful  of  men  we  sustained  an  orderly 
retreat  for  near  a  hundred  miles,  brought  off  our  ammunition, 
all  our  field-pieces,  the  greatest  part  of  our  stores,  and  had  four 
rivers  to  pass.  None  can  say  that  our  retreat  was  precipitate, 
for  we  were  three  weeks  in  performing  it,  that  the  country 
might  have  time  to  come  in.  Twice  we  marched  back  to  meet 
the  enemy,  and  remained  out  until  dark.  The  sign  of  fear  was 
not  seen  in  our  camp ;  and  had  not  some  of  the  cowardly  and 
disaffected  inhabitants  spread  false  alarms  through  the  country, 
the  Jerseys  had  never  been  ravaged.'* 

And  this  is  his  testimony  to  the  moral  qualities  of  the  com- 
mander-in-chief, as  evinced  in  this  time  of  perils  and  hardships. 
u  Voltaire  has  remarked,  that  King  William  never  appeared 
to  full  advantage  but  in  difficulties  and  in  action.  The  same 
remark  may  be  made  of  General  Washington,  for  the  character 
fits  him.  There  is  a  natural  firmness  in  some  minds,  which 
cannot  be  unlocked  by  trifles;  but  which,  when  unlocked,  dis- 
covers a  cabinet  of  fortitude,  and  I  reckon  it  among  those  kinds 
of  public  blessings  which  we  do  not  immediately  see,  that  God 
hath  blessed  him  with  uninterrupted  health,  and  given  him  a 
mind  that  can  even  flourish  upou  care."  1 

1  Amex-ican  Crisis,  No.  1. 


222  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XXXI. 

WASHINGTON   CLOTHED  WITH    ADDITIONAL  POWERS RECRUITMENT 

OF  THE  ARMY INCREASED  PAY COLONEL    JOHN  CADWALADER 

ARRIVAL    OF    SULLIVAN GATES WILKINSON A    COUP    DE 

MAIN    MEDITATED POSTURE    OF    AFFAIRS    AT   TRENTON GATES 

DECLINES    TO    TAKE    A    PART PUS    COMMENTS  ON  WASHINGTON'S 

PLANS PREPARATIONS    FOR     THE     COUP     DE     MAIN CROSSING 

OF     THE     DELAWARE ATTACK     ON     THE     ENEMY'S     FORCES     AT 

TRENTON DEATH    OF    RAHL HIS    CHARACTER. 

"  Before  you  receive  this  letter,"  writes  Washington  to  his 
brother  Augustine,  "  you  will  undoubtedly  have  heard  of  the 
captivity  of  General  Lee.  This  is  an  additional  misfortune  ;  " 
and  the  more  vexatious,  as  it  was  by  his  own  folly  and  impru- 
dence, and  without  a  view  to  effect  any  good  that  he  was  taken. 
As  he  went  to  lodge  three  miles  out  of  his  own  camp,  and  with- 
in twenty  miles  of  the  enemy,  a  rascally  tory  rode  in  the  night 
to  give  notice  of  it  to  the  enemy,  who  sent  a  party  of  light 
horse  that  seized  him,  and  carried  him  off  with  every  mark  of 
triumph  and  indignity." 

This  is  the  severest  comment  that  the  magnanimous  spirit  of 
Washington  permitted  him  to  make  on  the  conduct  and  fortunes 
of  the  man  who  would  have  supplanted  him  ;  and  this  is  made 
in  his  private  correspondence  with  his  brother.  No  harsh  strict- 
ures on  them  appear  in  his  official  letters  to  Congress  or  the 
Board  of  War ;  nothing  but  regret  for  his  capture,  as  a  loss  to 
the  service. 

In  the  same  letter  he  speaks  of  the  critical  state  of  affairs : 
"If  every  nerve  is  not  strained  to  recruit  the  army  with  all 
possible  expedition,  I  think  the  game  is  pretty  nearly  up. 
.  .  .  You  can  form  no  idea  of  the  perplexity  of  my  situation. 
No  man  I  believe  ever  had  a  greater  choice  of  evils  and  less 
means  to  extricate  himself  from  them.  However,  under  a  full 
persuasion  of  the  justice  of  our  cause,  I  cannot  entertain  an 
idea  that  it  will  finally  sink,  though  it  may  remain  for  some 
time  under  a  cloud." 

Fortunately,  Congress,  prior  to  their  adjournment,  had  re- 
solved that  "  until  they  should  otherwise  order,  General  Wash- 
ington should  be  possessed  of  all  power  to  order  and  direct 
all  things  relative  to  the  department  and  to  the  operations  of 
war."     Thus  empowered,  he  proceeded  immediately  to  recruit 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  223 

three  battalions  of  artillery.  To  those  whose  terms  were  ex- 
piring, he  promised  an  augmentation  of  twenty-five  per  cent  upon 
their  pay,  and  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars  to  the  men  for  six  weeks' 
service.  "  It  was  no  time,"  he  said,  "  to  stand  upon  expense  ; 
nor  in  matters  of  self-evident  exigency,  to  refer  to  Congress 
at  the  distance  of  a  hundred  and  thirty  or  forty  miles."  "  If 
any  good  officers  will  offer  to  raise  men  upon  continental  pay 
and  establishment  in  this  quarter,  I  shall  encourage  them  to  do 
so,  and  regiment  them  when  they  have  done  it.  It  may  be 
thought  that  I  am  going  a  good  deal  out  of  the  line  of  my  duty 
to  adopt  these  measures,  or  to  advise  thus  freely.  A  character 
to  lose,  an  estate  to  forfeit,  the  inestimable  blessings  of  liberty 
at  stake,  and  a  life  devoted,  must  be  my  excuse."  1 

The  promise  of  increased  pay  and  bounties  had  kept  together 
for  a  time  the  dissolving  army.  The  local  militia  began  to 
turn  out  freely.  Colonel  John  Cadwalader,  a  gentleman  of 
gallant  spirit,  and  cultivated  mind  and  manners,  brought  a  large 
volunteer  detachment,  well  equipped,  and  composed  principally 
of  Philadelphia  troops.  Washington,  who  held  Cadwalader 
in  high  esteem,  assigned  him  an  important  station  at  Bristol, 
witli  Colonel  Reed,  who  was  his  intimate  friend,  as  an  associate. 
They  had  it  in  charge  to  keep  a  watchful  eye  upon  Count 
Donop's  Hessians,  who  were  cantoned  along  the  opposite  shore 
from  Bordentown  to  the  Black  Horse. 

On  the  20th  of  December  arrived  General  Sullivan  in  camp, 
with  the  troops  recently  commanded  by  the  unlucky  Lee.  They 
were  in  a  miserable  plight ;  destitute  of  almost  every  thing  ; 
many  of  them  fit  only  for  the  hospital,  and  those  whose  terms 
were  nearly  out,  thinking  of  nothing  but  their  discharge.  About 
four  hundred  of  them,  who  were  Rhode  Islanders,  were  sent 
down  under  Colonel  Hitchcock  to  re-enforce  Cadwalader  ;  who 
was  now  styled  brigadier-general  by  courtesy,  lest  the  Conti- 
nental troops  might  object  to  act  under  his  command. 

On  the  same  day  arrived  General  Gates,  with  the  remnants 
of  four  regiments  from  the  Northern  army.  With  him  came 
Wilkinson,  who  now  resumed  his  station  as  brigade-major  in 
St.  Clair's  brigade,  to  which  he  belonged.  To  his  Memoirs  we 
are  indebted  for  notices  of  the  commander-in-chief.  "  When 
the  divisions  of  Sullivan  and  Gates  joined  General  Washington," 
writes  Wilkinson,  "  he  found  his  numbers  increased,  yet  his 
difficulties  were  not  sensibly  diminished ;  ten  days  would  dis- 
band his  corps  and  leave  him  1,400  men,  miserably  provided 

1  Letter  to  the  President  of  Congress. 


224  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

in  all  things.  I  saw  him  in  that  gloomy  period ;  dined  with 
him,  and  attentively  marked  his  aspect ;  always  grave  and 
thoughtful,  he  appeared  at  that  time  pensive  and  solemn  in  the 
extreme." 

There  were  vivid  schemes  forming  under  that  solemn  aspect. 
The  time  seemed  now  propitious  for  the  coup  de  main  which 
Washington  had  of  late  been  meditating.  Every  thing  showed 
careless  confidence  on  the  part  of  the  enemy.  Howe  was  in 
winter  quarters  at  New  York.  His  troops  were  loosely  cantoned 
about  the  Jerseys,  from  the  Delaware  to  Brunswick,  so  that  they 
could  not  readily  be  brought  to  act  in  concert  on  a  sudden 
alarm.  The  Hessians  were  in  the  advance,  stationed  along 
the  Delaware,  facing  the  American  lines,  which  were  along  the 
west  bank.  Cornwallis,  thinking  his  work  accomplished,  had 
obtained  leave  of  absence,  and  was  likewise  at  New  York,  pre- 
paring to  embark  for  England.  Washington  had  now  between 
five  and  six  thousand  men  fit  for  service ;  with  these  he  medi- 
tated to  cross  the  river  at  night,  at  different  points,  and  make 
simultaneous  attacks  upon  the  Hessian  advanced  posts. 

He  calculated  upon  the  eager  support  of  his  troops,  who 
were  burning  to  revenge  the  outrages  on  their  homes  and  fami- 
lies, committed  by  these  foreign  mercenaries.  They  considered 
the  Hessians  mere  hirelings ;  slaves  to  a  petty  despot,  fighting 
for  sordid  pa}',  and  actuated  by  no  sentiment  of  patriotism  or 
honor.  They  had  rendered  themselves  the  horror  of  the 
Jerseys,  by  rapine,  brutality,  and  heartlessness.  At  first,  their 
military  discipline  had  inspired  awe,  but  of  late  they  had 
become  careless  and  unguarded,  knowing  the  broken  and  dis- 
pirited state  of  the  Americans,  and  considering  them  incapable 
of  any  offensive  enterprise. 

A  brigade  of  three  Hessian  regiments,  those  of  Rahl,1  Loss- 
berg,  and  Knyphausen,  was  stationed  at  Trenton.  Colonel 
Rahl  had  the  command  of  the  post  at  his  own  solicitation,  and 
in  consequence  of  the  laurels  he  had  gained  at  White  Plains 
and  Fort  Washington.  We  have  before  us  journals  of  two 
Hessian  lieutenants  and  a  corporal,  which  give  graphic  par- 
ticulars of  the  colonel  and  his  post.  According  to  their  rep- 
resentations, he,  with  all  his  bravery,  was  little  fitted  for  such 
an  important  command.  He  lacked  the  necessary  vigilance 
and  forecast. 

One  of  the  lieutenants  speaks  of  him  in  a  sarcastic  vein,  and 

1  Seldom  has  a  name  of  so  few  letters  been  spelled  so  many  ways  as  that  of  this  com- 
mander. We  find  it  written  Rail  in  the  military  journals  before  us ;  yet  we  adhere  to  the' 
one  hitherto  adopted  by  us,  apparently  on  good  authority. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  225 

evidently  with  some  degree  of  prejudice.  According  to  his 
account,  there  was  more  bustle  than  business  at  the  post.  The 
men  were  harassed  with  watches,  detachments,  and  pickets, 
without  purpose  and  without  end.  The  cannon  must  be  drawn 
forth  everyday  from  their  proper  places,  and  paraded  about  the 
town,  seemingly  only  to  make  a  stir  and  uproar. 

The  lieutenant  was  especially  annoyed  by  the  colonel's  pas- 
sion for  music.  Whether  his  men  when  off  duty  were  well  or 
ill-clad,  whether  they  kept  their  muskets  clean  and  bright,  and 
their  ammunition  in  good  order,  was  of  little  moment  to  the 
colonel,  he  never  inquired  about  it,  —  but  the  music  !  that  was 
the  thing  !  the  hautboys  —  he  never  could  have  enough  of  them. 
The  main  guard  was  at  no  great  distance  from  his  quarters,  and 
the  music  could  not  linger  there  long  enough.  There  was  a 
church  close  by,  surrounded  by  palings  ;  the  officer  on  guard 
must  march  round  and  round  it,  with  his  men  and  musicians, 
looking,  says  the  lieutenant,  like  a  Catholic  procession,  wanting 
only  the  cross  and  the  banner,  and  chanting  choristers. 

According  to  the  same  authority,  Rahl  was  a  boon  companion  ; 
made  merry  until  a  late  hour  in  the  night,  and  then  lay  in  bed 
until  nine  o'clock  in  the  morning.  When  the  officers  came  to 
parade  between  ten  and  eleven  o'clock,  and  presented  them- 
selves at  head-quarters,  he  was  often  in  his  bath,  and  the  guard 
must  be  kept  waiting  half  an  hour  longer.  On  parade,  too, 
when  any  other  commander  would  take  occasion  to  talk  with  his 
staff  officers  and  others  upon  duty  about  the  concerns  of  the 
garrison,  the  colonel  attended  to  nothing  but  the  music  —  he 
was  wrapped  up  in  it,  to  the  great  disgust  of  the  testy  lieuten- 
ant. 

And  then,  according  to  the  latter,  he  took  no  precautions 
against  the  possibility  of  being  attacked.  A  veteran  officer, 
Major  Von  Dechow,  proposed  that  some  works  should  be  thrown 
up,  where  the  cannon  might  be  placed,  ready  against  any 
assault.  "  Works  !  —  pooh  —  pooh  :"  —  the  colonel  made 
merry  with  the  very  idea  —  using  an  unseemly  jest,  which  we 
forbear  to  quote.  u  An  assault  by  the  rebels  !  Let  them  come  ! 
We'll  at  them  with  the  bayonet." 

The  veteran  Dechow  gravely  persisted  in  his  counsel.  "  Herr 
Colonel,"  said  he  respectfully,  "  it  costs  almost  nothing  ;  if  it 
does  not  help,  it  does  not  harm."  The  pragmatical  lieuten- 
ant, too,  joined  in  the  advice,  and  offered  to  undertake  the  work. 
The  jovial  colonel  only  repeated  his  joke,  went  away  laughing 
at  them  both,  and  no  works  were  thrown  up. 

The   lieutenant,  sorely  nettled,   observed   sneeringly :  "  He 


226  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

believed  the  name  of  Rahl  more  fearful  and  redoubtable  than  all 
the  works  of  Vauban  and  Cohorn,  and  that  no  rebel  would  dare 
to  encounter  it.  A  fit  man  truly  to  command  a  corps  !  and  still 
more  to  defend  a  place  lying  so  near  an  enemy  having  a  hun- 
dred times  his  advantages.  Every  thing  with  him  was  done 
heedlessly  and  without  forecast."  1 

Such  is  the  account  given  of  this  brave,  but  inconsiderate  and 
light-hearted  commander ;  given,  however,  by  an  officer  not  of 
his  regiment.  The  honest  corporal  already  mentioned,  who  was 
one  of  Rani's  own  men,  does  him  more  justice.  According  to 
his  journal,  rumors  that  the  Americans  meditated  an  attack  had 
aroused  the  vigilance  of  the  colonel,  and  on  the  21st  of 
December  he  had  reconnoitred  the  banks  of  the  Delaware, 
with  a  strong  detachment,  quite  to  Frankfort,  to  see  if  there 
were  any  movements  of  the  Americans  indicative  of  an  inten- 
tion to  cross  the  river.  He  had  returned  without  seeing  any ; 
but  had  since  caused  pickets  and  alarm  posts  to  be  stationed 
every  night  outside  the  town.2 

Such  was  the  posture  of  affairs  at  Trenton  at  the  time  the 
coup  de  main  was  meditated. 

Whatever  was  to  be  done,  however,  must  be  done  quickly, 
before  the  river  was  frozen.  An  intercepted  letter  had  con- 
vinced Washington  of  what  he  had  before  suspected,  that  Howe 
was  only  waiting  for  that  event  to  resume  active  operations, 
cross  the  river  on  the  ice,  and  push  on  triumphantly  to 
Philadelphia. 

He  communicated  his  project  to  Gates,  and  wished  him  to 
go  to  Bristol,  take  command  there,  and  co-operate  from  that 
quarter.  Gates,  however,  pleaded  ill  health,  and  requested 
leave  to  proceed  to  Philadelphia. 

The  request  may  have  surprised  Washington,  considering  the 
spirited  enterprise  that  was  on  foot ;  but  Gates,  as  has  before 
been  observed,  had  a  disinclination  to  serve  immediately  under 
the  commander-in-chief  ;  like  Lee,  he  had  a  disparaging  opinion 
of  him,  or  rather  an  impatience  of  his  supremac}7.  He  had, 
moreover,  an  ulterior  object  in  view.  Having  been  disappointed 
and  chagrined,  in  finding  himself  subordinate  to  General 
Schuyler  in  the  Northern  campaign,  he  was  now  intent  on  making 
interest  among  the  members  of  Congress  for  an  independent 
command.  Washington  urged  that,  on  his  way  to  Philadelphia, 
he  would  at  least  stop  for  a  clay  or  two  at  Bristol,  to  concert  a 
plan  of  operations  with  Reed  and  Cadwalader,  and  adjust  any 

1  Tagebuch  eines  hessischen  Officiers.  —  MS. 

2  Tagebuch  des  Corporals  Johannes  Reuber.  —  MS. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  227 

little  questions  of  etiquette  and  command  that  might  arise 
between  the  continental  colonels  who  had  gone  thither  with 
Lee's  troops  and  the  volunteer  officers  stationed  there.1 

He  does  not  appear  to  have  complied  even  with  this  request. 
According  to  Wilkinson's  account,  he  took  quarters  at  New- 
town, and  set  out  thence  for  Baltimore  on  the  24th  of  December, 
the  very  day  before  that  of  the  intended  coup  de  main.  He 
prevailed  on  Wilkinson  to  accompany  him  as  far  as  Philadelphia. 
On  the  road  he  appeared  to  be  much  depressed  in  spirits  ;  but 
he  relieved  himself,  like  Lee,  by  criticising  the  plans  of  the 
commander-in-chief.  "He  frequently,"  writes  Wilkinson, 
"expressed  the  opinion  that,  while  Washington  was  watching 
the  enemy  above  Trenton,  they  would  construct  bateaux,  pass 
the  Delaware  in  his  rear,  and  take  possession  of  Philadelphia 
before  he  was  aware ;  and  that,  instead  of  vainly  attempting  to 
stop  Sir  William  Howe  at  the  Delaware,  General  Washington 
ought  to  retire  to  the  south  of  the  Susquehanna,  and  there  form 
an  army.  He  said  it  was  his  intention  to  propose  this  measure 
to  Congress  at  Baltimore,  and  urged  me  to  accompany  him  to 
that  place  ;  but  my  duty  forbade  the  thought." 

Here  we  have  somewhat  of  a  counterpart  to  Lee's  project  of 
eclipsing  the  commander-in-chief.  Evidently  the  two  military 
veterans  who  had  once  been  in  conclave  with  him  at  Mount 
Vernon  considered  the  truncheon  of  command  falling  from  his 
grasp. 

The  projected  attack  upon  the  Hessian  posts  was  to  be  three- 
fold. 

1st.  Washington  was  to  cross  the  Delaware  with  a  consider- 
able force,  at  McKonkey's  Ferry  (now  Taylorsville) ,  about  nine 
miles  above  Trenton,  and  march  down  upon  that  place,  where 
Raid's  cantonment  comprised  a  brigade  of  fifteen  hundred 
Hessians,  a  troop  of  British  light  horse,  and  a  number  of 
chasseurs. 

2d.  General  Ewing,  with  a  body  of  Pennsylvania  militia, 
was  to  cross  at  a  ferry  about  a  mile  below  Trenton ;  secure 
the  bridge  over  the  Assunpink  Creek,  a  stream  flowing  along  the 
south  side  of  the  town,  and  cut  off  any  retreat  of  the  enemy  in 
that  direction. 

3d.  General  Putnam,  with  the  troops  occupied  in  fortifying 
Philadelphia,  and  those  under  General  Cadwalader,  was  to  cross 
below  Burlington,  and  attack  the  lower  posts  under  Count 
Donop.     The  several  divisions  were  to  cross  the  Delaware  at 

t  Washington  to  Gates.    Gates's  papers. 


228  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

night,  so  as  to  be  ready  for  simultaneous  action,  by  five  o'clock 
in  the  morning. 

Seldom  is  a  combined  plan  carried  into  full  operation. 
Symptoms  of  an  insurrection  in  Philadelphia  obliged  Putnam  to 
remain  with  some  force  in  that  city ;  but  he  detached  five  or 
six  hundred  of  the  Pennsylvania  militia,  under  Colonel  Griffin, 
his  adjutant-general,  who  threw  himself  into  the  Jerseys,  to  be 
at  hand  to  co-operate  with  Cadwalader. 

A  letter  from  Washington  to  Colonel  Reed,  who  was  stationed 
with  Cadwalader,  shows  the  anxiety  of  his  mind,  and  his  con- 
sciousness of  the  peril  of  the  enterprise. 

u  Christmas  day  at  night,  one  hour  before  day,  is  the  time 
fixed  upon  for  our  attempt  upon  Trenton.  For  Heaven's  sake 
keep  this  to  yourself,  as  the  discovery  of  it  may  prove  fatal  to 
us  ;  our  numbers,  I  am  sorry  to  say,  being  less  than  I  had  any 
conception  of;  yet  nothing  but  necessity,  dire  necessity,  will, 
nay  must,  justify  an  attack.  Prepare,  and  in  concert  with 
Griffin,  attack  as  many  of  their  posts  as  you  possibly  can,  with 
a  prospect  of  success  ;  the  more  we  can  attack  at  the  same 
instant,  the  more  confusion  we  shall  spread,  and  the  greater 
good  will  result  from  it.  ...  I  have  ordered  our  men  to  be 
provided  with  three  days'  provision  ready  cooked,  with  which, 
and  their  blankets,  they  are  to  march ;  for  if  we  are  successful, 
which  Heaven  grant,  and  the  circumstances  favor,  we  may  push 
on.  I  shall  direct  every  ferry  and  ford  to  be  well  guarded,  and 
not  a  soul  suffered  to  pass  without  an  officer's  going  down  with 
the  permit.     Do  the  same  with  you." 

It  has  been  said  that  Christmas  night  was  fixed  upon  for 
the  enterprise,  because  the  Germans  are  prone  to  revel  and 
carouse  on  that  festival,  and  it  was  supposed  a  great  part  of 
the  troops  would  be  intoxicated,  and  in  a  state  of  disorder  and 
confusion  ;  but  in  truth  Washington  would  have  chosen  an 
earlier  day,  had  it  been  in  his  power.  "  We  could  not  ripen 
matters  for  the  attack  before  the  time  mentioned,"  said  he  in 
his  letter  to  Reed,  "  so  much  out  of  sorts,  and  so  much  in  want 
of  every  thing  are  the  troops  under  Sullivan." 

Early  on  the  eventful  evening  (December  25.),  the  troops 
destined  for  Washington's  part  of  the  attack,  about  two  thou- 
sand four  hundred  strong,  with  a  train  of  twenty  small  pieces, 
were  paraded  near  McKonkey's  Ferry,  ready  to  pass  as  soon 
as  it  grew  dark,  in  the  hope  of  being  all  on  the  other  side  by 
twelve  o'clock.  Washington  repaired  to  the  ground  accom- 
panied by  Generals  Greene,  Sullivan,  Mercer,  ^Stephen,  and 
Lord  Stirling.     Greene  was  full  of  ardor  for  the  enterprise ; 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.    %  22? 

eager,  no  doubt,  to  wipe  out  the  recollection  of  Fort  Washing- 
ton.    It  was,  indeed,  an  anxious  moment  for  all. 

We  have  here  some  circumstances  furnished  to  us  by  the 
Memoirs  of  Wilkinson.  That  officer  had  returned  from  Phila- 
delphia, and  brought  a  letter  from  Gates  to  Washington. 
There  was  some  snow  on  the  ground,  and  he  had  traced  the 
march  of  the  troops  for  the  last  few  miles  by* the  blood  from 
the  feet  of  those  whose  shoes  were  broken.  Being  directed 
to  Washington's  quarters,  he  found  him,  he  says,  alone,  with 
his  whip  in  his  hand,  prepared  to  mount  his  horse.  u  When  I 
presented  the  letter  of  General  Gates  to  him,  before  receiving 
it,  he  exclaimed  with  solemnity,  — '  What  a  time  is  this  to  hand 
me  letters ! '  I  answered  that  I  had  been  charged  with  it  by 
General  Gates.  'By  General  Gates!  Where  is  he?'  'I 
left  him  this  morning  in  Philadelphia.'  '  What  was  he  doing 
there ?  '  'I  understood  him  that  he  was  on  his  way  to  Con- 
gress.' He  earnestly  repeated,  'On  his  way  to  Congress!' 
then  broke  the  seal,  and  I  made  my  bow,  and  joined  General 
St.  Clair  on  the  bank  of  the  river. ' ' 

Did  Washington  surmise  the  incipient  intrigues  and  cabals, 
that  were  already  aiming  to  undermine  him?  Had  Gates's 
eagerness  to  push  on  to  Congress,  instead  of  remaining  with 
the  army  in  a  moment  of  daring  enterprise,  suggested  any 
doubts  as  to  his  object?  Perhaps  not.  Washington's  nature 
was  too  noble  to  be  suspicious ;  and  yet  he  had  received  suffi- 
cient cause  to  be  distrustful. 

Boats  being  in  readiness,  the  troops  began  to  cross  about 
sunset.  The  weather  was  intensely  cold  ;  the  wind  was  high, 
the  current  strong,  and  the  river  full  of  floating  ice.  Colonel 
Glover,  with  his  amphibious  regiment  of  Marblehead  fisher- 
men, was  in  advance  ;  the  same  who  had  navigated  the  army 
across  the  Sound,  in  its  retreat  from  Brooklyn  on  Long  Island, 
to  New  York.  They  were  men  accustomed  to  battle  with  the 
elements,  yet  with  all  their  skill  and  experience,  the  crossing 
was  difficult  and  perilous.  Washington,  who  had  crossed  with 
the  troops,  stood  anxiously,  yet  patiently,  on  the  eastern  bank, 
while  one  precious  hour  after  another  elapsed,  until  the  trans- 
portation of  the  artillery  should  be  effected.  The  night  was 
dark  and  tempestuous,  the  drifting  ice  drove  the  boats  out  of 
their  course,  and  threatened  them  with  destruction.  Colonel 
Knox,  who  attended  to  the  crossing  of  the  artillery,  assisted 
with  his  labors,  but  still  more  with  his  "  stentorian  lungs," 
giving  orders  and  directions. 

It  was  three  o'clock  before  the  artillery  was  landed,  and 


230  9    LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

nearly  four  before  the  troops  took  up  their  line  of  march. 
Trenton  was  nine  miles  distant ;  and  not  to  be  reached  before 
daylight.  To  surprise  it,  therefore,  was  out  of  the  questiou. 
There  was  no  making  a  retreat  without  being  discovered,  and 
harassed  in  repassing  the  river.  Besides,  the  troops  from  the 
other  points  might  have  crossed,  and  co-operation  was  essen- 
tial to  their  safety.  Washington  resolved  to  push  forward,  and 
trust  to  Providence. 

He  formed  the  troops  into  two  columns.  The  first  he  led 
himself,  accompanied  by  Greene,  Stirling,  Mercer,  and 
Stephen  ;  it  was  to  make  a  circuit  by  the  upper  or  Pennington 
road,  to  the  north  of  Trenton.  The  other  led  by  Sullivan,  and 
including  the  brigade  of  St.  Clair,  was  to  take  the  lower  river 
road,  leading  to  the  west  end  of  the  town.  Sullivan's  column 
was  to  halt  a  few  moments  at  a  cross-road  leading  toHowland's 
Ferry,  to  give  Washington's  column  time  to  effect  its  circuit, 
so  that  the  attack  might  be  simultaneous.  On  arriving  at 
Trenton,  they  were  to  force  the  outer  guards,  and  push  directly 
into  the  town  before  the  enemy  had  time  to  form. 

The  Hessian  journals  before  us  enable  us  to  give  the  reader 
a  glance  into  the  opposite  camp  on  this  eventful  night.  The 
situation  of  Washington  was  more  critical  than  he  was  aware. 
Notwithstanding  the  secrecy  with  which  his  plans  had  been 
conducted,  Colonel  Rahl  had  received  a  warning  from  General 
Grant,  at  Princeton,  of  the  intended  attack,  and  of  the  very 
time  it  was  to  be  made,  but  stating  that  it  was  to  be  by  a 
detachment  under  Lord  Stirling.  Rahl  was  accordingly  on  the 
alert. 

It  so  happened  that  about  dusk  of  this  very  evening,  when 
Washington  must  have  been  preparing  to  cross  the  Delaware, 
there  were  alarm  guns  and  firing  at  the  Trenton  outpost.  The 
whole  garrison  was  instantly  drawn  out  under  arms,  and 
Colonel  Rahl  hastened  to  the  outpost.  It  was  found  in  confu- 
sion, and  six  men  wounded.  A  body  of  men  had  emerged 
from  the  woods,  fired  upon  the  picket,  and  immediately  retired.1 
Colonel  Rahl,  with  two  companies  and  a  field-piece,  marched 
through  the  woods,  and  made  the  rounds  of  the  outposts,  but 
seeing  and  hearing  nothing,  and  finding  all  quiet,  returned. 
Supposing  this  to  be  the  attack  against  which  he  had  been 

1  Who  it  was  that  made  this  attack  upon  the  outpost  is  not  clearly  ascertained.  The 
Hessian  lieutenant  who  commanded  at  the  picket,  says  it  was  a  patrol  sent  out  by  Wash- 
ington, under  command  of  a  captain,  to  reconnoitre,  with  strict  orders  not  to  engage, 
but  if  discovered,  to  retire  instantly  as  silently  as  possible.  Colonel  Reed,  in  a  memoran- 
dum, says  it  was  an  advance  party  returning"  from  the  Jerseys  to  Pennsylvania.  —  See 
Life  and  Corresp^  vol.  i.,  p.  277. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  231 

warned,  and  that  it  was  "  a  mere  flash  in  the  pan,"  he  relapsed 
into  his  feeling  of  security ;  and,  as  the  night  was  cold  and 
stormy,  permitted  the  troops  to  return  to  their  quarters  and  lay 
aside  their  arms.  Thus  the  garrison  and  its  unwary  com- 
mander slept  in  fancied  security,  at  *he  very  time  that  Wash- 
ington and  his  troops  were  making  their  toilsome  way  across 
the  Delaware.  How  perilous  would  have  been  their  situation 
had  their  enemy  been  more  vigilant ! 

It  began  to  hail  and  snow  as  the  troops  commenced  their 
march,  and  increased  in  violence  as  they  advanced,  the  storm 
driving  the  sleet  in  their  faces.  So  bitter  was  the  cold  that 
two  of  the  men  were  frozen  to  death  that  night.  The  day 
dawned  by  the  time  Sullivan  halted  at  the  cross-road.  It  was 
discovered  that  the  storm  had  rendered  many  of  the  muskets 
wet  and  useless.  "What  is  to  be  done?"  inquired  Sullivan 
of  St.  Clair.  "  You  have  nothing  for  it  but  to  push  on,  and 
use  the  bayonet,"  was  the  reply.  While  some  of  the  soldiers 
were  endeavoring  to  clear  their  muskets,  and  squibbing  off 
priming,  Sullivan  despatched  an  officer  to  apprise  the  com- 
mander-in-chief of  the  condition  of  their  arms.  He  came  back 
half-dismayed  by  an  indignant  burst  of  Washington,  who 
ordered  him  to  return  instantly  and  tell  General  Sullivan  to 
"  advance  and  charge." 

It  was  about  eight  o'clock  when  Washington's  column 
arrived  in  the  vicinity  of  the  village.  The  storm,  which  had 
rendered  the  march  intolerable,  had  kept  every  one  within 
doors,  and  the  snow  had  deadened  the  tread  of  the  troops  and 
the  rumbling  of  the  artillery.  As  they  approached  the  village, 
Washington,  who  was  in  front,  came  to  a  man  that  was  chop- 
ping wood  by  the  road-side,  and  inquired,  "  Which  way  is  the 
Hessian  picket?"  "I  don't  know,"  was  the  surly  reply. 
"You  may  tell,"  said  Captain  Forest  of  the  artillery,  "for 
that  is  General  Washington."  The  aspect  of  the  man  changed 
in  an  instant.  Raising  his  hands  to  heaven,  "  God  bless  and 
prosper  you!  "  cried  he.  "  The  picket  is  in  that  house,  and 
the  sentry  stands  near  that  tree."  x 

The  advance  guard  was  led  by  a  brave  young  officer,  Cap- 
tain William  A.  Washington,  seconded  by  Lieutenant  James 
Monroe  (in  after  years  President  of  the  United  States).  They 
received  orders  to  dislodge  the  picket.  Here  happened  to  be 
stationed  the  very  lieutenant  whose  censures  of  the  negligence 
of  Colonel  Rahl  we  have  just  quoted.     By  his  own  account,  he 

1  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.,  p.  129. 


232  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

was  very  near  being  entrapped  in  the  guard-house.  His  sen- 
tries, he  says,  were  not  alert  enough ;  and  had  he  not  stepped 
out  of  the  picket  house  himself  and  discovered  the  enemy,  they 
would  have  been  upon  him  before  his  men  could  scramble  to 
their  arms.  "Der  feind !  der  feind  !  heraus  !  heraus!"  (the 
enemy  !  the  enemy  !  turn  out !  turn  out !)  was  now  the  cry. 
He  at  first,  he  says,  made  a  stand,  thinking  he  had  a  mere 
marauding  party  to  deal  with ;  but  seeing  heavy  battalions  at 
hand,  gave  way,  and  fell  back  upon  a  company  stationed  to 
support  the  picket ;  but  which  appears  to  have  been  no  better 
prepared  against  surprise. 

By  this  time  the  American  artillery  was  unlimbered ; 
Washington  kept  beside  it,  and  the  column  proceeded.  The 
report  of  fire-arms  told  that  Sullivan  was  at  the  lower  end  of 
the  town.  Colonel  Stark  led  his  advance  guard,  and  did  it 
in  gallant  style.  The  attacks,  as  concerted,  were  simultane- 
ous. The  outposts  were  driven  in  ;  they  retreated,  firing  from 
behind  houses.  The  Hessian  drums  beat  to  arms ;  the  trum- 
pets of  the  light  horse  sounded  the  alarm  ;  the  whole  place  was 
in  an  uproar.  Some  of  the  enemy  made  a  wild  and  undirected 
fire  from  the  windows  of  their  quarters  ;  others  rushed  forth  in 
disorder,  and  attempted  to  form  in  the  main  street,  while  dra- 
goons hastily  mounted,  and  galloping  about,  added  to  the  con- 
fusion. Washington  advanced  with  his  column  to  the  head  of 
King  street,  riding  beside  Captain  Forest  of  the  artillery. 
When  Forest' s  battery  of  six  guns  was  opened  the  general 
kept  on  the  left  and  advanced  with  it,  giving  directions  to  the 
fire.  His  position  was  an  exposed  one,  and  he  was  repeatedly 
entreated  to  fall  back  ;  but  all  such  entreaties  were  useless, 
when  once  he  became  heated  in  action. 

The  enemy  were  training  a  couple  of  cannon  in  the  main 
street  to  form  a  battery,  which  might  have  given  the  Americans 
a  serious  check  ;  but  Captain  Washington  and  Lieutenant  Mon- 
roe, with  a  part  of  the  advance  guard,  rushed  forward,  drove 
the  artillerists  from  their  guns,  and  took  the  two  pieces  when 
on  the  point  of  being  fired.  Both  of  these  officers  were 
wounded ;  the  captain  in  the  wTrist,  the  lieutenant  in  the 
shoulder. 

While  Washington  advanced  on  the  north  of  the  town,  Sul- 
livan approached  on  the  west,  and  detached  Stark  to  press  on 
the  lower  or  south  end  of  the  town.  The  British  light  horse, 
and  about  five  hundred  Hessians  and  chasseurs,  had  been  quar- 
tered in  the  lower  part  of  the  town.  Seeing  Washington's  col- 
umn pressing  in  front,  and  hearing  Stark  thundering  in  their 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  233 

rear,  they  took  headlong  flight  by  the  bridge  across  the  Assun- 
pink,  and  so  along  the  banks  of  the  Delaware  toward  Count 
Donop's  encampment  at  Bordentown.  Had  Washington's  plan 
been  carried  into  full  effect,  their  retreat  would  have  been  cut 
off  by  General  Ewing ;  but  that  officer  had  been  prevented  from 
crossing  the  river  by  the  ice. 

Colonel  Rahl,  according  to  the  account  of  the  lieutenant  who 
had  commanded  the  picket,  completely  lost  his  head  in  the 
confusion  of  the  surprise.  The  latter,  when  driven  in  by  the 
American  advance,  found  the  colonel  on  horseback,  endeavor- 
ing to  rally  his  panic-stricken  and  disordered  men,  but  himself 
sorely  bewildered.  He  asked  the  lieutenant  what  was  the  force 
of  the  assailants.  The  latter  answered  that  he  had  seen  four 
or  five  battalions  in  the  woods ;  three  of  them  had  fired  upon 
him  before  he  had  retreated  —  "but,"  added  he,  "there  are 
other  troops  to  the  right  and  left,  and  the  town  will  soon  be 
surrounded." 

The  colonel  rode  in  front  of  his  troops  :  —  "  Forward  !  march  ! 
advance!  advance!"  cried  he.  With  some  difficulty  he  suc- 
ceeded in  extricating  his  troops  from  the  town,  and  leading 
them  into  an  adjacent  orchard.  Now  was  the  time,  writes  the 
lieutenant,  for  him  to  have  pushed  for  another  place,  there  to 
make  a  stand.  At  this  critical  moment  he  might  have  done  so 
with  credit,  and  without  loss.  The  colonel  seems  to  have  had 
such  an  intention.  A  rapid  retreat  by  the  Princeton  road  was 
apparently  in  his  thoughts  ;  but  he  lacked  decision.  The  idea 
of  flying  before  the  rebels  was  intolerable.  Some  one,  too, 
exclaimed  at  the  ruinous  loss  of  leaving  all  their  baggage  to  be 
plundered  by  the  enemy.  Changing  his  mind,  he  made  a  rash 
resolve.  "All  who  are  my  grenadiers,  forward!"  cried  he, 
and  went  back,  writes  his  corporal,  like  a  storm  upon  the  town. 
4*  What  madness  was  this!"  writes  the  critical  lieutenant. 
"  A  town  that  was  of  no  use  to  us ;  that  but  ten  or  fifteen  min- 
utes before  he  had  gladly  left ;  that  was  now  filled  with  three 
or  four  thousand  enemies,  stationed  in  houses  or  behind  walls 
and  hedges,  and  a  battery  of  six  cannon  planted  on  the  main 
street.  And  he  to  think  of  retaking  it  with  his  six  or  seven 
hundred  men  and  their  bayonets  !  " 

Still  he  led  his  grenadiers  bravely  but  rashly  on,  when,  in  the 
midst  of  his  career,  he  received  a  fatal  wound  from  a  musket 
ball,  and  fell  from  his  horse.  His  men,  left  without  their  chief, 
were  struck  with  dismay ;  heedless  of  the  orders  of  the  second 
in  command,  they  retreated  by  the  right  up  the  banks  of  the 
Assunpink,  intending  to  escape  to  Princeton.     Washington  saw 


234  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

their  design,  and  threw  Colonel  Hand's  corps  of  Pennsylvania 
riflemen  in  their  way ;  while  a  body  of  Virginia  troops  gained 
their  left.  Brought  to  a  stand,  and  perfectly  bewildered,  Wash- 
ington thought  they  were  forming  in  order  of  battle,  and  ordered 
a  discharge  of  canister  shot.  "  Sir,  they  have  struck,"  ex- 
claimed Forest.  "Struck!"  echoed  the  general.  "  Yes,  sir, 
their  colors  are  down."  "  So  they  are  !  "  replied  Washington, 
and  spurred  in  that  direction,  followed  by  Forest  and  his  whole 
command.  The  men  grounded  their  arms  and  surrendered  at 
discretion  ;  "  but  had  not  Colonel  Rahl  been  severely  wounded," 
remarks  his  loyal  corporal,  "  we  would  never  have  been  taken 
alive!" 

The  skirmishing  had  now  ceased  in  every  direction.  Major 
Wilkinson,  who  was  with  the  lower  column,  was  sent  to  the 
commander-in-chief  for  orders.  He  rode  up,  he  says,  at  the 
moment  that  Colonel  Rahl,  supported  by  a  file  of  sergeants,  was 
presenting  his  sword.  "  On  my  approach,"  continues  he,  "  the 
commander-in-chief  took  me  by  the  hand,  and  observed,  '  Major 
Wilkinson,  this  is  a  glorious  day  for  our  country  ! '  his  counte- 
nance beaming  with  complacency  ;  while  the  unfortunate  Rahl, 
who  the  day  before  would  not  have  changed  fortunes  with  him, 
now  pale,  bleeding,  and  covered  with  blood,  in  broken  accents 
seemed  to  implore  those  attentions  which  the  victor  was  well 
disposed  ^o  bestow  on  him." 

He  was,  in  fact,  conveyed  with  great  care  to  his  quarters, 
which  were  in  the  house  of  a  kind  and  respectable  Quaker 
family. 

The  number  of  prisoners  taken  in  this  affair  was  nearly 
one  thousand,  of  which  thirty-two  were  officers.  The  veteran 
Major  Von  Dechow,  who  had  urged  in  vain  the  throwing  up  of 
breastworks,  received  a  mortal  wound,  of  which  he  died  in 
Trenton.  Washington's  triumph,  however,  was  impaired  by 
the  failure  of  the  two  simultaneous  attacks.  General  Ewing, 
who  was  to  have  crossed  before  day  at  Trenton  Ferry,  and 
taken  possession  of  the  bridge  leading  out  of  the  town,  over 
which  the  light  horse  and  Hessians  retreated,  was  prevented 
by  the  quantity  of  ice  in  the  river.  Cadwalader  was  hindered 
by  the  same  obstacle.  He  got  part  of  his  troops  over,  but 
found  it  impossible  to  embark  his  cannon,  and  was  obliged, 
therefore,  to  return  to  the  Pennsylvania  side  of  the  river. 
Had  he  and  Ewing  crossed,  Donop's  quarters  would  have  been 
beaten  up,  and  the  fugitives  from  Trenton  intercepted. 

By  the  failure  of  this  part  of  his  plan,  Washington  bad 
been  exposed  to  the  most  imminent  hazard.     The  force  with 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  235 

which  he  had  crossed,  twenty-four  hundred  men,  raw  troops, 
was  not  enough  to  cope  with  the  veteran  garrison,  had  it  been 
properly  on  its  guard ;  and  then  there  were  the  troops  under 
Donop  at  hand  to  co-operate  with  it.  Nothing  saved  him  but 
the  utter  panic  of  the  enemy ;  their  want  of  proper  alarm 
places,  and  their  exaggerated  idea  of  his  forces :  for  one  of 
the  journals  before  us  (the  corporal's)  states  that  he  had 
with  him  15,000  men,  and  another  6,000.*  Even  now  that  the 
place  was  in  his  possession  he  dared  not  linger  in  it.  There 
was  a  superior  force  under  Donop  below  him,  and  a  strong- 
battalion  of  infantry  at  Princeton.  His  own  troops  were 
exhausted  by  the  operations  of  the  night  and  morning  in  cold, 
rain,  snow  and  storm.  They  had  to  guard  about  a  thousand 
prisoners,  taken  in  action  or  found  concealed  in  houses ;  there 
was  little  prospect  of  succor,  owing  to  the  season  and  the  state 
of  the  river.  Washington  gave  up,  therefore,  all  idea  of  im- 
mediately pursuing  the  enemy  or  keeping  possession  of  Trenton, 
and  determined  to  recross  the  Delaware  with  his  prisoners 
and  captured  artillery.  Understanding  that  the  brave  but  un- 
fortunate Rahl  was  in  a  dying  state,  he  paid  him  a  visit  before 
leaving  Trenton,  accompanied  by  General  Greene.  They 
found  him  at  his  quarters  in  the  house  of  a  Quaker  family. 
Their  visit  and  the  respectful  consideration  and  unaffected 
sympathy  manifested  by  them,  evidently  soothed  the  feelings 
of  the  unfortunate  soldier  ;  now  stripped  of  his  late  won  laurels, 
and  resigned  to  die  rather  than  outlive  his  honor.2 

We  have  given  a  somewhat  sarcastic  portrait  of  the  colonel 
drawn  by  one  of  his  lieutenants ;  another,  Lieutenant  Piel, 
paints  with  a  soberer  and  more  reliable  pencil. 

"  For  our  whole  ill  luck,"  writes  he,  "  we  have  to  thank 
Colonel  Rahl.  It  never  occurred  to  him  that  the  rebels  might 
attack  ust  and,  therefore,  he  had  taken  scarce  any  precautions 
against  such  an  event.  In  truth  I  must  confess  we  have  uni- 
versally thought  too  little  of  the  rebels,  who,  until  now,  have 
never  on  any  occasion  been  able  to  withstand  us.  Our  briga- 
dier (Rahl)  was  too  proud  to  retire  a  step  before  such  an 
enemy  ;  although  nothing  remained  for  us  but  to  retreat. 

"  General  Howe  had  judged  this  man  from  a  wrong  point 
of  view,  or  he  would  hardly  have  intrusted  such  an  important 
post  as  Trenton  to  him.     He  was  formed  for  a  soldier,  but  not 


1  The  lieutenant  gives  the  latter  number  on  the  authority  of  Lord  Stirling;  hut  his 
lordship  meant  the  whole  number  of  men  intended  for  the  three  several  attacks.  The 
force  that  actually  crossed  with  Washiugton  was  what  we  have  stated. 

*  Journal  of  Lieutenant  Piel. 


236  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

for  a  general.  At  the  capture  of  Fort  Washington  he  had 
gained  much  honor  while  under  the  command  of  a  great 
general,  but  he  lost  all  his  renown  at  Trenton  where  he  himself 
was  general.  He  had  courage  to  dare  the  hardiest  enterprise  ; 
but  he  alone  wanted  the  cool  presence  of  mind  necessary  in 
a  surprise  like  that  at  Trenton.  His  vivacity  was  too  great ; 
one  thought  crowded  on  another  so  that  he  could  come  to  no 
decision.  Considered  as  a  private  man,  he  was  deserving  of 
high  regard.  He  was  generous,  open-handed,  hospitable ; 
never  cringing  to  his  superiors,  nor  arrogant  to  his  inferiors, 
but  courteous  to  all.  Even  his  domestics  were  treated  more 
like  friends  than  servants." 

The  loyal  corporal,  too,  contributes  his  mite  of  praise  to 
his  dying  commander.  "  In  his  last  agony,"  writes  the  grate- 
ful soldier,  "  he  yet  thought  of  his  grenadiers,  and  entreated 
General  Washington  that  nothing  might  be  taken  from  them 
but  their  arms.  A  promise  was  given,"  adds  the  corporal, 
"  and  was  kept." 

Even  the  satirical  lieutenant  half  mourns  over  his  memory. 
"He  died,"  says  he,  "on  the  following  evening,  and  lies 
buried  in  this  place  which  he  has  rendered  so  famous,  in  the 
graveyard  of  the  Presbyterian  church.  Sleep  well !  dear  Com- 
mander !  (theurer  Feldherr).  The  Americans  will  hereafter  set 
up  a  stone  above  thy  grave  with  this  inscription : 

"  Hier  liegt  der  Oberst  Rahl, 
Mit  iliin  ist  alios  all ! 

(Here  lies  the  Colonel  Rahl, 
With  him  all  is  over.)  " 


CHAPTER  XXXII. 

TREATMENT  OF  THE  HESSIAN  PRISONERS THEIR  INTERVIEWS  WITH 

WASHINGTON THEIR   RECEPTION   BY   THE    PEOPLE.* 

The  Hessian  prisoners  were  conveyed  across  the  Delaware 
by  Johnson's  Ferry  into  Pennsylvania ;  the  private  soldiers 
were  marched  off  immediate^  to  Newtown  ;  the  officers,  twent}'- 
three  in  number,  remained  in  a  small  chamber  in  the  Ferry 
House,  where,  according  to  their  own  account,  they  passed  a 
dismal  night ;  sore  at  heart  that  their  recent  triumphs  at  White 
Plains  and  Fort  Washington  should  be  so  suddenly  eclipsed. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  237 

On  the  following  morning  they  were  conducted  to  Newtown 
under  the  escort  of  Colonel  Weedon.  His  exterior,  writes 
Lieutenant  Piel,  spoke  but  little  in  his  favor,  yet  he  won  all 
our  hearts  by  his  kind  and  friendly  conduct. 

At  Newtown  the  officers  were  quartered  in  inns  and  private 
houses,  the  soldiers  in  the  church  and  jail.  The  officers  paid 
a  visit  to  Lord  Stirling,  whom  some  of  them  had  known  from 
his  being  captured  at  Long  Island.  He  received  them  with 
great  kindness.  "  Your  general,  Van  Heister,"  said  he, 
' '  treated  me  like  a  brother  when  I  was  a  prisoner,  and  so, 
gentlemen,  will  you  be  treated  by  me." 

"We  had  scarce  seated  ourselves,"  continues  Lieutenant 
Piel,  "when  a  long,  meagre,  dark-looking  man,  whom  we  took 
for  the  parson  of  the  place,  stepped  forth  and  held  a  discourse 
in  German,  in  which  he  endeavored  to  set  forth  the  justice  of 
the  American  side  in  this  war.  He  told  us  he  was  a  Hanoverian 
born  ;  called  the  king  of  England  nothing  but  the  Elector  of 
Hanover,  and  spoke  of  him  so  contemptuously  that  his  garrulity 
became  intolerable.  We  answered  that  we  had  not  come  to 
America  to  inquire  which  party  was  in  the  right ;  but  to  fight 
for  the  king. 

"  Lord  Stirling,  seeing  how  little  we  were  edified  by  the 
preacher,  relieved  us  from  him  by  proposing  to  take  us  with 
him  to  visit  General  Washington.  The  latter  received  us  very 
courteously,  though  we  understood  very  little  of  what  he  said, 
as  he  spoke  nothing  but  English,  a  language  in  which  none  of 
us  at  that  time  were  strong.  In  his  aspect  shines  forth  nothing 
of  the  great  man  that  he  is  universally  considered.  His  eyes 
have  scarce  any  fire.  There  is,  however,  a  smiling  expression 
on  his  countenance  when  he  speaks,  that  wins  affection  and 
respect.  He  invited  four  of  our  officers  to  dine  with  him  ;  the 
rest  dined  with  Lord  Stirling."  One  of  those  officers  who 
dined  with  the  commander-in-chief,  was  the  satirical  lieutenant 
whom  we  have  so  often  quoted,  and  who  was  stationed  at  the 
picket  on  the  morning  of  the  attack.  However  disparagingly 
he  may  have  thought  of  his  unfortunate  commander,  he  evi- 
dently had  a  very  good  opinion  of  himself. 

"General  Washington,"  writes  he  in  his  journal,  "did  me 
the  honor  to  converse  a  good  deal  with  me  concerning  the 
unfortunate  affair.  I  told  hira  freely  my  opinion  that  our  dis- 
positions had  been  bad,  otherwise  we  should  not  have  fallen 
into  his  hands.  He  asked  me  if  I  could  have  made  better 
dispositions,  and  in  what  manner?  I  told  him  yes;  stated  all 
the  faults  of  our  arrangements,  and  showed  him  how  I  would 


238  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

have  done ;  and  would  have  managed  to  come  out  of  the  affair 
with  honor." 

We  have  no  doubt,  from  the  specimens  furnished  in  the 
lieutenant's  journal,  that  he  went  largely  into  his  own  merits 
and  achievements,  and  the  demerits  and  shortcomings  of  his 
luckless  commander.  Washington,  he  added,  not  only  ap- 
plauded his  exposition  of  what  he  would  have  done,  but  made 
him  a  eulogy  thereupon,  and  upon  his  watchfulness  and  the 
defence  he  had  made  with  his  handful  of  men  when  his  picket 
was  attacked.  Yet  according  to  his  own  account,  in  his  journal, 
with  all  his  watchfulness,  he  came  near  being  caught  napping. 

"  General  Washington,"  continues  he,  "is  a  courteous  and 
polite  man,  but  very  cautious  and  reserved  ;  talks  little  ;  and  has  a 
crafty  (listige)  physiognomy."  We  surmise  the  lieutenant  had 
the  most  of  the  talk  on  that  occasion,  and  that  the  craft)'  or 
sly  expression  in  Washington's  physiognomy  may  have  been  a 
lurking  but  suppressed  smile,  provoked  by  the  lieutenant's  self- 
laudation  and  wordiness. 

The  Hessian  prisoners  were  subsequently  transferred  from 
place  to  place,  until  they  reached  Winchester  in  the  interior  of 
Virginia.  Wherever  they  arrived,  people  thronged  from  far 
and  near  to  see  these  terrible  beings  of  whom  they  had  received 
such  formidable  accounts  ;  and  were  surprised  and  disappointed 
to  find  them  looking  like  other  men.  At  first  they  had  to 
endure  the  hootiugs  and  revilings  of  the  multitude,  for  having 
hired  themselves  out  to  the  trade  of  blood  ;  and  they  especially 
speak  of  the  scoldings  they  received  from  old  women  in  the 
villages,  who  upbraided  them  for  coming  to  rob  them  of  their 
liberty.  "At  length,"  writes  the  corporal  in  his  journal, 
"General  Washington  had  written  notices  put  up  in  town  and 
country,  that  we  were  innocent  of  this  war  and  had  joined  in  it 
not  of  our  free  will,  but  through  compulsion.  We  should, 
therefore,  be  treated  not  as  enemies,  but  friends.  From  this 
time,"  adds  he,  "things  went  better  with  us.  Every  day 
came  many  out  of  the  towns,  old  and  young,  rich  and  poor, 
aud  brought  us  provisions,  and  treated  us  with  kindness  and 
humanity."  1 

1  Tagebuch  des  Corporals  Johannes  Reuber.  —  MS. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  239 


CHAPTER  XXXIII. 

EPISODE  —  COLONEL  GRIFFIN  IN  THE  JERSEYS  —  DONOP  DECOYED 
INROAD  OF  CADWALADER  AND  REED RETREAT  AND  CON- 
FUSION   OF     THE    ENEMY'S    OUTPOSTS WASHINGTON     RECROSSES 

THE    DELAWARE    WITH     HIS     TROOPS THE     GAME     REVERSED 

THE    HESSIANS    HUNTED    BACK    THROUGH    THE    COUNTRY — WASH- 
INGTON   MADE    MILITARY    DICTATOR. 

There  was  a  kind  of  episode  in  the  affair  at  Trenton. 
Colonel  Griffin,  who  had  thrown  himself  previously  into  the 
Jerseys  with  his  detachment  of  Pennsylvania  militia,  found 
himself,  through  indisposition  and  the  scanty  number  of  his 
troops,  unable  to  render  efficient  service  in  the  proposed  attack. 
He  sent  word  to  Cadwalader,  therefore,  that  he  should  probably 
render  him  more  real  aid  by  making  a  demonstration  in  front 
of  Donop,  and  drawing  him  off  so  far  into  the  interior  as  to  be 
out  of  the  way  of  rendering  support  to  Colonel  Rahl. 

He  accordingly  presented  himself  in  sight  of  Donop 's  canton- 
ment on  the  25th  of  December,  and  succeeded  in  drawing  him 
out  with  nearly  his  whole  force  of  two  thousand  men.  He  then 
retired  slowly  before  him,  skirmishing,  but  avoiding  any  thing 
like  an  action,  until  he  had  lured  him  as  far  as  Mount  Holly  ; 
when  he  left  him  to  find  his  way  back  to  his  post  at  his  leisure. 

The  cannonade  of  Washington's  attack  in  Trenton  on  the 
morning  of  the  26th,  was  distinctly  heard  at  Cadwalader's 
camp  at  Bristol.  Imperfect  tidings  of  the  result  reached  there 
about  eleven  o'clock,  and  produced  the  highest  exultation  and 
excitement.  Cadwalader  made  another  attempt  to  cross  the 
river  and  join  Washington,  whom  he  supposed  to  be  still  in 
the  Jerseys,  following  up  the  blow  he  had  struck.  He  could  not 
effect  the  passage  of  the  river  with  the  most  of  the  troops,  until 
mid-day  of  the  27th,  when  he  received  from  Washington  a 
detailed  account  of  his  success,  and  of  his  having  recrossed  into 
Pennsylvania. 

Cadwalader  was  now  in  a  dilemma.  Donop,  he  presumed, 
was  still  at  Mount  Holly,  whither  Griffin  had  decoyed  him  ;  but 
he  might  soon  march  back.  His  forces  were  equal,  if  not 
superior  in  number  to  his  own,  and  veterans  instead  of  raw 
militia.  But  then  there  was  the  glory  of  rivalling  the  exploit 
at  Trenton,  and  the  importance  of  following  out  the  effort  for 
the  relief  of  the  Jerseys,  and  the  salvation  of  Philadelphia 


240  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Besides,  Washington,  in  all  probability,  after  disposing  of  his 
prisoners,  had  again  crossed  into  the  Jerseys  and  might  be 
acting  offensively. 

Reed  relieved  Cadwalader  from  his  dilemma,  by  proposing 
that  they  should  push  on  to  Burlington,  and  there  determine, 
according  to  intelligence,  whether  to  proceed  to  Bordentown 
or  Mount  Holly.  The  plan  was  adopted.  There  was  an  alarm 
that  the  Hessian  yagers  lurked  in  a  neighboring  wood.  Reed, 
accompanied  by  two  officers,  rode  in  advance  to  reconnoitre. 
He  sent  word  to  Cadwalader  that  it  was  a  false  alarm,  and  the 
latter  took  up  his  line  of  march.  Reed  and  his  companions 
spurred  on  to  reconnoitre  the  enemy's  outposts,  about  four 
miles  from  Burlington,  but  pulled  up  at  the  place  where  the 
picket  was  usually  stationed.  There  was  no  smoke,  nor  any 
sign  of  a  human  being.  They  rode  up  and  found  the  place 
deserted.  From  the  country  people  in  the  neighborhood  they 
received  an  explanation.  Count  Douop  had  returned  to  his 
post  from  the  pursuit  of  Griffin,  only  in  time  to  hear  of  the 
disaster  at  Trenton.  He  immediately  began  a  retreat  in  the 
utmost  panic  and  confusion,  calling  in  his  guards  and  parties 
as  he  hurried  forward.  The  troops  in  the  neighborhood  of 
Burlington  had  decamped  precipitately  the  preceding  evening. 

Colonel  Reed  sent  back  intelligence  of  this  to  Cadwalader, 
and  still  pushed  on  with  his  companions.  As  they  rode  along, 
they  observed  the  inhabitants  pulling  down  red  rags  which  had 
been  nailed  to  their  doors  ;  tory  signs  to  insure  good-will  from 
the  British.  Arrived  at  Bordentown  not  an  enemy  was  to  be 
seen  ;  the  fugitives  from  Trenton  had  spread  a  panic  on  the 
26th,  and  the  Hessians  and  their  refugee  adherents  had  fled  in 
confusion,  leaving  their  sick  behind  them.  The  broken  and 
haggard  looks  of  the  inhabitants  showed  what  they  had  suffered 
during  the  Hessian  occupation.  One  of  Reed's  companions 
returned  to  Cadwalader,  who  had  halted  at  Burlington,  and 
advised  him  to  proceed. 

Cadwalader  wrote  in  the  night  to  Washington,  informing  him 
of  his  whereabouts,  and  that  he  should  march  for  Bordentown 
in  the  morning.  "  If  you  should  think  proper  to  cross  over," 
added  he,  "  it  may  easily  be  effected  at  the  place  where  we 
passed  ;  a  pursuit  would  keep  up  the  panic.  They  went  off  with 
great  precipitation,  and  pressed  all  the  wagons  in  their  reach ; 
I  am  told  many  of  them  are  gone  to  South  Amboy.  If  we  can 
drive  them  from  West  Jersey,  the  success  will  raise  an  army 
next  spring,  and  establish  the  credit  of  the  Continental  monej 
to  support  it." 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  241 

There  was  another  letter  from  Cadwalader,  dated  on  the  fol- 
lowing day^  from  Bordentown.  He  had  eighteen  hundred  men 
with  him.  Five  hundred  more  were  on  the  way  to  join  him. 
General  Mifflin,  too,  had  sent  over  five  hundred  from  Philadel- 
phia, and  three  hundred  from  Burlington,  and  was  to  follow 
with  seven  or  eight  hundred  more. 

Colonel  Reed,  too,  wrote  from  Trenton  on  the  28th.  He  had 
found  that  place  without  a  single  soldier  of  either  army,  and  in 
a  still  more  wretched  condition  than  Bordentown.  He  urged 
Washington  to  recross  the  river,  and  pursue  the*  advantages 
already  gained.  Donop  might  be  overtaken  before  he  could 
reach  Princeton  or  Brunswick,  where  the  enemy  were  yet  in 
force.1 

Washington  needed  no  prompting  of  the  kind.  Bent  upon 
following  up  his  blow,  he  had  barely  allowed  his  troops  a  day 
or  two  to  recover  from  recent  exposure  and  fatigue,  that  they 
might  have  strength  and  spirit  to  pursue  the  retreating  enemy, 
beat  up  other  of  their  quarters,  and  entirely  reverse  affairs  in 
the  Jerseys.  In  this  spirit  he  had  written  to  Generals  McDou- 
gall  and  Maxwell  at  Morristown,  to  collect  as  large  a  body  of 
militia  as  possible,  and  harass  the  enemy  in  flank  and  rear. 
Heath,  also,  had  been  ordered  to  abandon  the  Highlands,  which 
there  was  no  need  of  guarding  at  this  season  of  the  year,  and 
hasten  down  with  the  eastern  militia,  as  rapidly  as  possible,  by 
the  way  of  Hackensack,  continuing  on  until  he  should  send  him 
further  orders.  u  A  fair  opportunit}'  is  offered,"  said  he,  "of 
driving  the  enemy  entirely  from  the  Jerseys  or  at  least  to  the 
extremity  of  the  province." 

Men  of  influence  also  were  despatched  by  him  into  different 
parts  of  the  Jerseys,  to  spirit  up  the  militia  to  revenge  the  op- 
pression, the  ravage,  and  insults  they  had  experienced  from  the 
enemy,  especially  from  the  Hessians.  "  If  what  they  have  suf- 
fered," said  he,  "  does  not  rouse  their  resentment,  they  must 
not  possess  the  feelings  of  humanity." 

On  the  29th,  his  troops  began  to  cross  the  river.  It  would 
be  a  slow  and  difficult  operation,  owing  to  the  ice  ;  two  parties 
of  light  troops  therefore  were  detached  in  advance,  whom 
Colonel  Reed  was  to  send  in  pursuit  of  the  enenvy.  They 
marched  into  Trenton  about  two  o'clock,  and  were  immediately 
put  on  the  traces  of  Donop,  to  hang  on  his  rear  and  harass  him 
until  other  troops  should  come  up.  Cadwalader  also  detached 
a  party  of  riflemen  from  Bordentown  with  like  orders.     Donop. 

1  Life  aud  Correspondence  of  Fres.  Reed,  vol.  i,  p.  281. 


242  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

in  retreating,  had  divided  his  force,  sending  one  part  by  a  cross 
road  to  Princeton,  and  hurrying  on  with  the  remainder  to  Bruns- 
wick. Notwithstanding  the  severity  of  the  weather,  and  the 
wretchedness  of  the  road,  it  was  a  service  of  animation  and 
delight  to  the  American  troops  to  hunt  back  these  Hessians 
through  the  country  they  had  recently  outraged,  and  over 
ground  which  they  themselves  had  trodden  so  painfully  and 
despondingly,  in  their  retreat.  In  one  instance  the  riflemen 
surprised  and  captured  a  party  of  refugees  who  lingered  in  the 
rear-guard,*  among  whom  were  several  newly-made  officers. 
Never  was  there  a  more  sudden  reversal  in  the  game  of  war  than 
this  retreat  of  the  heavy  German  veterans,  harassed  by  light 
parties  of  a  raw  militia,  which  they  so  lately  had  driven  like  chaff 
before  them. 

While  this  was  going  on,  Washington  was  effecting  the  passage 
of  his  main  force  to  Trenton.  He  himself  had  crossed  on  the 
29th  of  December,  but  it  took  two  days  more  to  get  the  troops 
and  artillery  over  the  icy  river,  and  that  with  great  labor  and 
difficulty.  And  now  came  a  perplexity.  With  the  3-ear  expired 
the  term  of  several  regiments,  which  had  seen  most  service, 
and  become  inured  to  danger.  Knowing  how  indispensable 
were  such  troops  to  lead  on  those  which  were  raw  and  undis- 
ciplined, Washington  had  them  paraded  and  invited  to  re-enlist. 
It  was  a  difficult  task  to  persuade  them.  They  were  haggard 
with  fatigue,  and  hardship  and  privation  of  every  kind ;  and 
their  hearts  yearned  for  home.  By  the  persuasions  of  their 
officers,  however,  and  a  bounty  of  ten  dollars,  the  greater  pro- 
portion of  those  from  the  eastward  were  induced  to  remain 
six  weeks  longer.  Hard  money  was  necessary  in  this  emer- 
gency. How  was  it  to  be  furnished?  The  military  chest  was 
incompetent.  On  the  30th,  Washington  wrote  by  express  to 
Robert  Morris,  the  patriot  financier  at  Philadelphia,  whom  he 
knew  to  be  eager  that  the  blow  should  be  followed  up.  "If 
you  could  possibly  collect  a  sum,  if  it  were  but  one  hundred,  or 
one  hundred  and  fifty  pounds,  it  would  be  of  service." 

Morris  received  the  letter  in  the  evening.  He  was  at  his 
wits'  end  to  raise  the  sum,  for  hard  money  was  scarce.  Fortu- 
nately a  wealthy  Quaker,  in  this  moment  of  exigency  supplied 
the  "  sinews  of  war,"  and  early  the  next  morning  the  mone^1 
was  forwarded  by  the  express. 

At  this  critical  moment,  too,  Washington  received  a  letter 
from  a  committee  of  Congress,  transmitting  him  resolves  of 
that  body  dated  the  27th  of  December,  investing  him  with  mili- 
tary powers  quite  dictatorial.     "  Happy  is  it  for  this  country," 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  243 

write  the  committee,  "  that  the  general  of  their  forces  can 
safely  be  intrusted  with  the  most  unlimited  power,  and  neither 
personal  security,  liberty,  or  property,  be  in  the  least  degree 
endangered  thereby."  * 

Washington's  acknowledgment  of  this  great  mark  of  confi- 
dence was  noble  and  characteristic.  "  I  find  Congress  have 
done  me  the  honor  to  intrust  me  with  powers,  in  my  military 
capacity,  of  the  highest  nature  and  almost  unlimited  extent. 
Instead  of  thinking  myself  freed  from  all  civil  obligations  by  this 
mark  of  their  confidence,  I  shall  constantly  bear  in  mind  that, 
as  the  sword  was  the  last  resort  for  the  preservation  of  our  lib- 
erties, so  it  ought  to  be  the  first  thing  laid  aside  when  those 
liberties  are  firmly  established." 


CHAPTER  XXXIV. 

HOWE    HEARS    OF    THE    AFFAIR     AT     TRENTON CORNWALLIS     SENT 

BACK   TO    THE    JERSEYS  RECONNOITRING    EXPEDITION    OF    REED 

HIS  EXPLOITS WASHINGTON  IN  PERIL  AT  TRENTON RE- 
ENFORCED     BY     TROOPS     UNDER     CADWALADER    AND    MIFFLIN  

POSITION    OF    HIS    MEN CORNWALLIS    AT   TRENTON REPULSED 

AT   THE    ASSUNPINK THE    AMERICAN    CAMP    MENACED NIGHT 

MARCH      OF     WASHINGTON  AFFAIR     AT     PRINCETON  DEATH 

OF  MERCER ROUT  OF  BRITISH  TROOPS  PURSUED  BY  WASH- 
INGTON  CORNWALLIS  AT  PRINCETON  BAFFLED  AND  PER- 
PLEXED    WASHINGTON      AT      MORRISTOWN  HIS      SYSTEM      OF 

ANNOYANCE THE   TABLES    TURNED    UPON   THE    ENEMY. 

General  Howe  was  taking  his  ease  in  winter  quarters  at 
New  York,  waiting  for  the  freezing  of  the  Delaware  to  pursue 
his  triumphant  march  to  Philadelphia,  when  tidings  were 
brought  him  of  the  surprise  and  capture  of  the  Hessians  at 
Trenton.  "  That  three  old  established  regiments  of  a  people 
who  made  war  their  profession,  should  lay  down  their  arms  to  a 
ragged  and  undisciplined  militia,  and  that  with  scarcely  any  loss 
on  either  side,"  was  a  matter  qf  amazement.  He  instantly 
stopped  Lord  Cornwallis,  who  was  on  the  point  of  embarking 
for  England,  and  sent  him  back  in  all  haste  to  resume  the  com- 
mand in  the  Jerseys. 

The  ice  in  the  Delaware  impeded  the  crossing  of  the  Ameri- 

i  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  ill.,  1510. 


244  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

can  troops,  and  gave  the  British  time  to  draw  in  their  scattered 
cantonments  and  assemble  their  whole  force  at  Princeton. 
While  his  troops  were  yet  crossing,  Washington  sent  out 
Colonel  Reed  to  reconnoitre  the  position  and  movements  of  the 
enemy  and  obtain  information.  Six  of  the  Philadelphia  light 
horse,  spirited  young  fellows,  but  who  had  never  seen  service, 
volunteered  to  accompany  Reed.  They  patrolled  the  country 
to  the  very  vicinity  of  Princeton,  but  could  collect  no  informa- 
tion from  the  inhabitants ;  who  were  harassed,  terrified,  and 
bewildered  by  the  ravaging  marches  to  and  fro  of  friend  and 
enemy. 

Emerging  from  a  wood  almost  within  view  of  Princeton, 
they  caught  sight,  from  a  rising  ground,  of  two  or  three  red 
coats  passing  from  time  to  time  from  a  barn  to  a  dwelling  house. 
Here  must  be  an  outpost.  Keeping  the  barn  in  a  line  with  the 
house  so  as  to  cover  their  approach,  they  dashed  up  to  the  latter 
without  being  discovered,  and  surrounded  it.  Twelve  British 
dragoons  were  within,  who,  though  well  armed,  were  so  panic- 
stricken  that  they  surrendered  without  making  defence.  A  com- 
missary, also,  was  taken  ;  the  sergeant  of  the  dragoons  alone 
escaped.  Colonel  Reed  and  his  six  cavaliers  returned  in  tri- 
umph to  head-quarters.  Important  information  was  obtained 
from  their  prisoners.  Lord  Cornwallis  had  joined  General 
Grant  the  day  before  at  Princeton,  with  a  re-enforcement  of 
chosen  troops.  They  had  now  seven  or  eight  thousand  men, 
and  were  pressing  wagons  for  a  march  upon  Trenton.1 

Cadwalader,  stationed  at  Crosswicks,  about  seven  miles  dis- 
tant, between  Bordentown  and  Trenton,  sent  intelligence  to  the 
same  purport,  received  by  him  from  a  young  gentleman  who 
had  escaped  from  Princeton. 

Word,  too,  was  brought  from  other  quarters,  that  General 
Howe  was  on  the  march  with  a  thousand  light  troops,  with 
which  he  had  landed  at  Amboy. 

The  situation  of  Washington  was  growing  critical.  The 
enenvy  were  beginning  to  advance  their  large  pickets  toward 
Trenton.  Every  thing  indicated  an  approaching  attack.  The 
force  with  him  was  small ;  to  retreat  across  the  river  would 
destroy  the  dawn  of  hope  awakened  in  the  bosoms  of  the  Jersey 
militia  by  the  late  exploit ;  but  to  make  a  stand  without  re-en- 
forcements was  impossible.  In  this  emergency,  he  called  to 
his  aid  General  Cadwalader  from  Crosswicks,  and  General 
Mifflin  from  Bordentown,  with  their  collective  forces,  amounting 

*  Life  of  Reed,  i.,  282. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  245 

to  about  three  thousand  six  hundred  men.  He  did  it  with 
reluctance,  for  it  seemed  like  involving  them  in  the  common 
danger,  but  the  exigency  of  the  case  admitted  of  no  alterna- 
tive. They  promptly  answered  to  his  call,  and  marching  in  the 
night,  joined  him  on  the  1st  of  January. 

Washington  chose  a  position  for  his  main  body  on  the  east 
side  of  the  Assunpink.  There  was  a  narrow  stone  bridge 
across  it,  where  the  water  was  very  deep  ;  the  same  bridge  over 
which  part  of  Raid's  brigade  had  escaped  in  the  recent  affair. 
He  planted  his  artillery  so  as  to  command  the  bridge  and  the 
fords.  His  advance  guard  was  stationed  about  three  miles 
off  in  a  wood,  having  in  front  a  stream  called  Shabbakong 
Creek. 

Earl}-  on  the  morning  of  the  2d,  came  certain  word  that  Corn- 
wallis  was  approaching  with  all  his  force.  Strong  parties  were 
sent  out  under  General  Greene,  who  skirmished  with  the  enemy 
and  "harassed  them  in  their  advance.  By  twelve  o'clock  they 
reached  the  Shabbakong,  and  halted  for  a  time  on  its  northern 
bank.  Then  crossing  it,  and  moving  forward  with  rapidity, 
they  drove  the  advance  guard  out  of  the  woods,  and  pushed 
on  until  they  reached  a  high  ground  near  the  town.  Here  Hand's 
corps  of  several  battalions  was  drawn  up,  and  held  them  for  a 
time  in  check.  All  the  parties  in  advance  ultimately  retreated 
to  the  main  body,  on  the  east  side  of  the  Assunpink,  and  found 
some  difficulty  in  crowding  across  the  narrow  bridge. 

From  all  these  checks  and  delays,  it  was  nearly  sunset  before 
Cornwallis  with  the  head  of  his  army  entered  Trenton.  His 
rear-guard  under  General  Leslie  rested  at  Maiden  Head,  about 
six  miles  distant,  and  nearly  half-way  between  Trenton  and 
Princeton.  Forming  his  troops  into  columns,  he  now  made  re- 
peated attempts  to  cross  the  Assunpink  at  the  bridge  and  the 
fords,  but  was  as  often  repulsed  by  the  artillery.  For  a  part  of 
the  time  Washington,  mounted  on  a  white  horse,  stationed  him- 
self at  the  south  end  of  the  bridge,  issuing  his  orders.  Each 
time  the  enemy  was  repulsed  there  was  a  shout  along  the  Amer- 
ican lines.  At  length  they  drew  off,  came  to  a  halt,  and  lighted 
their  camp  fires.  The  Americans  did  the  same,  using  the  neigh- 
boring fences  for  the  purpose.  Sir  William  Erskine,  who  was 
with  Cornwallis,  urged  him,  it  is  said,  to  attack  Washington 
that  evening  in  his  camp  ;  but  his  lordship  declined  ;  he  felt 
sure  of  the  game  which  had  so  often  escaped  him  ;  he  had  at 
length,  he  thought,  got  Washington  into  a  situation  from  which 
he  could  not  escape,  but  where  he  might  make  a  desperate 
stand,  and  he  was  willing  to  give  his  wearied  troops  a  night'y 


216  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

repose  to  prepare  them  for  the  closing  struggle.  He  would  be 
sure,  he  said,  to  u  bag  the  fox  in  the  morning." 

A  cannonade  was  kept  up  on  both  sides  until  dark ;  but  with 
little  damage  to  the  Americans.  When  night  closed  in,  the  two 
camps  lay  in  sight  of  each  other's  fires,  ruminating  the 
bloody  action  of  the  following  day.  It  was  the  most  gloomy 
and  anxious  night  that  had  yet  closed  in  on  the  American  army, 
throughout  its  series  of  perils  and  disasters ;  for  there  was  no 
concealing  the  impending  danger.  But  what  must  have  been 
the  feelings  of  the  commander-in-chief ,  as  he  anxiously  patrolled 
his  camp,  and  considered  his  desperate  position?  A  small 
stream,  fordable  in  several  places,  was  all  that  separated  his 
raw,  inexperienced  army,  from  an  enenvy  vastly  superior  in 
numbers  and  discipline,  and  stung  to  action  by  the  mortification 
of  a  late  defeat.  A  general  action  with  them  must  be  ruinous  ; 
but  how  was  he  to  retreat?  Behind  him  was  the  Delaware, 
impassable  from  floating  ice.  Granting  even  (a  thing  not  to  be 
hoped)  that  a  retreat  across  it  could  be  effected,  the  consequences 
would  be  equally  fatal.  The  Jerseys  would  be  left  in  posses- 
sion of  the  enemy,  endangering  the  immediate  capture  of  Phila- 
delphia, and  sinking  the  public  mind  into  despondency. 

In  this  darkest  of  moments  a  gleam  of  hope  flashed  upon  his 
mind  ;  a  bold  expedient  suggested  itself.  Almost  the  whole  of 
the  enemy's  force  must  by  this  time  be  drawn  out  of  Princeton, 
and  advancing  by  detachments  toward  Trenton,  while  their 
baggage  and  principal  stores  must  remain  weakly  guarded  at 
Brunswick.  Was  it  not  possible  by  a  rapid  night-march  along 
the  Quaker  road,  a  different  road  from  that  on  which  General 
Leslie  with  the  rear-guard  was  resting,  to  get  past  that  force 
undiscovered,  come  by  surprise  upon  those  left  at  Princeton, 
capture  or  destroy  what  stores  were  left  there,  and  then  push 
on  to  Brunswick?  This  would  save  the  army  from  being  cut 
off ;  would  avoid  the  appearance  of  a  defeat ;  and  might  draw 
the  enemy  away  from  Trenton,  while  some  fortunate  stroke 
might  give  additional  reputation  to  the  American  arms.  Even 
should  the  enemy  march  on  to  Philadelphia,  it  could  not  in  any 
case  be  prevented  ;  while  a  counterblow  in  the  Jerseys  would  be 
of  great  consolation. 

Such  was  the  plan  which  Washington  revolved  in  his  mind  on 
the  gloomy  banks  of  the  Assunpink,  and  which  he  laid  before 
his  officers  in  a  council  of  war,  held  after  nightfall,  at  the 
quarters  of  General  Mercer.  It  met  with  instant  concurrence, 
being  of  that  hardy,  adventurous  kind,  which  seems  congenial 
with  the  American  character.     One  formidable  difficulty  pre 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  247 

sented  itself.  The  weather  was  unusually  mild ;  there  was  a 
thaw,  by  which  the  roads  might  be  rendered  deep  and  miry,  and 
almost  impassable.  Fortunately,  or  rather  providentially,  as 
Washington  was  prone  to  consider  it,  the  wind  veered  to  the 
north  in  the  course  of  the  evening ;  the  weather  became  in- 
tensely cold,  and  in  two  hours  the  roads  were  once  more  hard 
and  frost-bound.  In  the  mean  time,  the  baggage  of  the  army 
was  silently  removed  to  Burlington,  and  every  other  preparation 
was  made  for  a  rapid  march.  To  deceive  the  enemy,  men  were 
employed  to  dig  trenches  near  the  bridge  within  hearing  of  the 
British  sentries,  with  orders  to  continue  noisily  at  work  until 
daybreak  ;  others  were  to  go  the  rounds  ;  relieve  guards  at  the 
bridge  and  fords;  keep  up  the  camp  fires,  and  maintain  all 
the  appearance  of  a  regular  encampment.  At  daybreak  they  were 
to  hasten  after  the  army.  In  the  dead  of  the  night,  the  army 
drew  quietly  out  of  the  encampment  and  began  its  march. 
General  Mercer,  mounted  on  a  favorite  gray  horse,  was  in  the 
advance  with  the  remnant  of  his  flying  camp,  now  but  about 
three  hundred  and  fifty  men,  principally  relics  of  the  brave 
Delaware  and  Maryland  regiments,  with  some  of  the  Pennsyl- 
vania militia.  Among  the  latter  were  youths  belonging  to  the 
best  families  in  Philadelphia.  The  main  body  followed,  under 
Washington's  immediate  command. 

The  Quaker  road  was  a  complete  roundabout,  joining  the 
main  road  about  two  miles  from  Princeton,  where  Washington 
expected  to  arrive  before  daybreak.  The  road,  however,  was 
new  and  rugged  ;  cut  through  woods,  where  the  stumps  of  trees 
broke  the  wheels  of  some  of  the  baggage  trains,  and  retarded 
the  march  of  the  troops  ;  so  that  it  was  near  sunrise  of  a  bright, 
frosty  morning,  when  Washington  reached  the  bridge  over 
Stony  Brook,  about  three  miles  from  Princeton.  After  crossing 
the  bridge,  he  led  his  troops  along  the  bank  of  the  brook  to  the 
edge  of  a  wood,  where  a  by-road  led  off  on  the  right  through 
low  grounds,  and  was  said  by  the  guides  to  be  a  short  cut  to 
Princeton,  and  less  exposed  to  view.  By  this  road  Washington 
defiled  with  the  main  body,  ordering  Mercer  to  continue  along 
the  brook  with  his  brigade,  until  he  should  arrive  at  the  main 
road,  where  he  was  to  secure,  and,  if  possible,  destroy  a  bridge 
over  which  it  passes ;  so  as  to  intercept  any  fugitives  from 
Princeton,  and  check  any  retrograde  movements  of  the  British 
troops  which  might  have  advanced  toward  Trenton. 

Hitherto  the  movements  of  the  Americans  had  been  undis- 
covered by  the  enemy .  Three  regiments  of  the  latter,  the  17th, 
40th,    and   55th,    with   three   troops   of    dragoons,    had   been 


248  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON, 

quartered  all  night  in  Princeton,  under  marching  orders  to  join 
Lord  Cornwallis  in  the  morning.  The  17th  regiment,  under 
Colonel  Mawhood,  was  already  on  the  march;  the 55th  regiment 
was  preparing  to  follow,  Mawhood  had  crossed  the  bridge  by 
which  the  old  or  main  road  to  Trenton  passes  over  Stony  Brook, 
and  was  proceeding  through  a  wood  beyond,  when,  as  he 
attained  the  summit  of  a  hill  about  sunrise,  the  glittering  of 
arms  betrayed  to  him  the  movement  of  Mercer's  troops  to  the 
left,  who  were  filing  along  the  Quaker  road  to  secure  the  bridge, 
as  they  had  been  ordered 

The  woods  prevented  him  from  seeing  their  number.,  He 
supposed  them  to  be  some  broken  portion  of  the  American  army 
flying  before  Lord  CornwalliSc  VVith  this  idea,  he  faced  about 
and  made  a  retrograde  movement,  to  intercept  them  or  hold 
them  in  check  ;  while  messengers  spurred  off  at  all  speed,  to 
hasten  forward  the  regiments  still  lingering  at  Princeton,  so  as 
completely  to  surround  them. 

The  woods  concealed  him  until  he  had  recrossed  the  bridge  of 
Stony  Brook,  when  he  came  in  full  sight  of  the  van  of  Mercer's 
brigade.  Both  parties  pushed  to  get  possession  of  a  rising 
ground  on  the  right  near  the  house  of  a  Mr.  Clark,  of  the  peace- 
ful Society  of  Friends.  The  Americans  being  nearest,  reached 
it  first,  and  formed  behind  a  hedge  fence  which  extended  along 
a  slope  in  front  of  the  house ;  whence,  being  chiefly  armed  with 
rifles  they  opened  a  destructive  fire.  It  was  returned  with  great 
spirit  by  the  enemy.  At  the  first  discharge  Mercer  was  dis- 
mounted, "  his  gallant  gray  "  being  crippled  by  a  musket  ball 
in  the  leg«  One  of  his  colonels,  also,  was  mortally  wounded 
and  carried  to  the  rear.  Availing  themselves  of  the  confusion 
thus  occasioned,  the  British  charged  with  the  bayonet ;  the 
American  riflemen  having  no  weapon  of  the  kind,  were  thrown 
into  disorder  and  retreated.  Mercer,  who  was  on  foot,  en- 
deavored to  rally  them,  when  a  blow  from  the  butt  end  of  a 
musket  felled  him  to  the  ground.  He  rose  and  defended  him- 
self with  his  sword,  but  was  surrounded,  bayoneted  repeatedly, 
and  left  for  dead. 

Mawhood  pursued  the  broken  and  retreating  troops  to  the 
brow  of  the  rising  ground,  on  which  Clark's  house  was  situated, 
when  he  beheld  a  large  force  emerging  from  a  wood  and  ad- 
vancing to  the  rescue*  It  was  a  body  of  Pennsylvania  militia, 
which  Washington,  on  hearing  the  firing,  had  detached  to  the 
support  of  Mercer.  Mawhood  instantly  ceased  pursuit,  drew 
up  his  artillery,  and  by  a  heavy  discharge  brought  the  militia  to 
a  stand. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  249 

At  this  moment  Washington  himself  arrived  at  the  scene  of 
action,  having  galloped  from  the  by-road  in  advance  of  his 
troops.  From  a  rising  ground  he  beheld  Mercer's  troops  re- 
treating in  confusion,  and  the  detachment  of  militia  checked  by 
Mawhood's  artillery.  Every  thing  was  at  peril.  Putting  spurs 
to  his  horse  he  dashed  past  the  hesitating  militia,  waving  his 
hat  and  cheering  them  on.  His  commanding  figure  and  white 
horse  made  him  a  conspicuous  object  for  the  enemy's  marks- 
men  ;  but  he  heeded  it  not.  Galloping  forward  under  the  fire 
of  Mawhood's  battery,  he  called  upon  Mercer's  broken  brigade. 
The  Pennsylvanians  rallied  at  the  sound  of  his  voice,  and  caught 
fire  from  his  example.  At  the  same  time  the  7th  Virginia  regi- 
ment emerged  from  the  wood,  and  moved  forward  with  loud 
cheers,  while  a  fire  of  grapeshot  was  opened  by  Captain  Moulder 
of  the  American  artillery,  from  the  brow  of  a  ridge  to  the  south. 

Colonel  Mawhood,  who  a  moment  before  had  thought  his 
triumph  secure,  found  himself  assailed  on  every  side,  and  sep- 
arated from  the  other  British  regiments.  He  fought,  however, 
with  great  bravery,  and  for  a  short  time  the  action  was  des- 
perate. Washington  was  in  the  midst  of  it ;  equally  endangered 
by  the  random  fire  of  his  own  men,  and  the  artillery  and  mus- 
ketry of  the  enemy.  His  aide-de-camp,  Colonel  Fitzgerald,  a 
young  and  ardent  Irishman,  losing  sight  of  him  in  the  heat  of 
the  fight  when  enveloped  in  dust  and  smoke,  dropped  the  bridle 
on  the  neck  of  his  horse  and  drew  his  hat  over  his  eyes  ;  giving 
him  up  for  lost.  When  he  saw  him,  however,  emerge  from  the 
cloud,  waving  his  hat,  and  beheld  the  enemy  giving  way,  he 
spurred  up  to  his  side0  "  Thank  God/'  cried  he,  "  your  excel - 
lenc}-  is  safe!  "  u  Away,  my  dear  colonel,  and  bring  up  the 
troops,"  was  the  reply  ;  "  the  day  is  our  own  !  "  It  was  one  of 
those  occasions  in  which  the  latent  fire  of  Washington's  charac- 
ter blazed  forth.  Mawhood,  by  this  time,  had  forced  his  way, 
at  the  point  of  the  bayonet,  through  gathering  foes,  though  with 
heavy  loss  back  to  the  main  road,  and  was  in  full  retreat  toward 
Trenton  to  join  Cornwallis.  Washington  detached  Major  Kel- 
ly with  a  party  of  Pennsylvania  troops,  to  destroy  the  bridge 
at  Stony  Brook,  over  which  Mawhood  had  retreated,  so  as  to 
impede  the  advance  of  General  Leslie  from  Maiden  Head. 

In  the  mean  time  the  55th  regiment,  which  had  been  on  the 
left  and  nearer  Princeton,  had  been  encountered  by  the  Amer- 
ican advance  guard  under  General  St-  Clair,  and  after  some 
sharp  fighting  in  a  ravine  had  given  way,  and  was  retreating 
across  fields  and  along  a  by-road  to  Brunswick.  The  remaining 
regiment,  the  40th,  had  not  been  able  to  come  up  in  time  for  the 


250  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

action  ;  a  part  of  it  fled  toward  Brunswick ;  the  residue  took 
refuge  in  the  college  at  Princeton,  recently  occupied  by  them  as 
barracks.  Artillery  was  now  brought  to  bear  on  the  college, 
and  a  few  shot  compelled  those  within  to  surrender. 

In  this  brief  but  brilliant  action,  about  one  hundred  of  the 
British  were  left  dead  on  the  field,  and  nearly  three  hundred 
taken  prisoners,  fourteen  of  whom  were  officers.  Among  the 
slain  was  Captain  Leslie,  son  of  the  Earl  of  Leven.  His  death 
was  greatly  lamented  by  his  captured  companions. 

The  loss  of  the  Americans  was  about  twenty-five  or  thirty 
men  and  several  officers.  Among  the  latter  was  Colonel  Haslet, 
who  -had  distinguished  himself  throughout  the  campaign,  by 
being  among  the  foremost  in  services  of  danger.  He  was 
indeed  a  gallant  officer,  and  gallantly  seconded  by  his  Delaware 
troops. 

A  greater  loss  was  that  of  General  Mercer.  He  was  said  to 
be  either  dead  or  dying,  in  the  house  of  Mr.  Clark,  whither 
he  had  been  conveyed  by  his  aide-de-camp,  Major  Armstrong, 
who  found  him,  after  the  retreat  of  Mawhood's  troops,  lying  on 
the  field  gashed  with  several  wounds,  and  insensible  from  cold 
and  loss  of  blood.  Washington  would  have  ridden  back  from 
Princeton  to  visit  him,  and  have  him  conveyed  to  a  place  of 
greater  security  ;  but  was  assured,  that,  if  alive,  he  was  too 
desperately  wounded  to  bear  removal ;  in  the  mean  time  he  was 
in  good  hands,  being  faithfully  attended  to  by  his  aide-de-camp, 
Major  Armstrong,  and  treated  with  the  utmost  care  and  kind- 
ness by  Mr.  Clark's  family.1 

Under  these  circumstances  Washington  felt  compelled  to 
leave  his  old  companion  in  arms  to  his  fate.  Indeed,  he  was 
called  away  by  the  exigencies  of  his  command,  having  to  pursue 
the  routed  regiments  which  were  making  a  headlong  retreat  to 
Brunswick.  In  this  pursuit  he  took  the  lead  at  the  head  of  a 
detachment  of  cavalry.  At  Kingston,  however,  three  miles  to 
the  north-east  of  Princeton,  he  pulled  up,  restrained  his  ardor, 
and  held  a  council  of  war  on  horseback.  Should  he  keep  on  to 
Brunswick  or  not?  The  capture  of  the  British  stores  and  bag- 
gage would  make  his  triumph  complete  ;  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
his  troops  were  excessively  fatigued  by  their  rapid  march  all 
night  and  hard  fight  in  the  morning.  All  of  them  had  been  one 
night  without  sleep,  and  some  of  them  two,  and  many  were 
half-starved.  They  were  without  blankets,  thinly  clad,  some 
of  them  barefooted,  and  this  in  freezing  weather.     Cornwall  is 

1  See  Washington  to  Colonel  Reed,  January  15. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  251 

would  be  upon  them  before  they  could  reach  Brunswick.  His 
rear-guard,  under  General  Leslie,  had  been  quartered  but  six 
miles  from  Princeton,  and  the  retreating  troops  must  have 
rousad  them.  Under  these  considerations,  it  was  determined 
to  discontinue  the  pursuit  and  push  for  Morristown.  There 
they  would  be  in  a  mountainous  country,  heavily  wooded,  in  an 
abundant  neighborhood,  and  on  'the  flank  of  the  enemy,  with 
various  defiles  by  which  they  might  change  their  position  ac- 
cording to  his  movements. 

Filing  off  to  the  left,  therefore,  from  Kingston,  and  breaking 
down  the  bridges  behind  him,  Washington  took  the  narrow  road 
by  Rocky  Hill  to  Pluckamin.  His  troops  were  so  exhausted, 
that  many  in  the  course  of  the  march  would  lie  down  in  the 
woods  on  the  frozen  ground  and  fall  asleep,  and  were  with  dif- 
ficulty roused  and  cheered  forward.  At  Pluckamin  he  halted 
for  a  time,  to  allow  them  a  little  repose  and  refreshment. 
While  they  are  taking  breath  we  will  cast  our  eyes  back  to  the 
camp  of  Cornwallis,  to  see  what  was  the  effect  upon  him  of  this 
masterly  movement  of  Washington. 

His  lordship  had  retired  to  rest  at  Trenton  with  the  sports- 
man's vaunt  that  he  would  "  bag  the  fox  in  the  morning." 
Nothing  could  surpass  his  surprise  and  chagrin,  when  at  day- 
break the  expiring  watch-fires  and  deserted  camp  of  the  Ameri- 
cans told  him  that  the  prize  had  once  more  evaded  his  grasp ; 
that  the  general  whose  military  skill  he  had  decried  had  out- 
generaled him. 

For  a  time  he  could  not  learn  whither  the  army,  which  had 
stolen  awa}'  so  silently,  had  directed  its  stealthy  march.  By 
sunrise,  however,  there  was  the  booming  of  cannon,  like  the 
rumbling  of  distant  thunder  in  the  direction  of  Princeton.  The 
idea  flashed  upon  him  that  Washington  had  not  merely  escaped 
but  was  about  to  make  a  dash  at  the  British  magazines  at 
Brunswick.  Alarmed  for  the  safety  of  his  military  stores  his 
lordship  forthwith  broke  up  his  camp  and  made  a  rapid  march 
toward  Princeton.  As  he  arrived  in  sight  of  the  bridge  over 
Stony  Brook  he  beheld  Major  Kelly  and  his  party  busy  in  its 
destruction.  A  distant  discharge  of  round  shot  from  his  field- 
pieces  drove  them  away,  but  the  bridge  was  already  broken. 
It  would  take  time  to  repair  it  for  the  passage  of  the  artillery ; 
so  Cornwallis  in  his  impatience  urged  his  troops  breast-high 
through  the  turbulent  and  icy  stream  and  again  pushed  forward. 
He  was  brought  to  a  stand  by  the  discharge  of  a  thirty-two 
pounder  from  a  distant  breastwork.  Supposing  the  Americans 
to  be  there  in  force,  and  prepared  to  make  resistance,  he  sen< 


252  LIFE   OF  WASHINGTON, 

out  some  horsemen  to  reconnoitre,  and  advance  to  storm  the 
batteiy.  There  was  no  one  there.  The  thirty-two  pounder 
had  been  left  behind  by  the  Americans,  as  too  unwieldy,  and 
a  match  had  been  applied  to  it  by  some  lingerer  of  "Washing- 
ton's rear-guard. 

Without  further  delay  Cornwallis  hurried  forward,  eager  to 
save  his  magazines.  Crossing  the  bridge  at  Kingston,  he  kept 
on  along  the  Brunswick  road,  supposing  Washington  still  before 
him.  The  latter  had  got  far  in  the  advance,  during  the  dela}Ts 
caused  by  the  broken  bridge  at  Stony  Brook,  and  the  discharge 
of  the  thirty-two  pounder ;  and  the  alteration  of  his  course  at 
Kingston  had  carried  him  completely  out  of  the  way  of  Corn- 
wallis. His  lordship  reached  Brunswick  toward  evening,  and 
endeavored  to  console  himself,  by  the  safety  of  the  military 
stores,  for  being  so  completely  foiled  and  outmanoeuvred. 

Washington,  in  the  mean  time,  was  all  on  the  alert;  the  lion 
part  of  his  nature  was  aroused  ;  and  while  his  weary  troops 
were  in  a  manner  panting  upon  the  ground  around  him,  he  was 
despatching  missives  and  calling  out  aid  to  enable  him  to  follow 
up  his  successes.  In  a  letter  to  Putnam,  written  from  Plucka- 
min  during  the  halt,  he  says  :  "  The  enemy  appear  to  be  panic- 
struck.  I  am  in  hopes  of  driving  them  out  of  the  Jerseys. 
March  the  troops  under  your  command  to  Crosswicks,  and  keep 
a  strict  watch  upon  the  enemy  in  this  quarter.  Keep  as  many 
spies  out  as  you  think  proper.  A  number  of  horsemen  in  the 
dress  of  the  country  must  be  kept  constantly  going  backward 
and  forward  for  this  purpose.  If  you  discover  any  motion  of 
the  enemy  of  consequence,  let  me  be  informed  thereof  as  soon 
as  possible,  by  express." 

To  General  Heath,  also,  who  was  stationed  in  the  Highlands 
of  the  Hudson,  he  wrote  at  the  same  hurried  moment.  u  The 
enemy  are  in  great  consternation ;  and  as  the  panic  affords  us 
a  favorable  opportunity  to  drive  them  out  of  the  Jerseys,  it  has 
been  determined  in  council  that  you  should  move  down  toward 
New  York  with  a  considerable  force,  as  if  you  had  a  design 
upon  the  city.  That  being  an  object  of  great  importance,  the 
enemy  will  be  reduced  to  the  necessity  of  withdrawing  a  consid- 
erable part  of  their  force  from  the  Jerseys,  if  not  the  whole,  to 
secure  the  city.,' 

These  letters  despatched,  he  continued  forward  to  Morris- 
town,  where  at  length  he  came  to  a  halt  from  his  incessant  and 
harassing  marchings.  There  he  learned  that  General  Mercer 
was  still  alive.  He  immediately  sent  his  own  nephew,  Major 
George  Lewis,  under  the  protection  of  a  flag,  to  attend  upon 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  253 

him.  Mercer  had  indeed  been  kindly  nursed  by  a  daughter  of 
Mr.  Clark  and  a  negro  woman,  who  had  not  been  frightened 
from  their  home  by  the  storm  of  battle  which  raged  around  it. 
At  the  time  that  the  troops  of  Cornwallis  approached,  Major 
Armstrong  was  binding  up  Mercer's  wounds.  The  latter  in- 
sisted on  his  leaving  him  in  the  kind  hands  of  Mr.  Clark's 
household,  and  rejoining  the  army.  Lewis  found  him  languish- 
ing in  great  pain ;  he  had  been  treated  with  respect  by  the 
enemy,  and  great  tenderness  by  the  benevolent  family  who  had 
sheltered  him.  He  expired  in  the  arms  of  Major  Lewis  on  the 
12th  of  January,  in  the  fifty-sixth  year  of  his  age.  Dr.  Ben- 
jamin Rush,  afterward  celebrated  as  a  physician,  was  with  him 
when  he  died. 

He  was  upright,  intelligent  and  brave  ;  esteemed  as  a  soldier 
and  beloved  as  a  man,  and  by  none  more  so  than  by  Washing- 
ton. His  career  as  a  general  had  been  brief  ;  but  long  enough 
to  secure  him  a  lasting  renown.  His  name  remains  one  of  the 
consecrated  names  of  the  Re  volution. 

From  Morristown,  Washington  again  wrote  to  General  Heath, 
repeating  his  former  orders.  To  Major-General  Lincoln,  also, 
who  was  just  arrived  at  Peekskill,  and  had  command  of  the 
Massachusetts  militia,  he  writes  on  the  7th,  "General  Heath 
will  communicate  mine  of  this  date  to  you,  by  which  you  will 
find  that  the  greater  part  of  your  troops  are  to  move  down 
toward  New  York,  to  draw  the  attention  of  the  enemy  to  that 
quarter;  and  if  they  do  not  throw  a  considerable  body  back 
again,  you  may,  in  all  probability,  carry  the  city,  or  at  least 
blockade  them  in  it.  .  .  .  Be  as  expeditious  as  possible  in 
moving  forward,  for  the  sooner  a  panic-struck  enemy  is  fol- 
lowed the  better.  If  we  can  oblige  them  to  evacuate  the  Jer- 
seys, we  must  drive  them  to  the  utmost  distress  ;  for  they  have 
depended  upon  the  supplies  from  that  State  for  their  winter's 
support." 

Colonel  Reed  was  ordered  to  send  out  rangers  and  bodies  of 
militia  to  scour  the  country,  waylay  foraging  parties,  cut  off 
supplies,  and  keep  the  cantonments  of  the  enemy  in  a  state  of 
siege.  "  I  would  not  suffer  a  mail  to  stir  beyond  their  lines," 
writes  Washington,  "nor  suffer  them  to  have  the  least  com- 
munication with  the  country." 

The  expedition  under  General  Heath  toward  New  York,  from 
which  much  had  been  anticipated  by  Washington,  proved  a 
failure.  It  moved  in  three  divisions,  by  different  routes,  but 
all  arriving  nearly  at  the  same  time  at  the  enemy's  outposts  at 
King's   Bridge.     There  was  some  skirmishing,  but   the    great 


254  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

feature  of  the  expedition  was  a  pompous  and  peremptory  sum- 
mons of  Fort  Independence  to  surrender.  "  Twenty  minutes 
only  can  be  allowed,"  said  Heath,  "for  the  garrison  to  give 
their  answer,  and,  should  it  be  in  the  negative,  they  must  abide 
the  consequences."  The  garrison  made  no  answer  but  an  oc- 
casional cannonade.  Heath  failed  to  follow  up  his  summons 
by  corresponding  deeds.  He  hovered  and  skirmished  for  some 
days  about  the  outposts  and  Spyt  den  Duivel  Creek,  and  then 
retired  before  a  threatened  snow-storm,  and  the  report  of  an 
enemy's  fleet  from  Rhode  Island,  with  troops  under  Lord 
Percy,  who  might  land  in  Westchester,  and  take  the  besieging 
force  in  rear. 

Washingtor  while  he  spoke  of  Heath's  failure  with  indul- 
gence in  his  despatches  to  government,  could  not  but  give  him 
a  rebuke  in  a  private  letter.  "Your  summons,"  writes  he 
44  as  you  did  not  attempt  to  fulfil  your  threats,  was  not  only 
idle,  but  farcical ;  and  will  not  fail  of  turning  the  laugh  ex- 
ceedingly upon  us.  These  things  I  mention  to  you  as  a  friend, 
for  you  will  perceive  they  have  composed  no  part  of  my  public 
letter." 

But  though  disappointed  in  this  part  of  his  plan,  Washing- 
ton, having  received  re-enforcements  of  militia,  continued,  with 
his  scanty  army,  to  carry  on  his  system  of  annoyance.  The 
situation  of  Cornwallis,  who,  but  a  short  time  "before,  traversed 
the  Jerseys  so  triumphantly,  became  daily  more  and  more  irk- 
some. Spies  were  in  his  camp,  to  give  notice  of  every  move- 
ment, and  foes  without  to  take  advantage  of  it ;  so  that  not  a 
foraging  party  could  sally  forth  without  being  waylaid.  By 
degrees  he  drew  in  his  troops  which  were  posted  about  the 
countiy,  and  collected  them  at  New  Brunswick  and  Amboy, 
so  as  to  have  a  communication  by  water  with  New  York, 
whence  he  was  now  compelled  to  draw  nearly  all  his  supplies ; 
"presenting,"  to  use  the  words  of  Hamilton,  "the  extraordi- 
nary spectacle  of  a  powerful  army,  straitened  within  narrow 
limits  by  the  phantom  of  a  military  force,  and  never  permitted 
to  transgress  those  limits  with  impunity." 

In  fact,  the  recent  operations  in  the  Jerseys  had  sudden lj- 
changed  the  whole  aspect  of  the  war,  and  given  a  triumphant 
close  to  what  had  been  a  disastrous  campaign. 

The  troops,  which  for  months  had  been  driven  from  post  to 
post,  apparently  an  undisciplined  rabble,  had  all  at  once  turned 
upon  their  pursuers,  and  astounded  them  by  brilliant  stratagems 
and  daring  exploits.  The  commander,  whose  cautious  policy 
had  been  sneered  at  by  enemies,  and  regarded  with  impatience 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  255 

by  misjudging  friends,  had  all  at  once  shown  that  he  possessed 
enterprise  as  well  as  circumspection,  energy  as  well  as  endur- 
ance, and  that  beneath  his  wa^  coldness  lurked  a  fire  to  break 
forth  at  the  proper  moment.  This  year's  campaign,  the  most 
critical  one  of  the  war,  and  especially  the  part  of  it  which 
occurred  in  the  Jerseys,  was  the  ordeal  that  made  his  great 
qualities  fully  appreciated  by  his  countrymen,  and  gained  for 
him  from  the  statesmen  and  generals  of  Europe  the  appellation 
of  the  American  Fabius. 


CHAPTER  XXXV. 

BURKE    ON     THE     STATE     OF   AFFAIRS     IN     AMERICA NEW   JERSEY 

ROUSED     TO     ARMS WASHINGTON      GRANTS     SAFE     CONDUCT    TO 

HESSIAN     CONVOYS ENCAMPMENT     AT     MORRISTOWN PUTNAM 

AT     PRINCETON HIS    STRATAGEM     TO    CONCEAL     THE    WEAKNESS 

OF  HIS  CAMP EXPLOIT  OF  GENERAL  DICKINSON   NEAR  SOMERSET 

COURT       HOUSE  WASHINGTON'S      COUNTER      PROCLAMATION  

PREVALENCE    OF    THE    SMALL-POX INOCULATION    OF   THE  ARMY 

CONTRAST    OF    THE    BRITISH  AND  AMERICAN    COMMANDERS  AND 

THEIR   CAMPS. 

The  news  of  Washington's  recrossing  the  Delaware  and  of 
his  subsequent  achievements  in  the  Jerseys  had  not  reached 
London  on  the  9th  of  January.  "  The  affairs  of  America  seem 
to  be  drawing  to  a  crisis,"  writes  Edmund  Burke.  u  The 
Howes  are  at  this  time  in  possession  of,  or  able  to  awe  the 
whole  middle  coast  of  America,  from  Delaware  to  the  western 
boundary  of  Massachusetts  Bay  ;  the  naval  barrier  on  the  side 
of  Canada  is  broken.  A  great  tract  is  open  for  the  supply  of 
the  troops  ;  the  river  Hudson  opens  away  into  the  heart  of  the 
provinces,  and  nothing  can,  in  all  probability,  prevent  an  early 
and  offensive  campaign.  What  the  Americans  have  done  is, 
in  their  circumstances,  truly  astonishing ;  it  is  indeed  infinitely 
more  than  I  expected  from  them.  But,  having  done  so  much 
for  some  short  time,  I  began  to  entertain  an  opinion  that  they 
might  do  more.  It  is  now,  however,  evident  that  the}'  cannot 
look  standing  armies  in  the  face.  They  are  inferior  in  every 
thing  —  even  in  numbers.  There  seem  by  the  best  accounts 
not  to  be  above  ten  or  twelve  thousand  men  at  most  in  their 
grand  army.  The  rest  are  militia,  and  not  wonderfully  well 
composed  or  disciplined.     They  decline  a  general  engagement  f 


256  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

prudently  enough,  if  their  object  had  been  to  make  the  war 
attend  upon  a  treaty  of  good  terms  of  subjection  ;  but  when 
the}'  look  further,  this  will  not  do.  An  army  that  is  obliged  at 
all  times,  and  in  all  situations,  to  decline  an  engagement,  may 
delay  their  ruin,  but  can  never  defend  their  country."  1 

At  the  time  when  this  was  written,  the  Howes  had  learned 
to  their  mortification,  that  "the  mere  running  through  a  prov- 
ince, is  not  subduing  it."  The  British  commanders  had  been 
outgeneralled,  attacked  and  defeated.  They  had  nearly  been 
driven  out  of  the  Jerseys,  and  were  now  hemmed  in  and  held  in 
check  by  Washington  and  his  handful  of  men  castled  among 
the  heights  of  Morristown.  So  far  from  holding  possession  of 
the  territory  they  had  so  recently  overrun,  they  were  fain  to  ask 
safe  conduct  across  it  for  a  convoy  to  their  soldiers  captured  in 
battle.  It  must  have  been  a  severe  trial  to  the  pride  of  Corn- 
wallis,  when  he  had  to  inquire  by  letter  of  Washington,  whether 
money  and  stores  could  be  sent  to  the  Hessians  captured  at 
Trenton,  and  a  surgeon  and  medicines  to  the  wounded  at  Prince- 
ton ;  and  Washington's  reply  must  have  conveyed  a  reproof 
still  more  mortifying :  No  molestation,  he  assured  his  lordship, 
would  be  offered  to  the  convoy  by  any  part  of  the  regular  army 
under  his  command  ;  but  "  he  could  not  answer  for  the  militia, 
who  were  resorting  to  arms  in  most  parts  of  the  State,  and  rvere 
excessively  exasperated  at  the  treatment  they  had  met  with  from 
both  Hessian  and  British  troops." 

In  fact,  the  conduct  of  the  enemy  had  roused  the  whole  coun- 
try against  them.  The  proclamations  and  printed  protections 
of  the  British  commanders,  on  the  faith  of  which  the  inhabit- 
ants in  general  had  staid  at  home,  and  forbore  to  take  up  arms, 
had  proved  of  no  avail.  The  Hessians  could  not  or  would  not 
understand  them,  but  plundered  friend  and  foe  alike.*2  The 
British  soldiery  often  followed  their  example,  and  the  plunder- 
ings  of  both  were  at  times  attended  by  those  brutal  outrages  on 
the  weaker  sex,  which  inflame  the  dullest  spirits  to  revenge. 
The  whole  State  was  thus  roused  against  its  invaders.  In 
Washington's  retreat  of  more  than  a  hundred  miles  through 
the  Jerseys,  he  had  never  been  joined  by  more  than  one  hun- 
dred of  its  inhabitants ;  now  sufferers  of  botli  parties  rose  as 
one  man  to  avenge  their  personal  injuries.  The  late  quiet  yeo- 
manry armed  themselves,  and  scoured  the  country  in  small  parties 

1  Burke's  Works,  vol.  v.,  p.  125. 

2  "  These  rascals  plunder  all  indiscriminately.  If  they  see  any  thing  they  like,  they 
say,  •  Rebel  good  for  Hesse-mans,'  and  seize  upon  it  for  their  own  use.  They  have  no 
idea  of  the  distinctions  between  Whig  and  Tory."  —  Letter  of  Hazard  the  Postmaster. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  257 

to  seize  on  stragglers,  and  the  militia  began  to  signalize  them- 
selves in  voluntaiy  skirmishes  with  regular  troops. 

In  effect,  Washington  ordered  a  safe  conduct  to  be  given  to 
the  Hessian  baggage  as  far  as  Philadelphia,  and  to  the  surgeon 
and  medicines  to  Princeton,  and  permitted  a  Hessian  sergeant 
and  twelve  men,  unarmed,  to  attend  the  baggage  until  it  was 
delivered  to  their  countrymen. 

Morristown,  where  the  main  army  was  encamped,  had  not 
been  chosen  by  Washington  as  a  permanent  post,  but  merely 
as  a  halting-place,  where  his  troops  might  repose  after  their 
excessive  fatigues  and  their  sufferings  from  the  inclement 
season.  Further  considerations  persuaded  him  that  it  was  well 
situated  for  the  system  of  petty  warfare  which  he  meditated, 
and  induced  him  to  remain  there.  It  was  protected  by  forests 
and  rugged  heights.  All  approach  from  the  seaboard  was  ren- 
dered difficult  and  dangerous  to  a  hostile  force  by  a  chain  of 
sharp  hills,  extending  from  Pluckamin,  by  Boundbrook  and 
Springfield,  to  the  vicinity  of  the  Passaic  River,  while  various 
defiles  in  the  rear  afforded  safer  retreats  into  a  fertile  and  well 
peopled  region.1  It  was  nearly  equidistant  from  Amboy, 
Newark,  and  Brunswick,  the  principal  posts  of  the  enemy ;  so 
that  any  movement  made  from  them  could  be  met  by  a  counter 
movement  on  his  part ;  while  the  forays  and  skirmishes  by  which 
lie  might  harass  them,  would  school  and  season  his  own  troops. 
He  had  three  faithful  generals  with  him  :  Greene,  his  reliance 
on  all  occasions  ;  swarthy  Sullivan,  whose  excitable  temper  and 
quick  sensibilities  he  had  sometimes  to  keep  in  check  by  friendly 
counsels  and  rebukes,  but  who  was  a  good  officer,  and  loyally 
attached  to  him ;  and  brave,  genial,  generous  Knox,  never  so 
happy  as  when  by  his  side.  He  had  lately  been  advanced  to 
the  rank  of  brigadier  at  his  recommendation,  and  commanded 
the  artillery. 

Washington's  military  family  at  this  time  was  composed  of 
his  aides-de-camp,  Colonel  Meade  and  Tench  Tilghman  of  Phila- 
delphia ;  gentlemen  of  gallant  spirit,  amiable  tempers  and  cul- 
tivated manners  ;  and  his  secretaiy,  Colonel  Robert  II.  Harrison 
of  Maryland  ;  the  u  old  secretary,"  as  he  was  familiarly  called 
among  his  associates,  and  by  whom  he  was  described  as  "  one 
in  whom  every  man  had  confidence,  and  by  whom  no  man  was 
deceived." 

Washington's  head-quarters  at  first  were  in  what  was  called 
the  Freemasons'  Tavern,  on  the  north  side  of  the  village  green. 

1  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.,  p.  149. 


258  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

His  troops  were  encamped  about  the  vicinity  of  the  village,  a' 
first  in  tents,  until  they  could  build  log  huts  for  shelter  against 
the  winter's  cold.  The  main  encampment  was  near  Bottle 
Hill,  in  a  sheltered  valley  which  was  thickly  wooded,  and  had 
abundant  springs.  It  extended  south-easterly  from  Morris- 
town  ;  and  was  called  the  Lowantica  Valley,  from  the  Indian 
name  of  a  beautiful  limpid  brook  which  ran  through  it,  and  lost 
itself  in  a  great  swamp.1 

The  enemy  being  now  concentrated  at  New  Brunswick  and 
Amboy,  General  Putnam  was  ordered  by  Washington  to  move 
from  Cross  wicks  to  Princeton,  with  the  troops  under  his  com- 
mand. He  was  instructed  to  draw  his  forage  as  much  as  pos- 
sible from  the  neighborhood  of  Brunswick,  about  eighteen  miles 
off,  thereby  contributing  to  distress  the  enemy ;  to  have  good 
scouting  parties  continually  on  the  look-out ;  to  keep  nothing 
with  him  but  what  could  be  moved  off  at  a  moment's  warning, 
and,  if  compelled  to  leave  Princeton,  to  retreat  toward  the 
mountains,  so  as  to  form  a  junction  with  the  forces  at  Mor- 
ristown. 

Putnam  had  with  him  but  a  few  hundred  men.  "  You  will 
give  out  your  strength  to  be  twice  as  great  as  it  is,"  writes 
Washington  ;  a  common  expedient  with  him  in  those  times  of 
scanty  means.  Putnam  acted  up  to  the  advice.  A  British 
officer,  Captain  Macpherson,  was  lying  desperatety  wounded 
at  Princeton,  and  Putnam,  in  the  kindness  of  his  heart,  was 
induced  to  send  in  a  flag  to  Brunswick  in  quest  of  a  friend  and 
military  comrade  of  the  dying  man,  to  attend  him  in  his  last 
moments  and  make  his  will.  To  prevent  the  weakness  of  the 
garrison  from  being  discovered,  the  visitor  was  brought  in  after 
dark.  Lights  gleamed  in  all  the  college  windows,  and  in  the 
vacant  houses  about  the  town ;  the  handful  of  troops  capable 
of  duty  were  marched  hither  and  thither  and  backward  and 
forward,  and  paraded  about  to  such  effect,  that  the  visitor  on 
his  return  to  the  British  camp,  reported  the  force  under  the 
old  general  to  be  at  least  five  thousand  strong.2 

Cantonments  were  gradually  formed  between  Princeton  and 
the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson,  which  made  the  left  flank  of 
Washington's  position,  and  where  General  Heath  had  com- 
mand. General  Philemon  Dickinson,  who  commanded  the  New 
Jersey  militia,  was  stationed  on  the  west  side  of  Millstone 
River,  near  Somerset  court-house,  one  of  the  nearest  posts  to 
the  enemy's  camp  at  Brunswick.     A  British  foraging  party, 

i  Notes  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  P.  Tuttle,  MS. 
2  Sparks'  Am.  Biography,  vol.  vii.,  p.  196. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  259 

of  five  or  six  hundred  strong,  sent  out  by  Cornwallis  with  forty 
wagons  and  upward  of  a  hundred  draught  horses,  mostly  of 
the  English  breed,  having  collected  sheep  and  cattle  about  the 
country,  were  sacking  a  mill  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river, 
where  a  large  quantity  of  flour  was  deposited.  While  thus 
employed,  Dickinson  set  upon  them  with  a  force  equal  in  num- 
ber, but  composed  of  raw  militia  and  fifty  Philadelphia  riflemen. 
He  dashed  through  the  river,  waist  deep,  with  his  men,  and 
charged  the  enemy  so  suddenly  and  vigorously,  that,  though 
supported  by  three  field-pieces,  they  gave  way,  left  their  con- 
voy, and  retreated  so  precipitately,  that  he  made  only  nine 
prisoners.  A  number  of  killed  and  wounded  were  carried  off 
by  the  fugitives  on  light  wagons.1 

These  exploits  of  the  militia  were  noticed  with  high  enco- 
miums by  Washington,  while  at  the  same  time  he  was  rigid  in 
prohibiting  and  punishing  the  excesses  into  which  men  are  apt 
to  run  when  suddenly  clothed  with  military  power.  Such  is  the 
spirit  of  a  general  order  issued  at  this  time.  "The  general 
prohibits,  in  both  the  militia  and  Continental  troops,  the  infa- 
mous practice  of  plundering  the  inhabitants  under  the  specious 
pretence  of  their  being  tories.  ...  It  is  our  business  to  give 
protection  and  support  to  the  poor  distressed  inhabitants,  not 
to  multiply  and  increase  their  calamities."  After  the  publica- 
tion of  this  order,  all  excesses  of  this  kind  were  to  be  punished 
in  the  severest  manner. 

To  counteract  the  proclamation  of  the  British  commissioners, 
promising  amnesty  to  all  in  rebellion  who  should,  in  a  given 
time,  return  to  their  allegiance,  Washington  now  issued  a 
counter  proclamation  (January  25),  commanding  every  person 
who  had  subscribed  a  declaration  of  fidelity  to  Great  Britain,  or 
taken  an  oath  of  allegiance,  to  repair  within  thirty  days  to  head- 
quarters, or  the  quarters  of  the  nearest  general  officer  of  the 
Continental  army  or  of  the  militia,  and  there  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance  to  the  United  States  of  America,  and  give  up  any 
protection,  certificate,  or  passport  he  might  have  received  from 
the  enemy  ;  at  the  same  time  granting  full  liberty  to  all  such 
as  preferred  the  interest  and  protection  of  Great  Britain  to  the 
freedom  and  happiness  of  their  country,  forthwith  to  withdraw 
themselves  and  families  within  the  enemy's  lines.  All  who 
should  neglect  or  refuse  to  comply  with  this  order  were  to  be 
considered  adherents  to  the  crown,  and  treated  as  common 
enemies. 

1  Washington  to  the  President  of  Cong.    Also  note  to  Sparks,  vol.  iv.,  p.  290. 


260  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

This  measure  met  with  objections  at  the  time,  some  of  the 
timid  or  over-cautious  thinking  it  inexpedient ;  others,  jealous 
of  the  extraordinary  powers  vested  in  Washington,  questioning 
whether  he  had  not  transcended  these  powers  and  exercised  a 
degree  of  despotism. 

The  small-pox,  which  had  been  fatally  prevalent  in  the  pre- 
ceding year,  had  again  broken  out,  and  Washington  feared  it 
might  spread  through  the  whole  army.  He  took  advantage  of 
the  interval  of  comparative  quiet  to  have  his  troops  inoculated 
Houses  were  set  apart  in  various  places  as  hospitals  for  inocu- 
lation, and  a  church  was  appropriated  for  the  use  of  those  who 
had  taken  the  malady  in  the  natural  way.  Among  these  the 
ravages  were  frightful.  The  traditions  of  the  place  and  neigh 
borhood  give  lamentable  pictures  of  the  distress  caused  by 
this  loathsome  disease  in  the  camp  and  in  the  villages,  wherever 
it  had  not  been  parried  by  inoculation. 

u  Washington,"  we  are  told,  "  was  not  an  unmoved  spectator 
of  the  griefs  around  him,  and  might  be  seen  in  Hanover  and  in 
Lowantica  Valley,  cheering  the  faith  and  inspiring  the  courage 
of  his  suffering  men."1  It  was  this  paternal  care  and  sympathy 
which  attached  his  troops  personally  to  him.  They  saw  that 
he  regarded  them,  not  with  the  eye  of  a  general,  but  of  a 
patriot,  whose  heart  yearned  toward  them  as  countrymen  suffer- 
ing in  one  common  cause. 

A  striking  contrast  was  offered  throughout  the  winter  and 
spring,  between  the  rival  commanders,  Howe  at  New  York, 
and  Washington  at  Morristown.  Howe  was  a  soldier  by  pro- 
fession. War,  with  him,  was  a  career.  The  camp  was,  for 
the  time,  country  and  home.  Easy  and  indolent  by  nature,  of 
convivial  and  luxurious  habits,  and  somewhat  addicted  to  gam- 
ing, he  found  himself  in  good  quarters  at  New  York,  and  was 
in  no  hurry  to  leave  them.  The  tories  rallied  around  him.  The 
British  merchants  residing  there  regarded  him  witli  profound 
devotion.  His  officers,  too,  many  of  them  young  men  of  rank 
and  fortune,  gave  a  gayety  and  brilliancy  to  the  place;  and 
the  wealthy  royalists  forgot  in  a  round  of  dinners,  balls  and 
assemblies,  the  hysterical  alarms  they  had  once  experienced 
under  the  military  sway  of  Lee. 

Washington,  on  the  contrary,  was  a  patriot  soldier,  grave, 
earnest,  thoughtful,  self-sacrificing.  War,  to  him,  was  a  pain- 
ful remedy,  hateful  in  itself,  but  adopted  for  a  great  national 
good.     To  the.  prosecution  of  it,  all  his  pleasures,  his  comforts, 

i  Notes  of  the  Rev.  Joseph  F.  Tuttle,  MS. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  261 

his  natural  inclinations  and  private  interests  were  sacrificed  ; 
and  bis  chosen  officers  were  earnest  and  anxious  like  himself, 
with  their  whole  thoughts  directed  to  the  success  of  the 
magnanimous  struggle  in  which  they  were  engaged. 

80,  too,  the  armies  were  contrasted.  The  British  troops, 
many  of  them,  perchance,  slightly  metamorphosed  from  vaga- 
bonds into  soldiers,  all  mere  men  of  the  sword,  were  well  clad, 
well  housed,  and  surrounded  by  all  the  conveniences  of  a 
thoroughly  appointed  army  with  a  "  rebel  country  "  to  forage. 
The  American  troops  for  the  most  part  were  mere  yeomanry, 
taken  from  their  rural  homes  ;  ill  sheltered,  ill  clad,  ill  fed  and 
ill  paid,  with  nothing  to  reconcile  them  to  their  hardships  but 
love  for  the  soil  they  were  defending,  and  the  inspiring  thought 
that  it  was  their  country.  Washington,  with  paternal  care, 
endeavored  to  protect  them  from  the  depraving  influences  of 
the  camp.  "  Let  vice  and  immorality  of  every  kind  be  dis- 
couraged as  much  as  possible  in  your  brigade,"  writes  he  in  a 
circular  to  his  brigadier-generals;  "  and,  as  a  chaplain  is 
allowed  to  each  regiment,  see  that  the  men  regularly  attend 
divine  worship.  Gaming  of  every  kind  is  expressly  forbidden, 
as  being  the  foundation  of  evil,  and  the  cause  of  many  a  brave 
and  gallant  officer's  ruin." 


CHAPTER  XXXVI. 

NEGOTIATIONS    FOR    EXCHANGE   OF    PRISONERS CASE   OF   COLONEL 

ETHAN  ALLEN  —  OF  GENERAL  LEE CORRESPONDENCE  OF  WASH- 
INGTON WITH  SIR  WILLIAM  HOWE  ABOUT  EXCHANGES  OF  PRISONERS 

REFEREES    APPOINTED LETTERS  OF    LEE  FROM  NEW  YORK 

CASE  OF    COLONEL    CAMPBELL WASHINGTON'S   ADVICE   TO   CON- 
GRESS ON  THE  SUBJECT  OF    RETALIATION HIS  CORRESPONDENCE 

WITH  LORD    HOWE  ABOUT   THE    TREATMENT  OF    PRISONERS THE 

HORRORS  OF  THE  JERSEY  PRISON-SHIP  AND  THE  SUGAR-HOUSE. 

A  cartel  for  the  exchange  of  prisoners  had  been  a  subject  of 
negotiation  previous  to  the  affair  of  Trenton,  without  being 
adjusted.  The  British  commanders  were  slow  to  recognize  the 
claims  to  equality  of  those  they  considered  rebels  ;  Washington 
was  tenacious  in  holding  them  up  as  patriots  ennobled  by  their 
cause. 

Among  the  cases  which  came  up  for  attention  was  that  of 
Ethan  Allen,  the  brave,  but  eccentric  captor  of  Ticonderoga. 


262  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

His  daring  attempts  in  the  "  path  of  renown  M  had  cost  him  a 
world  of  hardships.  Thrown  into  irons  as  a  felon  ;  threatened 
with  a  halter  ;  carried  to  England  to  be  tried  for  treason  ;  con- 
fined in  Pendennis  Castle ;  retransported  to  Halifax,  and  now  a 
prisoner  in  New  York.  "  I  have  suffered  every  thing  short  of 
death,"  writes  he  to  the  Assembly  of  his  native  State,  Connect- 
icut. He  had,  however,  recovered  health  and  suppleness  of 
limb,  and  with  them  all  his  swelling  spirit  and  swelling  rhetoric. 
"  I  am  fired,"  writes  he,  "  with  adequate  indignation  to  revenge 
both  my  own.  and  my  country's  wrongs.  I  am  experimentally 
certain  I  have  fortitude  sufficient  to  face  the  invaders  of  America 
in  the  place  of  danger,  spread  with  all  the  horrors  of  war." 
And  he  concludes  with  one  of  his  magniloquent,  but  really 
sincere  expressions  of  patriotism :  "  Provided  you  can  hit  upon 
some  measure  to  procure  my  liberty,  I  will  appropriate  my 
remaining  days,  and  freely  hazard  my  life  in  the  service  of  the 
colony,  and  maintaining  the  American  Empire.  I  thought  to 
have  enrolled  my  name  in  the  list  of  illustrious  American  heroes, 
but  was  nipped  in  the  bud !  " 

Honest  Ethan  Allen  !  his  name  will  ever  stand  enrolled  on 
that  list ;  not  illustrious,  perhaps,  but  eminently  popular. 

His  appeal  to  his  native  State  had  produced  an  appeal  to 
Congress,  and  Washington  had  been  instructed,  considering 
his  long  imprisonment,  to  urge  his  exchange.  This  had  scarce 
been  urged,  when  tidings  of  the  capture  of  General  Lee  pre- 
sented a  case  of  still  greater  importance  to  be  provided  for. 
"I  feel  much  for  his  misfortune,"  writes  Washington,  "and 
am  sensible  that  in  his  captivity  our  country  has  lost  a  warm 
friend  and  an  able  officer."  By  direction  of  Congress,  he  had 
sent  in  a  flag  to  inquire  about  Lee's  treatment,  and  to  convey 
him  a  sum  of  money.  This  was  just  previous  to  the  second 
crossing  of  the  Delaware. 

Lee  was  now  reported  to  be  in  rigorous  confinement  in  New 
York,  and  treated  with  harshness  and  indignity.  The  British 
professed  to  consider  him  a  deserter,  he  having  been  a  lieutenant- 
colonel  in  their  service,  although  he  alleged  that  he  had  resigned 
his  commission  before  joining  the  American  army.  Two  letters 
which  he  addressed  to  General  Howe,  were  returned  to  him 
unopened,  enclosed  in  a  cover  directed  to  Lieutenant-Colonel 
Lee. 

On  the  13th  of  January,  Washington  addressed  the  following 
letter  to  Sir  William  Howe.  "lam  directed  by  Congress  to 
propose  an  exchange  of  five  of  the  Hessian  field  officers  taken  at 
Trenton  for  Major-General  Lee  ;  or  if  this  proposal  should  not 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  26*3 

be  accepted,  to  demand  his  liberty  upon  parole,  within  certain 
bounds,  as  has  ever  been  granted  to  your  officers  in  our  custody. 
I  am  informed,  upon  good  authority,  that  your  reason  for  keep 
ing  him  hitherto  in  stricter  confinement  than  usual  is,  that  you 
do  not  look  upon  him  in  the  light  of  a  common  prisoner  of  war, 
but  as  a  deserter  from  the  British  service,  as  his  resignation  has 
never  been  accepted,  and  that  you  intend  to  try  him  as  such  by 
a  court-martial.  I  will  not  undertake  to  determine  how  far  this 
doctrine  may  be  justifiable  among  yourselves,  but  I  must  give 
you  warning  that  Major-General  Lee  is  looked  upon  as  an  officer 
belonging  to,  and  under  the  protection  of  the  United  Independ- 
ent States  of  America,  and  that  any  violence  you  may  commit 
upon  his  life  and  liberty,  will  be  severely  retaliated  upon  the 
lives  or  liberties  of  the  British  officers,  or  those  of  their  foreign 
allies  in  our  hands." 

In  this  letter  he  likewise  adverted  to  the  treatment  of  Ameri- 
can prisoners  in  New  York  ;  several  who  had  recently  been 
released  having  given  the  most  shocking-  account  of  the  barbari- 
ties  they  had  experienced,  "which  their  miserable,  emaciated 
countenances  confirmed."  —  "I  would  beg,"  added  he,  "that 
some  certain  rule  of  conduct  toward  prisoners  may  be  settled  ; 
and,  if  you  are  determined  to  make  captivity  as  distressing  as 
possible,  let  me  know  it,  that  we  may  be  upon  equal  terms,  for 
your  conduct  shall  regulate  mine." 

Sir  William,  in  reply,  proposed  to  send  an  officer  of  rank  to 
Washington,  to  confer  upon  a  mode  of  exchange  and  subsistence 
of  prisoners.  "  This  expedient,"  observes  he,  "appearing  to 
me  effectual  for.  settling  all  differences,  will,  I  hope,  be  the 
means  of  preventing  a  repetition  of  the  improper  terms  in  which 
your  letter  is  expressed  and  founded  on  the  grossest  misrepre- 
sentations. I  shall  not  make  any  further  comment  upon  it,  than 
to  assure  you,  that  your  threats  of  retaliating  upon  the  innocent 
such  punishment  as  may  be  decreed  in  the  circumstances  of  Mr. 
Lee  by  the  laws  of  his  country,  will  not  divert  me  from  my 
duty  in  any  respect ;  at  the  same  time,  you  may  rest  satisfied 
that  the  proceedings  against  him  will  not  be  precipitated  ;  and  I 
trust  that,  in  this,  or  in  any  other  event  in  the  course  of  my 
command,  you  will  not  have  just  cause  to  accuse  me  of  inhu- 
manity, prejudice,  or  passion." 

Sir  William,  in  truth,  was  greatly  perplexed  with  respect  to 
Lee,  and  had  written  to  England  to  Lord  George  Germain  for 
Instructions  in  the  case.  "General  Lee,"  writes  he,  "being 
considered  in  the  light  of  a  deserter,  is  kept  a  close  prisoner: 
but  I  do  not  bring  him  to  trial,  as  a  doubt  has  arisen,  whether. 


264  LIFE  OF   WASHING  TOUT. 

by  a  public  resignation  of  his  half  pay  prior  to  his  entry  into 
the  rebel  army,  he  was  amenable  to  the  military  law  as  a 
deserter." 

The  proposal  of  Sir  William,  that  all  disputed  points  relative 
to  the  exchange  and  subsistence  of  prisoners  should  be  adjusted 
by  referees,  led  to  the  appointment  of  two  officers  for  the 
purpose  ;  Colonel  Walcott  by  General  Howe,  and  Colonel  Har- 
rison, tw  the  old  secretary,"  by  Washington.  In  the  contemplated 
exchanges  was  that  of  one  of  the  Hessian  field-officers  for 
Colonel  Ethan  Allen. 

The  haughty  spirit  of  Lee  had  experienced  a  severe  humilia- 
tion in  the  late  catastrophe ;  his  pungent  and  caustic  humor  is 
at  an  end.  In  a  letter  addressed  shortly  afterward  to  Washing- 
ton, and  enclosing  one  to  Congress  which  Lord  and  General  Howe 
had  permitted  him  to  send,  he  writes,  "  as  the  contents  are  of 
the  last  importance  to  me,  and  perhaps  not  less  so  to  the  com- 
munity, I  most  earnestly  entreat,  my  dear  general,  that  you  will 
despatch  it  immediately,  and  order  the  Congress  to  be  as  expe- 
ditious as  possible." 

The  letter  contained  a  request  that  two  or  three  gentlemen  might 
be  sent  immediately  to  New  York,  to  whom  he  would  commu- 
nicate what  he  conceived  to  be  of  the  greatest  importance.  "  If 
my  own  interests  were  alone  at  stake,"  writes  he,  "I  flatter 
myself  that  the  Congress  would  not  hesitate  a  single  instant  in 
acquiescing  in  my  request ;  but  this  is  far  from  the  case ;  the 
interests  of  the  public  are  equally  concerned.  .  .  .  Lord  and 
General  Howe  will  grant  a  safe  conduct  to  the  gentlemen  de- 
puted." 

The  letter  having  been  read  in  Congress,  tVashington  was 
directed  to  inform  General  Lee  that  they  were  pursuing  and 
would  continue  to  pursue  every  means  in  their  power  to  provide 
for  his  personal  safety,  and  to  obtain  his  liberty ;  but  that  they 
considered  it  improper  to  send  any  of  their  body  to  communicate 
with  him,  and  could  not  perceive  how  it  would  tend  to  his  advan- 
tage or  the  interest  of  the  public. 

Lee  repeated  his  request,  but  with  no  better  success.  He 
felt  this  refusal  deeply ;  as  a  brief,  sad  note  to  Washington 
indicates : 

"  It  is  a  most  unfortunate  circumstance  for  myself ,  and  I  think 
not  less  so  for  the  public,  that  Congress  have  not  thought  proper 
to  comply  with  my  request.  It  could  not  possibly  have  been 
attended  with  any  ill  consequences,  and  might  with  good  ones. 
At  least  it  was  an  indulgence  which  I  thought  my  situation 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  .  265 

entitled  me  to.  But  I  am  unfortunate  in  every  thing,  and  this 
stroke  is  the  severest  I  have  yet  experienced.  God  send  you  a 
different  fate.     Adieu,  my  dear  general. 

"  Yours  most  truly  and  affectionately, 

"CHARLES  LEE." 

How  different  from  the  humorous,  satirical,  self-confident 
tone  of  his  former  letters.  Yet  Lee's  actual  treatment  was  not 
so  harsh  as  had  been  represented.  He  was  in  close  confinement, 
it  i-3  true  ;  but  three  rooms  had  been  fitted  up  for  his  reception 
in  Che  Old  City  Hall  of  New  York,  having  nothing  of  the  look 
of   %  prison  excepting  that  they  were  secured  by  bolts  and  bars. 

Congress,  in  the  mean  time,  had  resorted  to  their  threatened 
measure  of  retaliation.  On  the  20th  of  February,  they  had  re- 
solved that  the  Board  of  War  be  directed  immediately  to  order 
the  five  Hessian  field-officers  and  Lieutenant-Colonel  Campbell 
into  safe  and  close  custody,  u  it  being  the  unalterable  resolution 
of  Congress  to  retaliate  on  them  the  same  punishment  as  may 
be  inflicted  on  the  person  of  General  Lee." 

The  Colonel  Campbell  here  mentioned  had  commanded  one 
of  General  Eraser's  battalions  of  Highlanders,  and  had  been 
captured  on  board  of  a  transport  in  Nantasket  road,  in  the 
preceding  summer.  He  was  a  member  of  Parliament,  and  a 
gentleman  of  fortune.  Retaliation  was  carried  to  excess  in 
regard  to  him,  for  he  was  thrown  into  the  common  jail  at 
Concord  in  Massachusetts. 

From  his  prison  he  made  an  appeal  to  Washington,  which 
at  once  touched  his  quick  sense  of  justice.  He  immediately 
wrote  to  the  council  of  Massachusetts  Bay,  quoting  the  words 
of  the  resolution  of  Congress.  "By  this  you  will  observe," 
adds  he,  ''that  exactly  the  same  treatment  is  to  be  shown  to 
Colonel  Campbell  and  the  Hessian  officers,  that  General  Howe 
shows  to  General  Lee,  and  as  he  is  only  confined  to  a  commo- 
dious house  with  genteel  accommodations,  we  have  no  right  or 
reason  to  be  more  severe  on  Colonel  Campbell,  who  I  would 
wish  should  upon  the  receipt  of  this  be  removed  from  his  present 
situation,  and  be  put  into  a  house  where  he  may  live 
comfortably." 

In  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  on  the  following  day, 
he  gives  his  moderating  counsels  on  the  whole  subject  of 
retaliation.  "  Though  I  sincerely  commiserate,"  writes  he, 
"  the  misfortunes  of  General  Lee,  and  feel  much  for  his  pres- 
ent unhappy  situation,-  yet  with  all  possible  deference  to  the 
opinion  of  Congress,  I  fear  that  these  resolutions  will  not  have 


266  .  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON: 

the  desired  effect,  are  founded  on  impolicy,  and  will,  if  adhered 
to,  produce  consequences  of  an  extensive  and  melancholy 
nature."   .   .   . 

"  The  balance  of  prisoners  is  greatly  against  us,  and  a 
general  regard  to  the  happiness  of  the  whole  should  mark  our 
conduct.  Can  we  imagine  that  our  enemies  will  not  mete  the 
same  punishments,  the  same  indignities,  the  same  cruelties,  to 
those  belonging  to  us,  in  their  possession,  that  we  impose  on 
theirs  in  our  power?  Why  should  we  suppose  them  to  pos- 
sess more  humanity  than  we  have  ourselves?  Or  why  should 
an  ineffectual  attempt  to  relieve  the  distresses  of  one  brave, 
unfortunate  man,  involve  many  more  in  the  same  calamities? 
.  .  .  Suppose,"  continues  he,  "the  treatment  prescribed  for 
the  Hessians  should  be  pursued,  will  it  not  establish  what  the 
enemy  have  been  aiming  to  effect  by  every  artifice  and  the 
grossest  misrepresentations,  I  mean  an  opinion  of  our  enmity 
toward  them,  and  of  the  cruel  treatment  they  experience  when 
they  fall  into  our  hands,  a  prejudice  which  we  on  our  part  have 
heretofore  thought  it  politic  to  suppress,  and  to  root  out  by 
every  act  of  lenity  and  of  kindness?  " 

"Many  more  objections,"  added  he,  "might  be  subjoined, 
were  they  material.  I  shall  only  observe,  that  the  present 
state  of  the  army,  if  it  deserves  that  name,  will  not  authorize 
the  language  of  retaliation,  or  the  style  of  menace.  This  will 
be  conceded  by  all  who  know  that  the  whole  of  our  force  is 
weak  and  trifling,  and  composed  of  militia  (very  few  regular 
troops  excepted)  whose  service  is  on  the  eve  of  expiring." 

In  a  letter  to  Mr.  Robert  Morris  also,  he  writes:  "  I  wish, 
with  all  my  heart,  that  Congress  had  gratified  General  Lee 
in  his  request.  If  not  too  late  I  wish  they  would  do  it  still. 
I  can  see  no  possible  evil  that  can  result  from  it ;  some  good,  1 
think,  might.  The  request  to  see  a  gentleman  or  two  came 
from  the  general,  not  from  the  commissioners  ;  there  could  have 
been  no  harm,  therefore,  in  hearing  what  he  had  to  say  on  any 
subject,  especially  as  he  had  declared  that  his  own  personal 
interest  was  deeply  concerned.  The  resolve  to  put  in  close 
confinement  Lieutenant-Colonel  Campbell  and  the  Hessian  field- 
officers,  in  order  to  retaliate  upon  them  General  Lee's  punish- 
ment, is,  in  my  opinion,  injurious  in  every  point  of  view,  and 
must  have  been  entered  into  without  due  attention  to  the  conse- 
quences. ...  If  the  resolve  of  Congress  respecting  General 
Lee  strikes  you  in  the  same  point  of  view  it  has  done  me,  I 
could  wish  you  would  signify  as  much  to  that  body,  as  I  really 
think  it  fraught  wfth  every  evil." 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  267 

Washington  was  not  always  successful  in  instilling  his  wise 
moderation  into  public  councils.  Congress  adhered  to  their 
vindictive  policy,  merely  directing  that  no  other  hardships 
should  be  inflicted  on  the  captive  officers,  than  such  confinement 
as  was  necessary  to  cany  their  resolve  into  effect.  As  to  their 
refusal  to  grant  the  request  of  Lee,  Robert  Morris  surmised 
they  were  fearful  of  the  injurious  effect  that  might  be  produced 
in  the  court  of  France,  should  it  be  reported  that  members  of 
Congress  visited  General  Lee  by  permission  of  the  British 
commissioners.  There  were  other  circumstances  besides  the 
treatment  of  General  Lee,  to  produce  this  indignant  sensibility 
on  the  part  of  Congress.  Accounts  were  rife  at  this  juncture, 
of  the  cruelties  and  indignities  almost  invariably  experienced 
by  American  prisoners  at  New  York ;  and  an  active  corre- 
spondence on  the  subject  was  going  on  between  Washington  and 
the  British  commanders,  at  the  same  time  with  that  regarding 
General  Lee. 

The  captive  Americans  who  had  been  in  the  naval  service 
were  said  to  be  confined,  officers  and  men,  in  prison-ships, 
which,  from  their  loathsome  condition,  and  the  horrors  and 
sufferings  of  all  kinds  experienced  on  board  of  them,  had 
acquired  the  appellation  of  floating  hells.  Those  who  had  been 
in  the  land  service,  were  crowded  into  jails  and  dungeons  like 
the  vilest  malefactors,  and  were  represented  as  pining  in  cold, 
in  filth,  in  hunger  and  nakedness. 

"Our  poor  devoted  soldiers,"  writes  an  eye-witness,  "were 
scantily  supplied  with  provisions  of  bad  quality,  wretchedly 
clothed,  and  destitute  of  sufficient  fuel,  if  indeed  they  had  any. 
Disease  was  the  inevitable  consequence,  and  their  prisons  soon 
became  hospitals.  A  fatal  malady  was  generated,  and  the  mor- 
tality, to  every  heart  not  steeled  by  the  spirit  of  party, 
was  truly  deplorable."  l  According  to  popular  account,  the 
prisoners  confined  on  shipboard,  and  on  shore,  were  perishing 
by  hundreds. 

A  statement  made  by  a  Captain  Gamble,  recently  confined 
on  board  of  a  prison-ship,  had  especially  roused  the  ire  of  Con- 
gress, and  by  their  directions  had  produced  a  letter  from  Wash- 
ington to  Lord  Howe.  "  I  am  sorry,"  writes  he,  "  that  I  am 
under  the  disagreeable  necessity  of  troubling  your  lordship  with 
a  letter,  almost  wholly  on  the  subject  of  £he  cruel  treatment 
which  our  officers  and  men  in  the  naval  department,  who  are 
unhappy  enough  to  fall  into  your  hands,  receive  on  board  the 

1  Graydon's  Memoirs,  p.  232. 


268  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

prison-ships  in  the  harbor  of  New  York."  Aftci  specifying 
the  case  of  Captain  Gamble,  and  adding  a  few  particulars,  he 
proceeds  :  "  From  the  opinion  I  have  ever  been  taught  to  enter- 
tain of  your  lordship's  humanity,  I  will  not  suppose  that  you  are 
privy  to  proceedings  of  so  cruel  and  unjustifiable  a  nature  ;  and 
I  hope,  that,  upon  making  the  proper  inquiry,  you  will  have  the 
matter  so  regulated,  that  the  unhappy  persons  whose  lot  is 
captivity,  may  not  in  future  have  the  miseries  of  cold,  disease, 
and  famine,  added  to  their  other  misfortunes.  You  may  call  us 
rebels,  and  say  that  we  deserve  no  better  treatment ;  but  remem- 
ber, my  lord,  that,  supposing  us  rebels,  we  still  have  feelings  as 
keen  and  sensible  as  loyalists,  ar  1  will,  if  forced  to  it,  most 
assuredly  retaliate  upon  those  upon  whom  we  look  as  the  unjust 
invaders  of  our  rights,  liberties  and  properties.  I  should  not 
have  said  thus  much,  but  my  injured  countrymen  have  long 
called  upon  me  to  endeavor  to  obtain  a  redress  of  their  griev- 
ances, and  I  should  think  myself  as  culpable  as  those  who 
inflict  such  severities  upon  them  were  I  to  continue  silent," 
etc. 

Lord  Howe,  in  reply  (January  17),  expressed  himself  sur- 
prised at  the  matter  and  language  of  Washington's  letter,  "so 
different  from  the  liberal  vein  of  sentiment  he  had  been  habitu- 
ated to  expect  on  every  occasion  of  personal  intercourse  or  cor- 
respondence with  him."  He  was  surprised,  too,  that  "the  idle 
and  unnatural  report  "  of  Captain  Gamble,  respecting  the  dead 
and  dying,  and  the  neglect  of  precautions  against  infection, 
should  meet  with  any  credit.  "Attention  to  preserve  the  lives  of 
these  men,"  writes  he,  "  whom  we  esteem  the  misled  subjects 
of  the  king,  is  a  duty  as  binding  on  us,  where  we  are  able  from 
circumstances  to  execute  it  with  effect,  as  any  you  can  plead  for 
the  interest  you  profess  in  their  welfare." 

He  denied  that  prisoners  were  ill  treated  in  his  particular 
department  (the  naval).  They  had  been  allowed  the  general 
liberty  of  the  prison-ship,  until  a  successful  attempt  of  some  to 
escape,  had  rendered  it  necessary  to  restrain  the  rest  within 
such  limits  as  left  the  commanding  parts  of  the  ship  in  posses- 
ion of  the  guard.  They  had  the  same  provisions  in  quality 
and  quantity  that  were  furnished  to  the  seamen  of  his  own  ship. 
The  want  of  cleanliness  was  the  result  of  their  own  indolence 
and  neglect.  In  regard  to  health,  they  had  the  constant  at- 
tendance of  an  American  surgeon,  a  fellow-prisoner;  who  was 
furnished  with  medicines  from  the  king's  stores ;  and  the  visits 
of  the  physician  of  the  fleet. 

"As  I  abhor  every  imputation  of  wanton  cruehVy  in  multi- 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  269 

plying  the  miseries  of  the  wretched,"  obsenes  his  lordship, 
44  or  of  treating  them  with  needless  severity,  I  have  taken  the 
trouble  to  state  these  several  facts." 

In  regard  to  the  hint  at  retaliation,  he  leaves  it  to  Washington 
to  act  therein  as  he  should  think  fit;  "but,"  adds  he  grandly, 
44  the  innocent  at  my  disposal  will  not  have  any  severities  to 
apprehend  from  me  on  that  account." 

We  have  quoted  this  correspondence  the  more  freely,  because 
it  is  on  a  subject  deeply  worn  into  the  American  mind  ;  and 
about  which  we  have  heard  too  many  particulars,  from  child- 
hood upward  from  persons  of  unquestionable  veracity,  who 
suffered  in  the  cause,  to  permit  us  to  doubt  about  the  fact. 
The  Jersey  Prison-ship  is  proverbial  in  our  revolutionaiy  his- 
tory ;  and  the  bones  of  the  unfortunate  patriots  who  perished 
on  board,  form  a  monument  on  the  Long  Island  shore.  The 
horrors  of  the  Sugar  House  converted  into  a  prison,  are  tra- 
ditional in  New  York  ;  and  the  brutal  tyranny  of  Cunningham, 
the  provost  marshal,  over  men  of  worth  confined  in  the  com- 
mon jail,  for  the  sin  of  patriotism,  has  been  handed  down  from 
generation  to  generation. 

That  Lord  Howe  and  Sir  William  were  ignorant  of  the  extent 
of  these  atrocities  we  really  believe,  but  it  was  their  duty  to  be 
well  informed.  War  is,  at  best,  a  cruel  trade,  that  habituates 
those  who  follow  it  to  regard  the  sufferings  of  others  with  indif- 
ference. There  is  not  a  doubt,  too,  that  a  feeling  of  contumely 
deprived  the  patriot  prisoners  of  all  sympathy  in  the  early  stages 
of  the  Revolution.  They  were  regarded  as  criminals  rather 
than  captives.  The  stigma  of  rebels  seemed  to  take  from  them 
all  the  indulgences,  scanty  and  miserable  as  they  are,  usually 
granted  to  prisoners  of  war.  The  British  officers  looked  down 
with  haughty  contempt  upon  the  American  officers  who  had 
fallen  into  their  hands.  The  British  soldiery  treated  them  with 
insolent  scurrility.  It  seemed  as  if  the  very  ties  of  consanguin- 
ity rendered  their  hostility  more  intolerant,  for  it  was  observed 
that  American  prisoners  were  better  treated  by  the  Hessians 
than  by  the  British.  It  was  not  until  our  countrymen  had  made 
themselves  formidable  by  their  successes  that  they  were  treated, 
when  prisoners,  with  common  decency  and  humanity. 

The  difficulties  arising  out  of  the  case  of  General  Lee  inter- 
rupted the  operations  with  regard  to  the  exchange  of  prisoners  ; 
and  gallant  men,  on  both  sides,  suffered  prolonged  detention  in 
consequence  ;  and  among  the  number  the  brave,  but  ill-starred 
Ethan  Allen. 

Lee,  in  the  mean  time,  remained  in  confinement,  until  direc- 


270  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

lions  with  regard  to  him  should  be  received  from  government. 
Events,  however,  had  diminished  his  importance  in  the  e}Tes  of 
the  enemy ;  he  was  no  longer  considered  the  American  palla- 
dium. "As  the  capture  of  the  Hessians  and  the  manoeuvres 
against  the  British  took  place  after  the  surprise  of  General 
Lee,"  observes  a  London  writer  of  the  day,  "  we  find  that  he  is 
not  the  only  efficient  officer  in  the  American  service. "  l 


CHAPTER  XXXVII. 

exertions  to  form  a  new  army calls   on  the   different 

states insufficiency  of  the  militia washington's  care 

for  the   yeomanry dangers   in  the   northern  depart- 
ment   winter   attack    on   ticonderoga    apprehended  — • 

exertions  to  re-enforce  schuyler precarious  state  of 

Washington's   army  —  conjectures   as  to  the  designs  of 
the  enemy expedition  of  the  british  against  peekskill. 

The  early  part  of  the  year  brought  the  annual  embarrassments 
caused  by  short  enlistments.  The  brief  terms  of  service  for 
which  the  Continental  soldiery  had  enlisted,  a  few  months 
perhaps,  at  most  a  year,  were  expiring ;  and  the  men,  glad  to 
be  released  from  camp  duty,  were  hastening  to  their  rustic 
homes.  Militia  had  to  be  the  dependence  until  a  new  army 
could  be  raised  and  organized  ;  aud  Washington  called  on  the 
council  of  safety  of  Pennsylvania,  speedily  to  furnish  tempo- 
rary re-enforcements  of  the  kind. 

All  his  officers  that  could  be  spared  were  ordered  away,  some 
to  recruit,  some  to  collect  the  scattered  men  of  the  different 
regiments,  who  were  dispersed,  he  said,  almost  over  the  conti- 
nent. General  Knox  was  sent  off  to  Massachusetts  to  expedite 
the  raising  of  a  battalion  of  artillery.  Different  States  were 
urged  to  levy  and  equip  their  quotas  for  the  Continental  army. 
"Nothing  but  the  united  efforts  of  every  State  in  America," 
writes  he,  "  can  save  us  from  disgrace,  and  probably  from 
ruin." 

Rhode  Island  is  reproached  with  raising  troops  for  home 
service  before  furnishing  its  supply  to  the  general  army;  "If 
each  State,"  writes  he,  "were  to  prepare  for  its  own  defence 
independent  of  each  other,  they  would  all  be  conquered,  one  by 

1  Am.  Archives,  5th  Series,  iii.,  1244. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  271 

one.  Our  success  must  depend  on  a  firm  union,  and  a  strict 
adherence  to  the  general  plan  "  1 

He  deplores  the  fluctuating  state  of  the  army  while  depending 
on  militia;  full  one  day,  almost  disbanded  the  next.  "I  am 
much  afraid  that  the  enemy,  one  day  or  other,  taking  advantage 
of  one  of  these  temporary  weaknesses,  will  make  themselves 
masters  of  our  magazines  of  stores,  arms  and  artillery." 

rihe  militia,  too,  on  being  dismissed,  were  generally  suffered 
by  their  officers  to  cany  home  with  them  the  arms  with  which 
they  had  been  furnished,  so  that  the  armory  was  in  a  manner 
scattered  over  all  the  world,  and  forever  lost  to  the  public. 

Then  an  earnest  word  is  spoken  by  him  in  behalf  of  the 
yeomanry,  whose  welfare  always  lay  near  his  heart.  "You 
must  be  fully  sensible,"  writes  he,  "of  the  hardships  imposed 
upon  individuals,  and  how  detrimental  it  must  be  to  the  public 
to  have  farmers  and  tradesmen  frequently  called  out  of  the  field, 
as  militia  men,  whereby  a  total  stop  is  put  to  arts  and  agricul- 
ture, without  which  we  cannot  long  subsist." 

While  thus  anxiously  exerting  himself  to  strengthen  his  own 
precarious  army,  the  security  of  the  northern  department  was 
urged  upon  his  attention.  Schuyler  represented  it  as  in  need  of 
re-enforcements  and  supplies  of  all  kinds.  He  apprehended  that 
Carleton  might  make  an  attack  upon  Ticonderoga,  as  soon  as 
he  could  cross  Lake  Champlain  on  the  ice;  that  important  for- 
tress was  under  the  command  of  a  brave  officer,  Colonel  Anthony 
Wayne,  but  its  garrison  had  dwindled  down  to  six  or  seven 
hundred  men,  chiefly  New  England  militia.  In  the  present 
destitute  situation  of  his  department  as  to  troops,  Schuyler 
feared  that  Carleton  might  not  only  succeed  in  an  attempt  on 
Ticonderoga,  but  might  push  his  way  to  Albany. 

He  had  written  in  vain,  he  said,  to  the  Convention  of  New 
York,  and  to  the  Eastern  States,  for  re-enforcements,  and  he 
entreated  Washington  to  aid  him  with  his  influence.  He  wished 
to  have  his  army  composed  of  troops  from  as  many  different 
States  as  possible  ;  the  Southern  people  having  a  greater  spirit 
of  discipline  and  subordination,  might,  he  thought,  introduce  it 
among  the  Eastern  people. 

He  wished  also  for  the  assistance  of  a  general  officer  or  two 
in  his  department.  "I  am  alone,"  writes  he,  "  distracted  with 
a  variet3T  of  cares,  and  no  one  to  take  part  of  the  burden."2 

Although  Washington  considered  a  winter  attack  of  the  kind 
specified  by  Schuyler  too  difficult  and  dangerous  to  be  very 

1  Letter  to  Governor  Cooke,  Sparks,  iv.,  285.  2  Schuyler's  Letter  Book,  MS 


272  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

probable,  he  urged  re-enforcements  from  Massachusetts  and 
New  Hampshire,  whence  the}7  could  be  furnished  most  speedily. 
Massachusetts,  in  fact,  had  already  determined  to  send  four 
regiments  to  Schuyler's  aid  as  soon  as  possible. 

Washington  disapproved  of  a  mixture  of  troops  in  the  present 
critical  juncture,  knowing,  he  said,  "  the  difficulty  of  maintain- 
ing harmony  among  men  from  different  States  and  bringing 
them  to  lay  aside  all  attachments  and  distinctions  of  a  local  and 
provincial  nature,  and  consider  themselves  the  same  people,  en- 
gaged in  the  same  noble  struggle,  and  having  one  general  interest 
'to  defend^1 

The  quota  of  Massachusetts,  under  the  present  arrangement 
of  the  army,  was  fifteen  regiments :  and  Washington  ordered 
General  Heath,  who  was  in  Massachusetts,  to  forward  them  to 
Ticonderoga  as  fast  as  they  could  be  raised.2 

Notwithstanding  all  Washington's  exertions  in  behalf  of  the 
arm}'  under  his  immediate  command,  it  continued  to  be  deplor- 
ably in  want  of  re-enforcements,  and  it  was  necessary  to  main- 
tain the  utmost  vigilance  at  all  his  posts  to  prevent  his  camp 
from  being  surprised.  The  operations  of  the  enemy  might  be 
delayed  by  the  bad  condition  of  the  roads,  and  the  want  of 
horses  to  move  their  artillery,  but  he  anticipated  an  attack  as 
soon  as  the  roads  were  passable,  and  apprehended  a  disastrous 
result  unless  speedily  re-enforced. 

"  The  enemy,"  writes  he,  "  must  be  ignorant  of  our  numbers 
and  situation,  or  they  would  never  suffer  us  to  remain  unmo- 
lested, and  I  almost  tax  myself  with  imprudence  in  committing 
the  fact  to  paper,  lest  this  letter  should  fall  into  other  hands 
than  those  for  which  it  is  intended."  And  again:  "  It  is  not 
in  my  power  to  make  Congress  fully  sensible  of  the  real  situation 
of  our  affairs,  and  that  it  is  with  difficulty  I  can  keep  the  life 
and  soul  of  the  army  together.  In  a  word,  they  are  at  a  dis- 
tance ;  the}'  think  it  is  but  to  say  presto,  begone,  and  every  thing 
is  done  ;  they  seem  not  to  have  any  conception  of  the  difficulty 
and  perplexity  of  those  who  have  to  execute." 

The  designs  of  the  enemy  being  mere  matter  of  conjecture, 
measures  varied  accordingly.  As  the  season  advanced,  Wash- 
ington was  led  to  believe  that  Philadelphia  would  be  their  first 
object  at  the  opening  of  the  campaign,  and  that  they  would 
bring  round  all  their  troops  from  Canada  by  water  to  aid  in  the 
enterprise.  Under  this  persuasion  he  wrote  to  General  Heath, 
ordering  him  to  send  eight  of  the  Massachusetts  battalions  to 

1  Schuyler's  Letter  Book,  MS.         2  Sparks.    Washington's  Writings,  iv.,  361,  note. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  273 

Peekskill  instead  of  Ticonderoga,  and  he  explained  his  reasons 
for  so  doing  in  a  letter  to  Schuyler.  At  Peekskill,  he  observed, 
"  they  would  be  well  placed  to  give  support  to  any  of  the  East- 
ern or  Middle  States ;  or  to  oppose  the  enemy,  should  they 
design  to  penetrate  the  country  up  the  Hudson  ;  or  to  cover 
New  England,  should  they  invade  it.  Should  they  move  west- 
ward, the  Eastern  and  Southern  troops  could  easily  form  a 
junction,  and  this,  besides,  would  oblige  the  enemy  to  leave  a 
much  stronger  garrison  at  New  York.  Even  should  the  enemy 
pursue  their  first  plan  of  an  invasion  from  Canada,  the  troops 
at  Peekskill  would  not  be  badly  placed  to  re-enforce  Ticonderoga, 
and  cover  the  country  around  Albany."  "  1  am  very  sure," 
concludes  he,  "the  operations  of  this  army  will  in  a  great 
degree  govern  the  motions  of  that  in  Canada.  If  this  is  held  at 
bay,  curbed  and  confined,  the  Northern  army  ivill  not  dare  at- 
tempt to  penetrate."  The  last  sentence  will  be  found  to  contain 
the  policy  which  governed  Washington's  personal  movements 
throughout  the  campaign. 

On  the  18th  of  March  he  despatched  General  Greene  to  Phil- 
adelphia, to  lay  before  Congress  such  matters  as  he  could  not 
venture  to  communicate  by  letter.  "He  is  an  able  and  good 
officer,"  writes  he,  "  who  has  my  entire  confidence,  and  is  inti- 
mately acquainted  with  my  ideas." 

Greene  had  scarce  departed  when  the  enemy  began  to  give 
signs  of  life.  The  delay  in  the  arrival  of  artillery,  more  than 
his  natural  indolence,  had  kept  General  Howe  from  formally 
taking  the  field ;  he  now  made  preparations  for  the  next  cam- 
paign by  detaching  troops  to  destroy  the  American  deposits  of 
military  stores.  One  of  the  chief  of  these  was  at  Peekskill,  the 
very  place  where  Washington  had  directed  Heath  to  send  troops 
from  Massachusetts  ;  and  which  he  thought  of  making  a  central 
point  of  assemblage.  Howe  terms  it  "  the  port  of  that  rough 
and  mountainous  tract  called  the  Manor  of  Courtlandt."  Brig- 
adier-General McDougall  had  the  command  of  it  in  the  absence 
of  General  Heath,  but  his  force  did  not  exceed  two  hundred  and 
fifty  men. 

As  soon  as  the  Hudson  was  clear  of  ice,  a  squadron  of  vessels 
of  war  and  transports,  with  five  hundred  troops  under  Colonel 
Bird,  ascended  the  river.  McDougall  had  intelligence  of  the 
intended  attack,  and  while  the  ships  were  making  their  way 
across  the  Tappan  Sea  and  Haverstraw  Bay,  exerted  himself 
to  remove  as  much  as  possible  of  the  provisions  and  stores  to 
Forts  Montgomery  and  Constitution  in  the  Highlands.  On  the 
morning  of   the  23d,  the  whole  squadron  came  to  anchor  in 


274  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

Peekskill  Bay ;  and  five  hundred  men  landed  in  Lent's  Cove, 
on  the  south  side  of  the  bay,  whence  they  pushed  forward  with 
four  light  field-pieces  drawn  by  sailors.  On  their  approach, 
McDougall  set  fire  to  the  barracks  and  principal  storehouses, 
and  retreated  about  two  miles  to  a  strong  post,  commanding  the 
entrance  to  the  Highlands,  and  the  road  to  Continental  Village, 
the  place  of  the  deposits.  It  was  the  post  which  had  been  noted 
by  Washington  in  the  preceding  year,  where  a  small  force  could 
make  a  stand,  and  hurl  down  masses  of  rock  on  their  assailants. 
Hence  McDougall  sent  an  express  to  Lieutenant-Colonel  Marinus 
Willett,  who  had  charge  of  Fort  Constitution,  to  hasten  to  his 
assistance. 

The  British,  finding  the  wharf  in  flames  where  they  had 
intended  to  embark  their  spoils,  completed  the  conflagration, 
beside  destroying  several  small  craft  laden  with  provisions. 
They  kept  possession  of  the  place  until  the  following  day,  when 
a  scouting  party,  which  had  advanced  toward  *he  entrance  of 
the  Highlands,  was  encountered  by  Colonel  Marinus  Willett  with 
a  detachment  from  Fort  Constitution,  and  driven  back  to  the 
main  body  after  a  sharp  skirmish,  in  which  nine  of  the  maraud- 
ers were  killed.  Four  more  were  slain  on  the  banks  of  Canopas 
Creek  as  they  were  setting  fire  to  some  boats.  The  enemy  were 
disappointed  in  the  hope  of  carrying  off  a  great  deal  of  booty, 
and  finding  the  country  around  was  getting  under  arms,  they 
contented  themselves  with  the  mischief  they  had  done,  and 
re^embarked  in  the  evening  by  moonlight,  when  the  whole 
squadron  swept  down  the  Hudson. 


CHAPTER  XXXVIII. 

schuyler's  affairs  in  the  northern  department  —  misunder- 
standings WITH  CONGRESS GIVES  OFFENCE  BY  A  REPROACHFUL 

LETTER OFFICE    OF  ADJUTANT-GENERAL   OFFERED   TO  GATES  — 

DECLINED  BY  HIM SCHUYLER    REPRIMANDED  BY  CONGRESS    FOR 

HIS  REPROACHFUL  LETTER GATES  APPOINTED  TO  THE  COMMAND 

AT    TICONDEROGA  SCHUYLER    CONSIDERS    HIMSELF     VIRTUALLY 

SUSPENDED TAKES  HIS  SEAT  ASA  DELEGATE  TO  CONGRESS,  AND 

CLAIMS  A  COURT  OF  INQUIRY HAS  COMMAND  AT  PHILADELPHIA. 

We  have  now  to  enter  upon  a  tissue  of  circumstances  con- 
nected with  the  Northern  department,  which  will  be  found 
materially   to  influence  the  course  of   affairs   in   that   quarter 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  275 

throughout  the  current  year,  and  ultimately  to  be  fruitful  of 
annoyance  to  Washington  himself.  To  make  these  more  clear 
to  the  reader,  it  is  necessary  to  revert  to  events  in  the  pre- 
ceding year. 

The  question  of  command  between  Schuyler  and  Gates,  when 
settled  as  we  have  shown  by  Congress,  had  caused  no  interruption 
to  the  harmony  of  intercourse  between  these  generals. 

Schuyler  directed  the  affairs  of  the  department  with  energy 
and  activity  from  his  head-quarters  at  Albany,  where  they  had 
been  fixed  by  Congress,  while  Gates,  subordinate  to  him,  com- 
manded the  post  of  Ticonderoga. 

The  disappointment  of  an  independent  command,  however, 
still  rankled  in  the  mind  of  the  latter,  and  was  kept  alive  by 
the  officious  suggestions  of  meddling  friends.  In  the  course  of 
the  autumn,  his  hopes  in  this  respect  revived.  Schuyler  was 
again  disgusted  with  the  service.  In  the  discharge  of  his  vari- 
ous and  harassing  duties,  he  had  been  annoyed  by  sectional 
jealousies  and  ill  will.  His  motives  and  measures  had  been 
maligned.  The  failures  in  Canada  had  been  attributed  to  him, 
and  he  had  repeatedly  entreated  Congress  to  order  an  inquiry 
into  the  many  charges  made  against  him,  "that  he  might  not 
any  longer  be  insulted." 

"  I  assure  you,"  writes  he  to  Gates,  on  the  25th  of  August, 
"that  I  am  so  sincerely  tired  of  abuse,  that  I  will  let  my 
enemies  arrive  at  the  completion  of  their  wishes  by  retiring,  as 
soon  as  I  shall  have  been  tried  ;  and  attempt  to  serve  my  injured 
country  in  some  other  way,  where  envy  and  detraction  will  have 
no  temptation  to  follow  me." 

On  the  14th  of  September,  he  actually  offered  his  resignation 
of  his  commission  as  major-general,  and  of  every  other  office 
and  appointment ;  still  claiming  a  court  of  inquiry  on  his  con- 
duct, and  expressing  his  determination  to  fulfil  the  duties  of  a 
good  citizen,  and  promote  the  weal  of  his  native  country,  but  in 
some  other  capacity.  "  I  trust,"  writes  he,  "  that  my  suc- 
cessor, whoever  he  may  be,  will  find  that  matters  are  as  pros- 
perously arranged  in  this  department  as  the  nature  of  the  ser- 
vice will  admit.  I  shall  most  readily  give  him  any  information 
and  assistance  in  my  power." 

He  immediately  wrote  to  General  Gates,  apprising  him  of  his 
having  sent  in  his  resignation.  "It  is  much  to  be  lamented," 
writes  he,  "that  calumny  is  so  much  cherished  in  this  unhappy 
country,  and  that  so  few  of  the  servants  of  the  public  escape 
the  malevolence  of  a  set  of  insidious  miscreants.  It  has  driven 
me  to  the  necessity  of  resigning. ' ' 


276  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

As  the  command  of  the  department,  should  his  resignation  be 
accepted,  would  of  course  devolve  on  Gates,  he  assures  him  he 
will  render  every  assistance  in  his  power  to  any  officer  whom 
Gates  might  appoint  to  command  in  Albany. 

Ail  his  letters  to  Gates,  while  they  were  thus  in  relation  in  the 
department,  had  been  kind  and  courteous ;  beginning  with, 
"  My  dear  General,"  and  ending  with,  "  adieu  "  and  "  every 
friendly  wish."  Schuyler  was  a  warm-hearted  man,  and  his 
expressions  were  probably  sincere. 

The  hopes  of  Gates,  inspired  by  this  proffered  resignation, 
were  doomed  to  be  again  overclouded.  Schuyler  was  informed 
by  President  Hancock,  "that  Congress,  during  the  present 
state  of  affairs,  could  not  consent  to  accept  of  his  resignation ; 
but  requested  that  he  would  continue  in  the  command  he  held, 
and  be  assured  that  the  aspersions  thrown  out  by  his  enemies 
against  his  character  had  no  influence  upon  the  minds  of  the 
members  of  that  House ;  and  that  more  effectually  to  put 
calumny  to  silence,  they  would  at  an  early  day  appoint  a  com- 
mittee to  inquire  fully  into  his  conduct,  which  they  trusted 
would  establish  his  reputation  in  the  opinion  of  all  good 
men." 

Schuyler  received  the  resolve  of  Congress  with  grim  acquies- 
cence, but  showed  in  his  reply  that  he  was  but  half  soothed. 
"At  this  very  critical  juncture,"  writes  he,  October  16,  "I 
shall  waive  those  remarks  which,  in  justice  to  myself,  I  must 
make  at  a  future  day.  The  calumny  of  my  enemies  has 
arisen  to  its  height.  Their  malice  is  incapable  of  heighten- 
ing the  injury.  ...  In  the  alarming  situation  of  our  affairs, 
I  shall  continue  to  act  some  time  longer,  but  Congress  must 
prepare  to  put  the  care  of  this  department  into  other  hands. 
I  shall  be  able  to  render  my  country  better  services  in  another 
line :  less  exposed  to  a  repetition  of  the  injuries  I  have  sus- 
tained." 

He  had  remained  at  his  post,  therefore,  discharging  the  vari- 
ous duties  of  his  department  with  his  usual  zeal  and  activity ; 
and  Gates,  at  the  end  of  the  campaign,  had  repaired,  as  we 
have  shown,  to  the  vicinity  of  Congress,  to  attend  the  fluctu- 
ation of  events. 

Circumstances  in  the  course  of  the  winter  had  put  the  worthy 
Schuyler  again  on  points  of  punctilio  with  Congress.  Among 
some  letters  intercepted  by  the  enemy  and  retaken  by  the 
Americans,  was  one  from  Colonel  Joseph  Trumbull,  the  com- 
missary-general, insinuating  that  General  Schuyler  had  secreted 
or  suppressed  a  commission  sent  for  his  brother,  Colonel  John 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  277 

Trumbull,  as  deputy  adjutant-general.1  The  purport  of  the 
letter  was  reported  to  Schuyler.  He  spurned  at  the  insinu- 
ation. "If  it  be  true  that  he  has  asserted  such  a  thing," 
writes  he  to  the  president,  ' '  1  shall  expect  from  Congress  that 
justice  which  is  due  to  me." 

Three  weeks  later  he  enclosed  to  the  president  a  copy  of 
Trumbull's  letter.  "  I  hope,"  writes  he,  "Congress  will  not 
entertain  the  least  idea  that  I  can  tamely  submit  to  such 
injurious  treatment.  I  expect  they  will  immediately  do  what 
is  incumbent  on  them  on  the  occasion.  Until  Mr.  Trumbull 
and  I  are  upon  a  footing,  I  cannot  do  what  the  laws  of  honor 
and  a  regard  to  my  own  reputation  render  indispensably  neces- 
sary. Congress  can  put  us  on  a  par  by  dismissing  one  or  the 
other  from  the  service." 

Congress  failed  to  comply  with  the  general's  request.  They 
added  also  to  his  chagrin  by  dismissing  from  the  service  an 
army  physician,  in  whose  appointment  he  had  particularly  in- 
terested himself. 

Schuyler  was  a  proud-spirited  man,  and,  at  times,  some- 
what irascible.  In  a  letter  to  Congress  on  the  8th  of  Febru- 
ary, he  observed:  "As  Dr.  Stringer  had  my  recommendation 
to  the  office  he  has  sustained,  perhaps  it  was  a  compliment 
due  to  me  that  I  should  have  been  advised  of  the  reason  of  his 
dismission." 

And  again :  "  I  was  in  hopes  some  notice  would  have  been 
taken  of  the  odious  suspicion  contained  in  Mr.  Commissary 
Trumbull's  intercepted  letter.  I  really  feel  myself  deeply 
chagrined  on  the  occasion.  I  am  incapable  of  the  meanness 
he  suspects  me  of,  and  I  confidently  expected  that  Congress 
would  have  done  me  that  justice  which  it  was  in  their  power 
to  give,  and  which  I  humbly  conceive  they  ought  to  have 
done." 

This  letter  gave  great  umbrage  to  Congress,  but  no  imme- 
diate answer  was  made  to  it. 

About  this  time  the  office  of  adjutant-general,  which  had 
remained  vacant  ever  since  the  resignation  of  Colonel  Reed, 
to  the  great  detriment  of  the  service,  especially  now  when  a 
new  army  was  to  be  formed,  was  offered  to  General  Gates, 
who  had  formerly  filled  it  with  ability ;  and  President  Hancock 
informed  him,  by  letter,  of  the  earnest  desire  of  Congress 
that  he  should  resume  it,  retaining  his  present  rank  and  pay. 

1  The  reader  may  recollect  that  it  was  Commissary-General  Trumbull  who  wrote 
the  letter  to  Gates  calculated  to  inflame  his  jealousy  against  Schuyler,  when  the  question 
of  command  had  risen  between  them.    (See  vol.  i.,  ch.  28.) 


278  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

Gates  almost  resented  the  proposal.  "  Unless  the  com- 
mander-in-chief earnestly  makes  the  same  request  with  your 
Excellency,"  replies  he,  "  all  my  endeavors  as  adjutant-general 
would  be  vain  and  fruitless.  I  had,  last  year,  the  honor  to 
command  in  the  second  post  in  America ;  and  had  the  good 
fortune  to  prevent  the  enemy  from  making  their  so  much 
wished  for  junction  with  General  Howe.  After  this,  to  be 
expected  to  dwindle  again  to  the  adjutant-general,  requires 
more  philosophy  on  my  part,  and  something  more  than  words 
on  yours."  1  He  wrote  to  Washington  to  the  same  effect,  but 
declared  that,  should  it  be  his  Excellency's  wish,  he  would 
resume  the  office  with  alacrity., 

Washington  promptly  replied  that  he  had  often  wished  it  in 
secret,  though  he  had  never  even  hinted  at  it ;  supposing  Gates 
might  have  scruples  on  the  subject.  "  You  cannot  conceive 
the  pleasure  I  feel,"  adds  he,  "  when  you  tell  me  that,  if  it  is 
my  desire  that  you  should  resume  your  former  office,  you  will 
with  cheerfulness  and  alacrity  proceed  to  Morristown."  He 
thanks  him  for  this  mark  of  attention  to  his  wishes  ;  assures 
him  that  he  looks  upon  his  resumption  of  the  office  as  the  only 
means  of  giving  form  and  regularity  to  the  new  army ;  and  will 
be  glad  to  receive  a  line  from  him  mentioning  the  time  he  would 
leave  Philadelphia. 

He  received  no  such  line.  Gates  had  a  higher  object  in 
view.  A  letter  from  Schuyler  to  Congress  had  informed  that 
body  that  he  should  set  out  for  Philadelphia  about  the  21st 
of  March,  and  should  immediately  on  his  arrival  require  the 
promised  inquiry  into  his  conduct.  Gates,  of  course,  was  ac- 
quainted with  this  circumstance.  He  knew  Schuyler  had 
given  offence  to  Congress  ;  he  knew  that  he  had  been  offended 
on  his  own  part,  and  had  repeatedly  talked  of  resigning.  He 
had  active  friends  in  Congress  ready  to  push  his  interests.  On 
the  12th  of  March  his  letter  to  President  Hancock  about  the 
proffered  adjutancy  was  read,  and  ordered  to  be  taken  into  con- 
sideration on  the  following  day. 

On  the  13th,  a  committee  of  five  was  appointed  to  confer 
with  him  upon  the  general  state  of  affairs. 

On  the  15th,  the  letter  of  General  Scturyler  of  the  3d  of 
Februar}T,  which  had  given  such  offence,  was  brought  before 
the  House,  and  it  was  resolved  that  his  suggestion  concerning 
the  dismission  of  Dr.  Stringer  was  highly  derogatory  to  the 
honor  of  Congress,  and  that  it  was   expected   his   letters   in 

i  Gates's  Papers.    N.  Y.  H.  Lib. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  279 

future  would  be  written  in  a  style  suitable  to  the  dignity  of 
the  representative  body  of  these  free  and  independent  States, 
and  to  his  own  character  as  their  officer.  His  expressions, 
too,  respecting  the  intercepted  letter,  that  he  had  expected 
Congress  would  have  done  him  all  the  justice  in  their  power, 
were  pronounced,  "  to  say  the  least,  ill-advised  and  highly 
indecent."  1 

While  Schuyler  was  thus  in  partial  eclipse,  the  House  pro° 
ceeded  to  appoint  a  general  officer  for  the  Northern  department, 
of  which  he  had  stated  it  to  be  in  need. 

On  the  25th  of  March,  Gates  received  the  following  note 
from  President  Hancock :  "  I  have  it  in  charge  to  direct  that 
you  repair  to  Ticonderoga  immediately,  and  take  command  of 
the  army  stationed  in  that  department." 

Gates  obeyed  with  alacrity.  Again  the  vision  of  an  independ- 
ent command  floated  before  his  mind,  and  he  was  on  his  way 
to  Albany,  at  the  time  that  Schuyler,  ignorant  of  this  new 
arrangement,  was  journeying  to  Philadelphia.  Gates  was  ac- 
companied by  Brigadier-General  Fermois,  a  French  officer, 
recently  commissioned  in  the  Continental  army.  A  rumor  of 
his  approach  preceded  him.  "  What  are  the  terms  on  which 
Gates  is  coming  on?  "  was  asked  in  Albany.  "  Has  Schuyler 
been  superseded,  or  is  he  to  be  so,  or  has  he  resigned?  "  For 
a  time  all  was  rumor  and  conjecture.  A  report  reached  his 
family  that  he  was  to  be  divested  of  all  titles  and  rank  other 
than  that  of  Philip  Schuyler,  Esquire.  They  heard  it  with  joy, 
knowing  the  carking  cares  and  annoyances  that  had  beset  him 
in  his  command.  His  military  friends  deprecated  it  as  a  great 
loss  to  the  service.2 

When  Gates  arrived  in  Albany,  Colonel  Varick,  Schuyler's 
secretary,  waited  on  him  with  a  message  from  Mrs.  Schuyler, 
inviting  him  to  take  up  his  quarters  at  the  general's  house, 
which  was  in  the  vicinity.  He  declined,  as  the  despatch  of 
affairs  required  him  to  be  continually  in  town ;  but  took  his 
breakfast  with  Mrs.  Schuyler  the  next  morning.  He  remained 
in  Albany,  unwilling  to  depart  for  Ticonderoga  until  there 
should  be  sufficient  troops  there  to  support  him. 

Schuyler  arrived  in  Philadelphia  in  the  second  week  in  April, 
and  found  himself  superseded  in  effect  by  General  Gates  in  the 
Northern  department.  He  enclosed  to  the  committee  of  Albany 
the  recent  resolutions  of  Congress,  passed  before  his  arrival. 
"  By  these,"  writes  he,  "  you  will  readily  perceive  that  I  shall 

1  Journals  of  Congress. 

2  Letter  of  Colonel  Richard  Varick.    Schuyler's  Letter  Book. 


280  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

not  return  a  general.  Under  what  influence  it  has  been  brought 
about,  I  am  not  at  liberty  now  to  mention.  On  my  return  to 
Albany,  I  shall  give  the  committee  the  fullest  information."  x 

Taking  his  seat  in  Congress  as  a  delegate  from  New  York, 
he  demanded  the  promised  investigation  of  his  conduct  during 
the  time  he  had  held  a  command  in  the  army.  It  was  his 
intention,  when  the  scrutiny  had  taken  place,  to  resign  his 
commission,  and  retire  from  the  service.  On  the  18th,  a  com- 
mittee of  inquiry  was  appointed,  as  at  his  request,  composed 
of  a  member  from  each  State. 

In  the  mean  time,  as  second  major-general  of  the  United 
States  (Lee  being  the  first) ,  he  held  active  command  at  Phil- 
adelphia, forming  a  camp  on  the  western  side  of  the  Delaware, 
completing  the  works  on  Fort  Island,  throwing  up  works  on 
Red  Bank,  and  accelerating  the  despatch  of  troops  and  provis- 
ions to  the  commander-in-chief.  During  his  sojourn  at  Phil- 
adelphia, also,  he  contributed  essentially  to  reorganize  the 
commissary  department ;  digesting  rules  for  its  regulation, 
which  were  mainly  adopted  by  Congress. 


CHAPTER  XXXIX. 

FOREIGN    OFFICERS    CANDIDATES    FOR    SITUATIONS    IN    THE    ARMY 

DIFFICULTIES    IN    ADJUSTING    QUESTIONS  OF    RANK DUCOUDRAY 

CONWAY KOSCIUSZKO WASHINGTON'S    GUARDS  —  ARNOLD 

OMITTED    IN   THE    ARMY    PROMOTIONS WASHINGTON   TAKES     HIS 

PART BRITISH    EXPEDITION    AGAINST    DANBURY DESTRUCTION 

OF      AMERICAN     STORES CONNECTICUT     YEOMANRY     IN    ARMS 

SKIRMISH     AT     RIDGEFIELD  —  DEATH    OF     GENERAL    WrOOSTER 

GALLANT      SERVICES      OF      ARNOLD REWARDED      BY     CONGRESS 

EXPLOIT   OF   COLONEL    MEIGS    AT    SAG    HARBOR. 

The  fame  of  the  American  struggle  for  independence  was 
bringing  foreign  officers  as  candidates  for  admission  into  the 
patriot  army,  and  causing  great  embarrassment  to  the  com- 
mander-in-chief. "  They  seldom,"  writes  Washington,  M  bring 
more  than  a  commission  and  a  passport ;  which  we  know  may 
belong  to  a  bad  as  well  as  a  good  officer.  Their  ignorance  of 
our  language,  and  their  inability  to  recruit  men,  are  insur- 
mountable obstacles  to  their  being  ingrafted  in  our  Continental 

*  Schuyler's  Letter  Book. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  281 

battalions ;  for  our  officers,  who  have  raised  their  men.  and 
have  served  through  the  war  upon  pay  that  has  not  hitherto 
borne  their  expenses,  would  be  disgusted  if  foreigners  were  put 
over  their  head  ;  and  I  assure  you,  few  or  none  of  these  gentle- 
men look  lower  than  field-officers'  commissions.  .  .  .  Some 
general  mode  of  disposing  of  them  must  be  adopted,  for  it  is 
ungenerous  to  keep  them  in  suspense,  and  a  great  charge  to 
themselves ;  but  I  am  at  a  loss  to  know  how  to  point  out  this 
mode." 

Congress  determined  that  no  foreign  officers  should  receive 
commissions  who  were  not  well  acquainted  with  the  English 
language,  and  did  not  bring  strong  testimonials  of  their  abili- 
ties. Still  there  was  embarrassment.  Some  came  with  brevet 
commissions  from  the  French  government,  and  had  been  as- 
sured by  Mr.  Deane,  American  commissioner  at  Paris,  that  they 
would  have  the  same  rank  in  the  American  army.  This  would 
put  them  above  American  officers  of  merit  and  hard  service, 
whose  commissions  were  of  more  recent  date.  One  Monsieur 
Ducoudray,  on  the  strength  of  an  agreement  with  Mr.  Deane, 
expected  to  have  the  rank  of  major-general,  and  to  be  put  at 
the  head  of  the  artillery.  Washington  deprecated  the  idea  of 
intrusting  a  department  on  which  the  very  salvation  of  the 
army  might  depend,  to  a  foreigner,  who  had  no  other  tie  to 
bind  him  to  the  interests  of  the  country  than  honor ;  besides, 
he  observed,  it  would  endanger  the  loss  to  the  service  of 
General  Knox,  "a  man  of  great  military  reading,  sound  judg- 
ment, and  clear  perceptions.  He  has  conducted  the  affairs  of 
that  department  with  honor  to  himself  and  advantage  to  the 
public,  and  will  resign  if  any  one  is  put  over  him." 

In  fact,  the  report  that  Ducoudray  was  to  be  a  major-general, 
with  a  commission  dated  in  the  preceding  year,  caused  a  com- 
motion among  the  American  officers  of  that  rank,  but  whose 
commissions  were  of  later  date.  Congress  eventually  determined 
not  to  ratify  the  contract  entered  into  between  Mr.  Deane  and 
Monsieur  Ducoudray,  and  resolved  that  the  commissions  of  for- 
eign officers  received  into  the  service  should  bear  date  on  the 
day  of  their  being  filled  up  by  Washington. 

Among  the  foreign  candidates  for  appointments,  was  one 
Colonel  Conway,  a  native  of  Ireland,  but  who,  according  to  his 
own  account,  had  been  thirty  years  in  the  service  of  France, 
and  claimed  to  be  a  chevalier  of  the  Order  of  St.  Louis,  of 
which  he  wore  the  decoration.  Mr.  Deane  had  recommended 
him  to  Washington  as  an  officer  of  merit,  and  had  written  to 
Congress  that  he  considered  him  well  qualified  for  the  office  of 


282  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

adjutant  or  brigadier-general,  and  that  he  had  given  him  reason 
to  hope  for  one  or  the  other  of  these  appointments.  Colonel 
Conway  pushed  for  that  of  brigadier-general.  It  had  been  con- 
ferred some  time  before  by  Congress  on  two  French  officers,  De 
Fermois  and  Deborre,  who,  he  had  observed,  had  been  inferior 
to  him  in  the  French  service,  and  it  would  be  mortifying  now  to 
hold  rank  below  them. 

"  I  cannot  pretend,"  writes  Washington  to  the  president,  "  to 
speak  of  Colonel  Conway's  merits  or  abilities  of  my  own 
knowledge.  He  appears  to  be  a  man  of  candor,  and,  if  he  has 
been  in  service  as  long  as  he  says,  I  should  suppose  him  infinitely 
better  qualified  to  serve  us  than  many  who  have  been  promoted  ; 
as  he  speaks  our  language." 

Conway  accordingly  received  the  rank  of  brigadier-general, 
of  which  he  subsequent^  proved  himself  unworthy.  He  was 
boastful  and  presumptuous,  and  became  noted  for  his  intrigues t 
and  for  a  despicable  cabal  against  the  commander-in-chief, 
which  went  by  his  name,  and  of  which  we  shall  have  to  speak 
hereafter. 

A  candidate  of  a  different  stamp  had  presented  himself  in  the 
preceding  year,  the  gallant,  generous-spirited  Thaddeus  Kos- 
ciuszko.  He  was  a  Pole,  of  an  ancient  and  noble  family  of 
Lithuania,  and  had  been  educated  for  the  profession  of  arms  at 
the  military  school  at  Warsaw,  and  subsequently  in  France. 
Disappointed  in  a  love  affair  with  a  beautiful  lacty  of  rank  with 
whom  he  had  attempted  to  elope,  he  had  emigrated  to  this  coun- 
try, and  came  provided  with  a  letter  of  introduction  from  Dr. 
Franklin  to  Washington. 

"  What  do  you  seek  here  ?  "  inquired  the  commander-in-chief. 

"  To  fight  for  American  independence." 

"  What  can  you  do?  " 

"Try  me." 

Washington  was  pleased  with  the  curt,  yet  comprehensive 
reply,  and  with  his  chivalrous  air  and  spirit,  and  at  once 
received  him  into  his  family  as  an  aide-de-camp.1  Congress 
shortly  afterward  appointed  him  an  engineer,  with  the  rank 
of  colonel.  He  proved  a  valuable  officer  throughout  the  Rev- 
olution, and  won  an  honorable  and  lasting  name  in  our  country. 

Among  the  regiments  which  had  been  formed  in  the  spring, 
one  had  been  named  by  its  officers  "The  Congress's  Own," 
and  another  "  General  Washington's  Life  Guards."  A  resolve 
of  Congress  promptly  appeared,  pronouncing  those  appellations 

*  Foreigu  Quarterly  Review,  vol.  xv.,  p.  114. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  283 

improper,  and  ordering  that  they  should  be  discontinued. 
Washington's  own  modesty  had  already  administered  a  correc- 
tive. In  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress,  he  declared  that 
the  regiments  had  been  so  named  without  his  consent  or  privity. 
"  As  soon  as  I  heard  of  it,"  writes  he,  "  I  wrote  to  several  of 
the  officers  in  terms  of  severe  reprehension,  and  expressly 
charged  them  to  suppress  the  distinction,  adding  that  all  the 
battalions  were  on  the  same  footing,  and  all  under  the  general 
name  of  Continental."  No  man  was  less  desirous  for  all  indi- 
vidual distinctions  of  the  kind. 

Somewhat  later  he  really  formed  a  company  for  his  guard. 
Colonel  Alexander  Spots  wood  had  the  selection  of  the  men, 
four  from  each  regiment ;  and  was  charged  to  be  extremely 
cautious,  "because,"  writes  Washington,  "it  is  more  than 
probable  that,  in  the  course  of  the  campaign,  my  baggage, 
papers,  and  other  matters  of  great  public  import,  may  be  com- 
mitted to  the  sole  care  of  these  men."  That  the  company 
might  look  well,  and  be  nearly  of  a  size,  none  were  to  be  over 
five  feet  ten,  nor  under  five  feet  nine  inches  in  stature,  and  to 
be  sober,  young,  active,  and  well-made,  of  good  character,  and 
proud  of  appearing  clean  and  soldierlike.  As  there  would  be  a 
greater  chance  for  fidelity  among  such  as  had  family  connec- 
tions in  the  country,  Spotswood  was  charged  to  send  none  but 
natives,  and,  if  possible,  men  of  some  property.  "I  must 
insist,"  concludes  Washington,  "that,  in  making  this  choice, 
you  give  no  intimation  of  my  preference  of  natives,  as  I  do 
not  want  to  create  any  invidious  distinction  between  them  and 
the  officers."  1 

Questions  of  rank  among  his  generals  were,  as  we  have  re- 
peatedly shown,  perpetual  sources  of  perplexity  to  Washington, 
and  too  often  caused  by  what  the  sarcastic  Lee  termed  "the 
stumblings  of  Congress;"  such  was  the  case  at  present.  In 
recent  army  promotions,  Congress  had  advanced  Stirling, 
Mifflin,  St.  Clair,  Stephen,  and  Lincoln  to  the  rank  of  major- 
general,  while  Arnold,  their  senior  in  service,  and  distinguished 
by  so  many  brilliant  exploits,  was  passed  over  and  left  to  remain 
a  brigadier. 

Washington  was  surprised  at  not  seeing  his  name  on  the 
list,  but  supposing  it  might  have  been  omitted  through  mistake, 
he  wrote  to  Arnold,  who  was  at  Providence,  Rhode  Island, 
advising  him  not  to  take  any  hasty  step  in  consequence,  but 
to   allow  time  for  reflection,  promising  his  own  endeavors  to 

i  Sparks.    Writiugs  of  Washington,  iv.,  407. 


284  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON-. 

remedy  any  error  that  might  have  been  made.  He  wrote  also 
to  Henry  Lee  in  Congress,  inquiring  whether  the  omission  was 
owing  to  accident  or  design.  "  Surely,"  said  he,  "  a  more  active, 
a  more  spirited,  and  sensible  officer,  fills  no  department  of  your 
army.  Not  seeing  him,  then,  in  the  list  of  major-generals, 
and  no  mention  made  of  him,  has  given  me  uneasiness  ;  as  it  is 
not  presumed,  being  the  oldest  brigadier,  that  he  will  continue 
in  service  under  such  a  slight." 

Arnold  was,  in  truth,  deeply  wounded  by  the  omission.  "  I 
am  greatly  obliged  to  your  Excellenc}T,"  writes  he  to  Washing- 
ton, for  interesting  yourself  so  much  in  respect  to  my  appoint- 
ment, which  I  have  had  no  advice  of,  and  know  not  by  what 
means  it  was  announced  in  the  papers.  Congress  undoubtedly 
have  a  right  of  promoting  those  whom,  from  their  abilities,  and 
their  long  and  arduous  services,  they  esteem  most  deserving. 
Their  promoting  junior  officers  to  the  rank  of  major-generals,  I 
view  as  a  very  civil  way  of  requesting  my  resignation,  as  un- 
qualified for  the  office  I  hold.  My  commission  was  conferred 
unsolicited,  and  received  with  pleasure  only  as  a  means  of 
serving  my  country.  With  equal  pleasure  I  resign  it,  when  I 
can  no  longer  serve  my  country  with  honor.  The  person  who, 
void  of  the  nice  feelings  of  honor,  will  tamely  condescend  to 
give  up  his  right,  and  retain  a  commission  at  the  expense  of  his 
reputation,  I  hold  as  a  disgrace  to  the  arm}'.,  and  unworthy  of 
the  glorious  cause  in  which  we  are  engaged.  ...  In  justice, 
therefore,  to  my  own  character,  and  for  the  satisfaction  of  my 
friends,  I  must  request  a  court  of  inquiry  into  my  conduct ; 
and  though  I  sensibly  feel  the  ingratitude  of  my  countrymen, 
yet  every  personal  injury  shall  be  buried  in  nry  zeal  for  the 
safety  and  happiness  of  my  county,  in  whose  cause  I  have 
repeatedly  fought  and  bled,  and  am  ready  at  all  times  to  risk 
my  life." 

He  subsequently  intimated  that  he  should  avoid  any  hasty 
step,  and  should  remain  at  his  post  until  he  could  leave  it  with- 
out any  damage  to  the  public  interest. 

The  principle  upon  which  Congress  had  proceeded  in  their 
recent  promotions  was  explained  to  Washington.  The  number 
of  general  officers  promoted  from  each  State  was  proportioned 
to  the  number  of  men  furnished  by  it.  Connecticut  (Arnold's 
State)  had  already  two  major-generals,  which  was  its  full  share. 
"  I  confess,"  writes  Washington  to  Arnold,  "  this  is  a  strange 
mode  of  reasoning ;  but  it  may  serve  to  show  you  that  the  pro- 
motion, which  was  due  to  your  seniority,  was  not  overlooked 
for  want  of  merit  in  you." 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  285 

"The  point,"  observes  he,  "is  of  so  delicate  a  nature,  that 
I  will  not  even  undertake  to  advise.  Your  own  feelings  must 
be  your  guide.  As  no  particular  charge  is  alleged  against  you, 
I  do  not  see  upon  what  grounds  you  can  demand  a  court  of 
inquiry.  Your  determination  not  to  quit  your  present  com- 
mand, while  any  danger  to  the  public  might  ensue  from  your 
leaving  it,  deserves  my  thanks,  and  justly  entitles  you  to  the 
thanks  of  the  country." 

An  opportunity  occurred  before  long,  for  Arnold  again  to 
signalize  himself. 

The  amount  of  stores  destroyed  at  Peekskill  had  fallen  far 
short  of  General  Howe's  expectations.  Something  more  must 
be  done  to  cripple  the  Americans  before  the  opening  of  the 
campaign.  Accordingly,  another  expedition  was  set  on  foot 
against  a  still  larger  deposit  at  Danbury,  within  the  borders 
of  Connecticut,  and  between  twenty  and  thirty  miles  from 
Peekskill. 

Ex-Governor  Try  on,  recently  commissioned  major-general  of 
provincials,  conducted  it,  accompanied  by  Brigadier-General 
Agnew  and  Sir  William  Erskine.  He  had  a  mongrel  force  two 
thousand  strong,  —  American,  Irish,  and  British  refugees  from 
various  parts  of  the  continent,  —  and  made  his  appearance  on  the 
Sound  in  the  latter  part  of  April,  with  a  fleet  of  twenty-six  sail, 
greatly  to  the  disquiet  of  every  assailable  place  along  the  coast. 
On  the  25th,  toward  evening,  he  landed  his  troops  on  the  beach 
at  the  foot  of  Canepo  Hill,  near  the  mouth  of  the  Saugatuck 
River.  The  yeomanry  of  the  neighborhood  had  assembled  to 
resist  them,  but  a  few  cannon  shot  made  them  give  way,  and 
the  troops  set  off  for  Danbury,  about  twenty-three  miles  dis- 
tant, galled  at  first  by  a  scattering  fire  from  behind  a  stone 
fence.  They  were  in  a  patriotic  neighborhood.  General 
Silliman,  of  the  Connecticut  militia,  who  resided  at  Fairfield,  a 
few  miles  distant,  sent  out  expresses  to  rouse  the  country.  It 
so  happened  that  General  Arnold  was  at  New  Haven,  between 
twenty  and  thirty  miles  off,  on  his  way  to  Philadelphia  for  the 
purpose  of  settling  his  accounts.  At  the  alarm  of  a  British 
inroad,  he  forgot  his  injuries  and  irritation,  mounted  his  horse, 
and,  accompanied  by  General  Wooster,  hastened  to  join  General 
Silliman.  As  they  spurred  forward,  every  farm  house  sent  out 
its  warrior,  until  upward  of  a  hundred  were  pressing  on  with 
them,  full  of  the  fighting  spirit.  Lieutenant  Oswald,  Arnold's 
secretary  in  the  Canada  campaign,  who  had  led  the  forlorn  hope 
in  the  attempt  upon  Quebec,  was  at  this  time  at  New  Haven, 
enlisting  men  for  Lamb's  regiment  of  artuiery.    He,  too,  heard 


286  LIFF  OF  WASHINGTON. 

the  note  of  alarm,  and  mustering  his  recruits,  marched  off  with 
three  field-pieces  for  the  scene  of  action.1 

In  the  mean  while  the  British,  marching  all  night  with  short 
haltings,  reached  Danbury  about  two  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of 
the  26th.  There  were  but  fifty  Continental  soldiers  and  one 
hundred  militia  in  the  place.  These  retreated,  as  did  most  of 
the  inhabitants,  excepting  such  as  remained  to  take  care  of  the 
sick  and  aged.  Four  men,  intoxicated,  as  it  was  said,  fired 
upon  the  troops  from  the  windows  of  a  large  house.  The 
soldiers  rushed  in,  drove  them  into  the  cellar,  set  fire  to  the 
house,  and  left  them  to  perish  in  the  flames. 

There  was  a  great  quantity  of  stores  of  all  kinds  in  the  vil- 
lage, and  no  vehicles  to  conve}'  them  to  the  ships.  The  work 
of  destruction  commenced.  The  soldiers  made  free  with  the 
liquors  found  in  abundance  ;  and  throughout  the  greater  part  of 
the  night  there  was  revel,  drunkenness,  blasphemy,  and  devas- 
tation. Tryon,  full  of  anxiety,  and  aware  that  the  country 
was  rising,  ordered  a  retreat  before  daylight,  setting  fire  to  the 
magazines  to  complete  the  destruction  of  the  stores.  The 
flames  spread  to  the  other  edifices,  and  almost  the  whole  village 
was  soon  in  a  blaze.  The  extreme  darkness  of  a  rainy  night 
made  the  conflagration  more  balefully  apparent  throughout  the 
country. 

While  these  scenes  had  been  transacted  at  Danbury,  the 
Connecticut  yeomanry  had  been  gathering.  Fairfield  and  the 
adjacent  counties  had  poured  out  their  minute  men.  General 
Silliman  had  advanced  at  the  head  of  five  hundred.  Generals 
Wooster  and  Arnold  joined  him  with  their  chance  followers,  as 
did  a  few  more  militia.  A  heavy  rain  retarded  their  march ; 
it  was  near  midnight  when  the3T  reached  Bethel,  within  four 
miles  of  Danbury.  Here  they  halted,  to  take  a  little  repose 
and  put  their  arms  in  order,  rendered  almost  unserviceable  by 
the  rain.  They  were  now  about  six  hundred  strong.  Wooster 
took  the  command,  as  first  major-general  of  the  militia  of  the 
State.  Though  in  the  sixty-eighth  year  of  his  age,  he  was  full 
of  ardor,  with  almost  youthful  fire  and  daring.  A  plan  was 
concerted  to  punish  the  enemy  on  their  retreat ;  and  the  lurid 
light  of  Danbury  in  flames  redoubled  the  provocation.  At 
dawn  of  day,  Wooster  detached  Arnold  with  four  hundred  men, 
to  push  across  the  country  and  take  post  at  Ridgefield,  by  which 
the  British  must  pass ;  while  he  with  two  hundred  remained, 
to  hang  on  and  harass  them  in  flank  and  rear. 

»  Life  of  Lamb,  p.  157. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  287 

The  British  began  their* retreat  early  in  the  morning,  con- 
ducting it  in  regular  style,  with  flanking  parties,  and  a 
rear-guard  well  furnished  with  artillery.  As  soon  as  they  had 
passed  his  position,  Wooster  attacked  the  rear-guard  with  great 
spirit  and  effect ;  there  was  sharp  skirmishing  until  within  two 
miles  of  Ridgefield,  when,  as  the  veteran  was  cheering  on  his 
men,  who  began  to  waver,  a  musket  ball  brought  him  down 
from  his  horse,  and  finished  his  gallant  career.  On  his  fall  his 
men  retreated  in  disorder. 

The  delay  which  his  attack  had  occasioned  to  the  enemy, 
had  given  Arnold  time  to  throw  up  a  kind  of  breastwork  or 
barricade  across  the  road  at  the  north  end  of  Ridgefield,  pro- 
tected by  a  house  on  the  right,  and  a  high  rocky  bank  on  the 
left,  where  he  took  his  stand  with  his  little  force  now  increased 
to  about  five  hundred  men.  About  eleven  o'clock  the  enemy 
advanced  in  column,  with  artillery  and  flanking  parties.  They 
were  kept  at  bay  for  a  time,  and  received  several  volleys  from 
the  barricade,  until  it  was  outflanked  and  carried.  Arnold 
ordered  a  retreat,  and  was  bringing  off  the  rear-guard,  when 
his  horse  was  shot  under  him,  and  came  down  upon  his  knees. 
Arnold  remained  seated  in  the  saddle,  with  one  foot  entangled 
in  the  stirrup.  A  tory  soldier,  seeing  his  plight,  rushed  toward 
him  with  fixed  bayonet.  He  had  just  time  to  draw  a  pistol 
from  the  holster.  "  You're  my  prisoner,"  cried  the  tory. 
u  Not  yet!"  exclaimed  Arnold,  and  shot  him  dead.  Then 
extricating  his  foot  from  the  stirrup,  he  threw  himself  into  the 
thickets  of  a  neighboring  swamp,  and  escaped,  unharmed  by 
the  bullets  that  whistled  after  him,  and  joined  his  retreating 
troops. 

General  Tryon  intrenched  for  the  night  in  Ridgefield,  his 
troops  having  suffered  greatly  in  their  harassed  retreat.  The 
next  morning,  after  having  set  fire  to  four  houses,  he  continued 
his  march  for  the  ships. 

Colonel  Huntingdon,  of  the  Continental  army,  with  the 
troops  which  had  been  stationed  at  Danbury,  the  scattered 
forces  of  Wooster  which  had  joined  him,  and  a  number  of 
militia,  hung  on  the  rear  of  the  enemy  as  soon  as  they  were 
in  motion.  Arnold  was  again  in  the  field,  with  his  rallied 
forces,  strengthened  by  Lieutenant-Colonel  Oswald  with  two 
companies  of  Lamb's  artillery  regiment  and  three  field-pieces. 
With  these  he  again  posted  himself  on  the  enemy's  route. 

Difficulties  and  annoyances  had  multiplied  upon  the  latter 
at  every  step.  When  they  came  in  sight  of  the  position  where 
Arnold  was  waiting  for  them  they  changed  their  route,  wheeled 


288  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

to  the  left,  and  made  for  a  ford  of  Saugatuck  River.  Arnold 
hastened  to  cross  the  bridge  and  take  them  in  flank,  but  they 
were  too  quick  for  him.  Colonel  Lamb  had  now  reached  the 
scene  of  action,  as  had  about  two  hundred  volunteers.  Leav- 
ing to  Oswald  the  charge  of  the  artillery,  he  put  himself  at  the 
head  of  the  volunteers,  and  led  them  up  to  Arnold's  assist- 
ance. 

The  enemy,  finding  themselves  hard  pressed,  pushed  for 
Canepo  Hill.  They  reached  it  in  the  evening,  without  a  round 
of  ammunition  in  their  cartridge-boxes.  As  they  were  now 
within  cannon  shot  of  their  ships,  the  Americans  ceased  the 
pursuit.  The  British  formed  upon  the  high  ground,  brought 
their  artillery  to  the  front,  and  sent  off  to  the  ships  for  re-en- 
forcements. Sir  William  Erskine  landed  a  large  body  of 
marines  and  sailors,  who  drove  the  Americans  back  for  some 
distance,  and  covered  the  embarkation  of  the  troops.  Colonel 
Lamb,  while  leading  on  his  men  gallantly  to  capture  the  British 
field-pieces,  was  wounded  by  a  grape-shot,  and  Arnold,  while 
cheering  on  the  militia,  had  another  horse  shot  under  him.  In 
the  mean  time,  the  harassed  marauders  effected  their  embarka- 
tion, and  the  fleet  got  under  way. 

In  this  inroad  the  enemy  destroyed  a  considerable  amount 
of  militaiy  stores,  and  seventeen  hundred  tents  prepared  for 
the  use  of  Washington's  army  in  the  ensuing  campaign.  The 
loss  of  General  Wooster  was  deeply  deplored.  He  survived 
the  action  long  enough  to  be  consoled  in  his  dying  moments  at 
Danbury,  by  the  presence  of  his  wife  and  son,  who  hastened 
thither  from  New  Haven.  As  to  Arnold,  his  gallantry  in  this 
affair  gained  him  fresh  laurels,  and  Congress,  to  remedy  their 
late  error,  promoted  him  to  the  rank  of  major-general.  Still 
this  promotion  did  not  restore  him  to  his  proper  position.  He 
was  at  the  bottom  of  the  list  of  major-generals,  with  four 
officers  above  him,  his  juniors  in  service.  Washington  felt  this 
injustice  on  the  part  of  Congress,  and  wrote  about  it  to  the 
president.  "  He  has  certainly  discovered,"  said  he,  "  in  every 
instance  where  he  has  had  an  opportunity,  much  bravery,  activ- 
ity, and  enterprise.  But  what  will  be  done  about  his  rank? 
Fie  will  not  act,  most  probably,  under  those  he  commanded  but 
a  few  weeks  ago." 

As  an  additional  balm  to  Arnold's  wounded  pride,  Congress 
a  few  days  afterward  voted  that  a  horse,  properly  caparisoned, 
should  be  presented  to  him  in  their  name,  as  a  token  of  their 
approbation  of  his  gallant  conduct  in  the  late  action,  "  in  which 
he  had  one  horse  shot  under  him  and  another  wounded."     But 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  289 

after  all  he  remained  at  the  bottom  of  the  list,  and  the  wound 
still  rankled  in  his  bosom. 

The  destructive  expeditions  against  the  American  depots 
of  military  stores,  were  retaliated  in  kind  by  Colonel  Meigs, 
a  spirited  officer,  who  had  accompanied  Arnold  in  his  expedi- 
tion through  the  wilderness  against  Quebec,  and  had  caught 
something  of  his  love  for  hardy  exploit.  Having  received 
intelligence  that  the  British  commissaries  had  collected  a  great 
amount  of  grain,  forage  and  other  supplies  at  Sag  Harbor,  a 
small  port  in  the  deep  bay  which  forks  the  east  end  of  Long- 
Island,  he  crossed  the  Sound  on  the  23d  of  Ma}-  from  Guilford 
in  Connecticut,  with  about  one  hundred  and  .seventy  men  in 
whale-boats  convoyed  by  two  armed  sloops :  landed  on  the 
island  near  Southold  ;  carried  the  boats  a  distance  of  (ifteen 
miles  across  the  north  fork  of  the  bay,  launched  them  into  the 
latter,  crossed  it,  landed  within  four  miles  of  Sag  Harbor,  and 
before  daybreak  carried  the  place,  which  was  guarded  by  a 
company  of  foot.  A  furious  fire  of  round  and  grape-shot  was 
opened  upon  the  Americans  from  an  armed  schooner,  anchored 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  yards  from  shore ;  and  stout 
defence  was  made  by  the  crers  of  a  dozen  brigs  and  sloops 
lying  at  the  wharf  to  take  in  freight ;  but  Meigs  succeeded  in 
burning  these  vessels,  destroying  every  thing  on  shore,  and 
carrying  off  ninety  prisoners  ;  among  whom  were  the  officer  of 
the  company  of  foot,  the  commissaries,  and  the  captains  of 
most  of  the  small  vessels.  With  these  he  and  his  party 
recrossed  the  bay,  transported  their  boats  again  across  the 
fork  of  land,  launched  them  on  the  Sound,  and  got  safe  back 
to  Guilford  ;  having  achieved  all  this,  and  traversed  about  ninety 
miles  of  land  and  water,  in  twenty-five  hours.  Washington 
was  so  highly  pleased  with  the  spirit  and  success  of  this  enter- 
prise, that  he  publicly  returned  thanks  to  Colonel  Meigs  and 
the  officers  and  men  engaged  in  it.  It  could  not  fail,  he  said, 
greatly  to  distress  the  enemy  in  the  important  and  essential 
article  of  forage.  But  it  was  the  moral  effect  of  the  enter- 
prise which  gave  it  the  most  value.  It  is  difficult,  at  the  present 
day,  sufficiently  to  appreciate  the  importance  of  partisan  ex- 
ploits of  the  kind,  in  the  critical  stage  of  the  war  of  which  we 
are  treating.  They  cheered  the  spirit  of  the  people,  depressed 
by  overshadowing  dangers  and  severe  privations,  and  kept 
alive  the  military  spark  that  was  to  kindle  into  the  future 
flame. 


290  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER  XL. 

SCHUYLER      ON     THE     POINT     OF     RESIGNING  COMMITTEE     OF     IN- 
QUIRY   REPORT     IN    HIS     FAVOR  HIS     MEMORIAL     TO     CONGRESS 

PROVES    SATISFACTORY DISCUSSIONS     REGARDING     THE    NORTH- 
ERN   DEPARTMENT  GATES    MISTAKEN     AS    TO     HIS     POSITION 

HE      PROMPTS       HIS      FRIENDS      IN      CONGRESS  HIS     PETULANT 

LETTER     TO    WASHINGTON DIGNIFIED     REPLY    OF     THE    LATTER 

POSITION     OF     GATES      DEFINED  SCHUYLER     REINSTATED     IN 

COMMAND     OF      THE      DEPARTMENT GATES      APPEARS     ON     THE 

FLOOR    OF    CONGRESS HIS    PROCEEDINGS   THERE. 

The  time  was  at  hand  for  the  committee  of  inquiry  on 
General  Schuyler's  conduct  to  make  their  report  to  Congress, 
and  he  awaited  it  with  impatience.  "  I  propose  in  a  day  or 
two  to  resign  my  commission,"  writes  he  to  Washington  on 
the  3d  of  May.  "  As  soon  as  I  have  done  it,  I  shall  transmit 
to  your  Excellency  my  reasons  for  such  a  step." 

Washington  was  grieved  at  receiving  this  intimation.  He 
had  ever  found  Schuyler  a  faithful  coadjutor.  He  knew  his 
peculiar  fitness  for  the  Northern  department  from  his  knowl- 
edge of  the  country  and  its  people  ;  his  influence  among  its 
most  important  citizens  ;  his  experience  in  treating  with  the 
Indians  ;  his  fiery  energy ;  his  fertility  in  expedients,  and  his 
"  sound  military  sense."  But  he  knew  also  his  sensitive 
nature,  and  the  peculiar  anno3Tances  with  which  he  had  had  to 
contend.  On  a  former  occasion  he  had  prevented  him  from 
resigning,  by  an  appeal  to  his  patriotism  ;  he  no  longer  felt 
justified  in  interfering.  "I  am  sorry,"  writes  he,  "  that  cir- 
cumstances are  such  as  to  dispose  you  to  a  resignation  ;  but 
you  are  the  best  judge  of  the  line  of  conduct  most  reconcilable 
to  your  duty,  both  in  a  public  and  personal  view  ;  and  your 
own  feelings  must  determine  you  in  a  matter  of  so  delicate  and 
interesting  a  nature."  x 

Affairs,  however,  were  taking  a  more  favorable  turn.  The 
committee  of  inquiry  made  a  report  which  placed  the  character 
of  Schuyler  higher  than  ever  as  an  able  and  active  commander, 
and  a  zealous  and  disinterested  patriot. 

He  made  a  memorial  to  Congress  explaining  away,  or  apolo- 
gizing for,  the  expressions  in  his  letter  of  the  4th  of  Eebruary, 

1  Schuyler's  Letter  Ifook. 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  291 

which  had  given  offence  to  the  House.  His  memorial  was 
satisfactory  ;  and  he  was  officially  informed  that  Congress  now 
"entertained  the  same  favorable  sentiments  concerning  him, 
that  they  had  entertained  before  that  letter  was  received." 

There  were  warm  discussions  in  the  House  on  the  subject  of 
the  Northern  department.  Several  of  the  most  important  of  the 
New  York  delegates  observed  that  General  Gates  misappre- 
hended his  position.  He  considered  himself  as  holding  the  same 
command  as  that  formerly  held  by  General  Schuyler.  Such 
was  not  the  intention  of  Congress  in  sending  him  to  take  coin- 
maud  of  the  army  at  Ticonderoga.  There  had  been  a  question 
between  sending  him  to  that  }wst,  or  giving  him  the  adjutancy 
general,  and  it  had  been  decided  for  the  former. 

It  would  be  nonsense,  they  observed,  to  give  him  command 
of  the  Northern  department,  and  confine  him  to  Ticonderoga 
and  Mount  Independence,  where  he  could  not  have  an  exten- 
sive idea  of  the  defence  of  the  frontier  of  the  Eastern  States  ; 
but  only  of  one  spot,  to  which  the  enemy  were  not  obliged  to 
confine  their  operations,  and,  as  it  were,  to  knock  their  heads 
against  a  single  rock.  The  affairs  of  the  north-east,  it  was 
added,  and  of  the  State  of  New  York  in  particular,  were  in  a 
critical  condition.  Much  disaffection  prevailed,  and  great  clash- 
ing of  interests.  There  was  but  one  man  capable  of  keeping 
all  united  against  the  common  enemy,  and  he  stood  on  the 
books  as  commander-in-chief  of  the  Middle,  or,  as  it  was 
sometimes  called,  the  Northern  department.  His  presence  was 
absolutely  necessary  in  his  home  quarters  for  their  immediate 
succor,  but  if  he  returned,  he  would  be  a  general  without  an 
army  or  a  military  chest;  and  why  was  he  thus  disgraced? 

The  friends  of  Gates,  on  the  other  hand,  who  were  chiefly  del- 
egates from  New  England,  pronounced  it  an  absurdity,  that  an 
officer  holding  such  an  important  post  as  Ticonderoga,  should 
be  under  the  absolute  orders  of  another  one  hundred  miles 
distant,  engaged  in  treaties  with  Indians,  and  busied  in  the 
duties  of  a  provedore.  The  establishment  of  commands  in 
departments  was  entirety  wrrong  ;  there  should  be  a  commander- 
in-chief,  and  commanders  of  the  different  armies. 

We  gather  these  scanty  particulars  from  a  letter  addressed  to 
Gates  by  Mr.  Lovell.  The  latter  expresses  himself  with  a 
proper  spirit.  "I  wish,"  writes  lie,  "some  course  could  be 
taken  which  wrould  suit  you  both.  It  is  plain  all  the  Northern 
army  cannot  be  intended  for  the  single  garrison  of  Ticonderoga. 
Who  then  has  the  distribution  of  the  members?  This  must 
depend  on  one  opinion,  or  there  can  be  no  decision  in  the  defence 


292  .  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

of  the  Northern  frontiers.  It  is. an  unhappy  circumstance  that 
such  is  the  altercation  at  the  opening  of  the  campaign." 

This  letter  produced  an  anxious  reply  :  "  Why,"  writes  Gates, 
"  when  the  argument  in  support  of  General  Schuyler's  com- 
mand was  imposed  upon  Congress,  did  not  you  or  somebody 
say,  '  the  second  post  upon  this  continent  next  campaign  will 
be  at  or  near  Peekskill.'  There  General  Schuyler  ought  to  go 
and  command  ;  that  will  be  the  curb  in  the  mouth  of  the  New 
York  tories,  and  the  enemy's  army.  He  will  then  be  near  the 
convention,  and  in  the  centre  of  the  colony,  have  a  military 
chest,  and  all  the  insignia  of  office.  This  command  in  honor 
could  not  be  refused,  without  owning  there  is  something  more 
alluring  than  command  to  General  Schuyler,  by  fixing  him  at 
Albany.  By  urging  this  matter  home  you  would  have  proved 
the  man.  He  would  have  resigned  all  command,  have  accepted 
the  government  of  New  York,  and  been  fixed  to  a  station  where 
he  must  do  good,  and  which  could  not  interfere  with,  or  prevent 
an}'  arrangement  Congress  have  made,  or  may  hereafter  make. 
Unhappy  State  !  That  has  but  one  man  in  it  who  can  fix  the 
wavering  minds  of  its  inhabitants  to  the  side  of  freedom  !  How 
could  you  sit  patiently,  and,  uncontradicted,  suffer  such  imperti- 
nence to  be  crammed  down  your  throats?  " 

"  Why  is  it  nonsense,"  pursues  Gates,  "to  station  the  com- 
manding general  in  the  Northern  department  at  Ticonderoga? 
Was  it  not  the  uniform  practice  of  the  royal  arm}'  all  last  war? 
Nothing  is  more  certain  than  that  the  enemy  must  first  possess 
that  single  rock  before  the}'  can  penetrate  the  country.  ...  It 
is  foolish  in  the  extreme  to  believe  the  enemy  this  year  can  form 
any  attack  from  the  northward  but  by  Ticonderoga.  Where, 
then,  ought  the  commanding  general  to  be  posted?  Certainly 
at  Ticonderoga.  If  General  Schuyler  is  solely  to  possess  all 
the  power,  all  the  intelligence,  and  that  particular  favorite,  the 
military  chest,  and  constantly  reside  at  Albany,  I  cannot,  with 
any  peace  of  mind,  serve  at  Ticonderoga."  x 

This  letter  was  despatched  by  private  hand  to  Philadel- 
phia. 

While  Gates  was  in  this  mood,  his  aide-de-camp,  Major 
Troup,  reported  an  unsuccessful  application  to  the  commander- 
in-chief  for  tents.  In  the  petulance  of  the  moment,  Gates  ad- 
dressed the  following  letter  to  Washington  :  "  Major  Troup, 
upon  being  disappointed  in  procuring  tents  at  Fishkill,  acquaints 
me  that  he  went  to  head-quarters  to  implore  your  Excellency's 


1  Letter  to  Jas.  Lovell,  of  Massachusetts.    Gates's  Papers,  N.  Y.  Hist.  Lib. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  293 

aid  in  that  particular  for  the  Northern  army.  He  says  your 
Excellency  told  him  you  should  want  every  tent  upon  the  con- 
tinent for  the  armies  to  the  southward,  and  that  you  did  not  see 
any  occasion  the  Northern  army  could  have  for  tents,  for,  being 
a  fixed  post  they  might  hut.  Refusing  this  army  what  you 
have  not  in  your  power  to  bestow,  is  one  thing,"  adds  Gates, 
"  but  saying  that  this  army  has  not  the  same  necessities  as  the 
Southern  armies,  is  another.  I  can  assure  your  Excellency  the 
service  of  the  northward  requires  tents  as  much  as  any  service 
I  ever  saw."  1 

However  indignant  Washington  may  have  felt  at  the  disre- 
spectful tone  of  this  letter,  and  the  unwarrantable  imputation 
of  sectional  partiality  contained  in  it,  he  contented  himself  with 
a  grave  and  measured  rebuke.  "Can  you  suppose,"  writes 
he,  "  if  there  had  been  an  ample  supply  of  tents  for  the  whole 
army,  that  I  should  have  hesitated  one  moment  in  complying 
with  your  demand?  I  told  Major  Troup  that  on  account  of 
our  loss  at  Danbury  there  would  be  a  scarcity  of  tents  ;  that  our 
army  would  be  a  moving  one,  and  that  consequently  nothing 
but  tents  would  serve  our  turn ;  and  that,  therefore,  as  there 
would  be  the  greatest  probability  of  your  being  stationary,  you 
should  endeavor  to  cover  your  troops  with  barracks  and  huts. 
Certainly  this  was  not  a  refusal  of  tents,  but  a  request  that 
you  should,  in  our  contracted  situation,  make  every  shift  to 
do  without  them,  or  at  least  with  as  few  as  possible. 

"The  Northern  army  is,  and  ever  has  been,  as  much  the 
object  of  my  care  and  attention  as  the  one  immediately  under 
my  command.  ...  I  will  make  particular  inquiry  of  the 
quartermaster-general,  concerning  his  prospect  and  expectations 
as  to  the  article  of  tents  ;  and  if,  as  I  said  before,  there  appears 
a  sufficiency  for  the  whole  army,  you  shall  most  willingly 
have  your  share.  But,  if  there  is  not,  surely  that  army  whose 
movement  is  uncertain,  must  give  up  its  claims  for  the  pres- 
ent to  that  which  must  inevitably  take  the  field  the  moment 
the  weather  will  admit,  and  must  continue  in  it  the  whole  cam- 
paign."2 

Notwithstanding  this  reply,  Gates  persisted  in  imputing 
sectional  partiality  to  the  commander-in-chief,  and  sought  to 
impart  the  same  idea  to  Congress.  u  Either  I  am  exceedingly 
dull  or  unreasonably  jealous,"  writes  he  to  his  correspondent 
Mr.  Lovell,  u  if  I  do  not  discover  by  the  style  and  tenor  of  the 
ietters  from  Morristown,  how  little  I  have  to  expect  from  thence. 

1  Gates's  Papers.  J  Washington's  Writings,  Sparks,  iv.,  427. 


294  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

Generals  are  so  far  like  parsons,  they  are  all  for  christening 
their  own  child  first ;  but,  let  an  impartial  moderating  power 
decide  between  us,  and  do  not  suffer  Southern  prejudices  to 
weigh  heavier  in  the  balance  than  the  Northern."  * 

A  letter  from  Mr.  Lovell,  dated  the  23d  of  May,  put  an  end 
to  the  suspense  of  the  general  with  respect  to  his  position. 
"Misconceptions  of  past  resolves  and  consequent  jealousies," 
writes  he,  "  have  produced  a  definition  of  the  Northern  depart- 
ment, and  General  Schuyler  is  ordered  to  take  command  of  it. 
The  resolve,  also,  which  was  thought  to  fix  head-quarters  at 
Albany,  is  repealed." 

Such  a  resolve  had  actually  been  passed  on  the  22d,  and 
Albany,  Ticonderoga,  Fort  Stanwix,  and  their  dependencies, 
were  thenceforward  to  be  considered  as  forming  the  Northern 
department.  The  envoy  of  Gates,  bearing  the  letter  in  which 
he  had  carved  out  a  command  for  Schuyler  at  Peekskill, 
arrived  at  Philadelphia  too  late.  The  general  was  already 
provided  for. 

Schuj'ler  was  received  with  open  arms  at  Albany,  on  the  3d 
of  June.  "I  had  the  satisfaction,"  writes  he,  "  to  experience 
the  finest  feelings  which  my  country  expressed  on  my  arrival 
and  reappointment.  The  day  after  my  arrival,  the  whole 
county  committee  did  me  the  honor  in  form  to  congratulate 
me." 

Gates  was  still  in  Albany,  delaying  to  proceed  with  General 
Fermois  to  Ticonderoga  until  the  garrison  should  be  sufficiently 
strengthened.  Although  the  resolve  of  Congress  did  but  define 
his  position,  which  had  been  misunderstood,  he  persisted  in 
considering  himself  degraded  ;  declined  serving  under  General 
Schuyler,  who  would  have  given  him  the  post  at  Ticonderoga 
in  his  absence  ;  and  obtaining  permission  to  leave  the  depart- 
ment, set  out  on  the  9th  for  Philadelphia,  to  demand  redress 
of  Congress. 

General  St.  Clair  was  sent  to  take  command  of  the  troops  at 
Ticonderoga,  accompanied  by  General  Fermois.  As  the  whole 
force  in  the  Northern  department  would  not  be  sufficient  to 
command  the  extensive  works  there  on  both  sides  of  the  lake, 
St.  Clair  was  instructed  to  bestow  his  first  attention  in  fortify- 
ing Mount  Independence,  on  the  east  side,  Schuyler  considering 
it  much  the  most  defensible,  and  that  it  might  be  made  capable 
of  sustaining  a  long  and  vigorous  siege. 

"I  am  fully  convinced,"  writes  he,  "that  between  two  and 

i  Gates's  Papers,  N.  Y.  Hist.  Lib. 


ARTHUR  ST.  CLAIR. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  295 

three  thousand  men  can  effectually  maintain  Mount  Independ- 
ence and  secure  the  pass." 

It  would  be  imprudent,  he  thought,  to  station  the  greater  part 
of  the  forces  at  Fort  Ticouderoga  ;  as,  should  the  enemy  be  able 
to  invest  it,  and  cut  off  the  communication  with  the  country  on 
the  east  side,  it  might  experience  a  disaster  similar  to  that  at 
Fort  Washington. 

The  orders  of  Schuyler  to  officers  commanding  posts  in  the 
department  are  characterized  by  his  Dutch  attention  to  cleanli- 
ness as  to  the  quarters  of  the  soldiers,  their  bedding,  clothing, 
and  equipments. 

All  officers  mounting  guard  were  to  have  their  hair  dressed 
and  powdered.  The  adjutants  of  the  several  corps  were  to  be 
particularly  careful  that  none  of  the  non-commissioned  officers 
and  soldiers  mount  guard  without  having  their  hair  dressed 
and  powdered,  their  persons  perfectly  clean,  and  their  arms  and 
accoutrements  in  the  most  complete  order. 

While  Schuyler  was  thus  providing  for  the  security  of  Ticon- 
deroga,  and  enforcing  cleanliness  in  his  department,  Gates  was 
wending  his  way  to  Philadelphia,  his  bosom  swelling  with  ima- 
ginary wrongs.  He  arrived  there  on  the  18th.  The  next  day  at 
noon,  Mr.  Roger  Sherman,  an  Eastern  delegate,  informed  Con- 
gress that  General  Gates  was  waiting  at  the  door,  and  wished 
admittance. 

4i  For  what  purpose?  "  it  wa£  asked. 

"To  communicate  intelligence  of  importance,"  replied  Mr. 
Sherman. 

Gates  was  accordingly  ushered  in,  took  his  seat  in  an  elbow 
chair,  and  proceeded  to  give  some  news  concerning  the  Indians  ; 
their  friendly  dispositions,  their  delight  at  seeing  French  officers 
in  the  American  service,  and  other  matters  of  the  kind;  then, 
drawing  forth  some  papers  from  his  pocket,  he  opened  upon  the 
real  object  of  his  visit ;  stating  from  his  notes,  in  a  flurried  and 
disjointed  manner,  the  easy  and  happy  life  he  had  left  to  take 
up  arms  for  the  liberties  of  America ;  and  how  strenuously  he 
had  exerted  himself  in  its  defence  ;  how  that  some  time  in 
March  he  had  been  appointed  to  a  command  in  the  Northern 
department ;  but  that  a  few  days  since,  without  having  given 
any  cause  of  offence,  without  accusation,  without  trial,  without 
hearing,  without  notice,  he  had  received  a  resolution  by  which  he 
was,  in  a  most  disgraceful  manner,  superseded  in  his  command. 
Here  his  irritated  feelings  got  the  better  of  his  judgment,  and 
he  indulged  in  angry  reproaches  of  Congress,  and  recitals  of  a 
conversation  which  had  taken  place  between  him  and  Mr.  Duane, 


296  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

a  member  of  the  House,  whom  he  considered  his  enemy.  Here 
Mr.  Duane  rose,  and  addressing  himself  to  the  president,  hoped 
the  general  would  observe  order,  and  cease  any  personal  obser- 
vations, as  he  could  not,  in  Congress,  enter  into  any  controversy 
with  him  upon  the  subject  of  former  conversations. 

Other  of  the  members  took  fire  ;  the  conduct  of  the  general 
was  pronounced  disrespectful  to  the  House,  and  unworthy  of 
himself,  and  it  was  moved  and  seconded  that  he  be  requested  to 
withdraw.  Some  of  the  Eastern  delegates  opposed  the  motion, 
and  endeavored  to  palliate  his  conduct.  A  wordy  clamor 
ensued,  during  which  the  general  stood,  his  papers  in  his  hand, 
endeavoring  several  times  to  be  heard,  but  the  clamor  increasing, 
he  withdrew  with  the  utmost  indignation.  It  was  then  deter- 
mined that  he  should  not  again  be  admitted  on  the  floor ;  but 
should  be  informed  that  Congress  were  ready  and  willing  to 
hear,  by  way  of  memorial,  any  grievances  of  which  he  might 
have  to  complain.1 


CHAPTER  XLI. 

THE  HIGHLAND  PASSES  OF  THE  HUDSON GEORGE  CLINTON   IN  COM- 
MAND OF  THE  FORTS  HIS  MEASURES  FOR  DEFENCE GENERALS 

GREENE  AND  KNOX  EXAMINE  THE   STATE   OF  THE    FORTS THEIR 

REPORT THE  GENERAL  COMMAND  OF    THE  HUDSON  OFFERED  TO 

ARNOLD DECLINED  BY  HIM GIVEN  TO  PUTNAM APPOINTMENT 

OF     DR.     CRAIK     IN    THE     MEDICAL     DEPARTMENT EXPEDITION 

PLANNED  AGAINST  FORT  INDEPENDENCE BUT  RELINQUISHED 

WASHINGTON  SHIFTS  HIS  CAMP  TO  MIDDLEBROOK STATE  OF  HIS 

ARMY GENEKAL  HOWE  CROSSES    INTO  THE    JERSEYS POSITION 

OF  THE  TWrO  ARMIES  AT  MIDDLEBROOK  AND  BEHIND  THE  RARITAN 
CORRESPONDENCE  BETWEEN  WASHINGTON  AND  COLONEL  REED. 

The  Highland  passes  of  the  Hudson,  always  objects  of  anx- 
ious thought  to  Washington,  were  especially  so  at  this  juncture. 
General  McDougall  still  commanded  at  Peekskill,  and  General 
George  Clinton,  who  resided  at  New  Windsor,  had  command  of 
the  Highland  Forts.  The  latter,  at  the  earnest  request  of  the 
New  York  Convention,  had  received  from  Congress  the  com- 
mand of  brigadier-general  in  the  Continental  army.  "  My  pre- 
carious state  of  health  and  want  of  military  knowledge,"  writes 
he,  "  wuild  have  rather  induced  me  to  have  led  a  more  retired 


1  Letter  of  the  Hon.  Wm.  Duer.     Schuyler's  Papers. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  297 

life  than  that  of  the  army,  had  I  been  consulted  on  the  occasion  ; 
but  as,  early  in  the  present  contest,  I  laid  it  down  as  a  maxim  not 
to  refuse  my  best,  though  poor  services,  to  my  country  in  any 
way  they  should  think  proper  to  employ  me,  I  cannot  refuse  the 
honor  done  me  in  the  present  appointment."  * 

He  was  perfectly  sincere  in  what  he  said.  George  Clinton 
was  one  of  the  soldiers  of  the  Revolution  who  served  from  a 
sense  of  duty,  not  from  military  inclination  or  a  thirst  for 
glory.  A  long  career  of  public  service  in  various  capacities 
illustrated  his  modest  worth  and  devoted  patriotism. 

When  the  "  unhappy  affair  of  Peekskill  "  had  alarmed  the 
Convention  of  New  York  for  the  safety  of  the  forts  on  the 
Highlands,  Clinton,  authorized  by  that  body,  had  ordered  out 
part  of  the  militia  of  Orange,  Dutchess,  and  Westchester 
counties,  without  waiting  for  Washington's  approbation  of 
the  measure.  He  had  strengthened,  also,  with  anchors  and 
cables,  the  chain  drawn  across  the  river  at  Fort  Montgomery. 
"Had  the  Convention  suffered  me  to  have  paid  my  whole  atten- 
tion to  this  business,"  writes  he  to  Washington  (18th  April), 
"  it  would  have  been  nearly  completed  by  this  time." 

A  few  days  later  came  word  that  several  transports  were 
anchored  at  Dobbs'  Ferry  in  the  Tappan  Sea.  It  might  be 
intended  to  divert  attention  from  a  movement  toward  the 
Delaware ;  or  to  make  incursions  into  the  country  back  of 
Morristown,  seize  on  the  passes  through  the  mountains,  and 
cut  off  the  communication  between  the  army  and  the  Hudson. 
To  frustrate  such  a  design,  Washington  ordered  Clinton  to  post 
as  good  a  number  of  troops  from  his  garrison  as  he  could  spare, 
on  the  mountains  west  of  the  river. 

In  the  month  of  May,  he  writes  to  General  McDougall : 
"  The  imperfect  state  of  the  fortifications  of  Fort  Montgomery 
gives  me  great  uneasiness,  because  I  think,  from  a  concur- 
rence of  circumstances,  that  it  begins  to  look  as  if  the  enemy 
intended  to  turn  their  view  toward  the  North  River  instead 
of  the  Delaware.  I  therefore  desire  that  General  George 
Clinton,  and  yourself,  will  fall  upon  every  measure  to  put  the 
fortifications  in  such  a  state  that  they  may  at  least  resist  a 
sudden  attack  and  keep  the  enemy  employed  till  re-enforcements 
may  arrive.  If  the  North  River  is  their  object,  they  cannot 
accomplish  it  unless  they  withdraw  their  forces  from  the 
Jerseys,  and  that  they  cannot  do  unknown  to  us." 

On  the  12th  of  May,  General  Greene  received  instructions 

1  Cliuton  to  Washington. 


298  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

from  Washington  to  proceed  to  the  Highlands,  and  examine 
the  state  and  condition  of  the  forts,  especially  Fort  Mont- 
gomery ;  the  probability  of  an  attack  by  water,  the  practica- 
bility of  an  approach  by  land ;  where  and  how  this  could  be 
effected,  and  the  eminences  whence  the  forts  could  be  annoyed. 
This  done,  and  the  opinions  of  the  general  officers  present 
having  been  consulted,  he  was  to  give  such  orders  and  make 
such  disposition  of  the  troops  as  might  appear  necessary  for  the 
greater  security  of  the  passes  by  land  and  water.  When 
reconnoitring  the  Highlands  in  the  preceding  year,  Washington 
had  remarked  a  wild  and  rugged  pass  on  the  western  side  of 
the  Hudson  round  Bull  Hill,  a  rocky,  forest-clad  mountain, 
forming  an  advance  rampart  at  the  entrance  to  Peekskill  Bay. 
"This  pass,"  he  observed,  "should  also  be  attended  to,  lest 
the  enemy  by  a  coup  de  main  should  possess  themselves  of  it, 
before  a  sufficient  force  could  be  assembled  to  oppose  them.1* 
Subsequent  events  will  illustrate,  though  unfortunately,  the 
sagacity  and  foresight  of  this  particular  instruction. 

General  Knox  was  associated  with  General  Greene  in  this 
visit  of  inspection.  They  examined  the  river  and  the  passes 
of  the  Highlands  in  company  with  Generals  McDougall,  George 
Clinton,  and  Anthony  Wayne.  The  latter,  recently  promoted 
to  the  rank  of  brigadier,  had  just  returned  from  Ticonderoga. 
The  five  generals  made  a  joint  report  to  Washington,  in  which 
they  recommended  the  completion  of  the  obstructions  in  the 
river  already  commenced.  These  consisted  of  a  boom,  or 
heavy  iron  chain,  across  the  river  from  Fort  Montgomery  to 
Anthony's  Nose,  with  cables  stretched  in  front  to  break  the 
force  of  any  ship  under  way,  before  she  could  strike  it.  The 
boom  was  to  be  protected  by  the  guns  of  two  ships  and  two 
row  galleys  stationed  just  above  it,  and  by  batteries  on  shore. 
This,  it  was  deemed,  would  be  sufficient  to  prevent  the  enemy's 
ships  from  ascending  the  river.  If  these  obstructions  could  be 
rendered  effective,  they  did  not  think  the  enemy  would  attempt 
to  operate  by  land  ;  "  the  passes  through  the  Highlands  being 
so  exceedingly  difficult." 

The  general  command  of  the  Hudson,  from  the  number  of 
troops  to  be  assembled  there,  and  the  variety  of  points  to  be 
guarded,  was  one  of  the  most  important  in  the  service,  and  re- 
quired an  officer  of  consummate  energy,  activity  and  judg- 
ment. It  was  a  major-general's  command,  and  as  such  was 
offered  by  Washington  to  Arnold ;  intending  thus  publicly  to 
manifest  his  opinion  of  his  deserts,  and  hoping,  by  giving  him 
so  important  a  post,  to  appease  his  irritated  feelings. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  299 

Arnold,  however,  declined  to  accept  it.  In  an  interview  with 
Washington  at  Morristown,  he  alleged  his  anxiety  to  proceed  to 
Philadelphia  and  settle  his  public  accounts,  which  were  of  con- 
siderable amount ;  especially  as  reports  had  been  circulated 
injurious  to  his  character  as  a  man  of  integrity.  He  intended, 
therefore,  to  wait  on  Congress,  and  request  a  committee  of 
inquiry  into  his  conduct.  Beside,  he  did  not  consider  the 
promotion  conferred  on  him  by  Congress  sufficient  to  obviate 
their  previous  neglect,  as  it  did  not  give  him  the  rank  he  had  a 
claim  to,  from  seniority  in  the  line  of  brigadiers.  In  their  last 
resolve  respecting  him,  they  had  acknowledged  him  competent 
to  the  station  of  major-general,  and,  therefore,  had  done  away 
every  objection  implied  by  their  former  omission.  With  these 
considerations  he  proceeded  to  Philadelphia,  bearing  a  letter 
from  Washington  to  the  President  of  Congress,  countenancing 
his  complaints,  and  testifying  to  the  excellence  of  his  military 
character.  We  may  here  add,  that  the  accusations  against  him 
were  pronounced  false  and  slanderous  by  the  Board  of  War ; 
that  the  report  of  the  board  was  confirmed  by  Congress,  but 
that  Arnold  was  still  left  aggrieved  and  unredressed  in  point  of 
rank. 

The  important  command  of  the  Hudson  being  declined  by 
Arnold,  was  now  given  to  Putnam,  who  repaired  forthwith  to 
Peekskill.  General  McDougall  was  requested  by  Washington 
to  aid  the  veteran  in  gaining  a  knowledge  of  the  post.  "  You 
are  well  acquainted,"  writes  he,  "with  the  old  gentleman's 
temper;  he  is  active,  disinterested,  and  open  to  conviction." 

Putnam  set  about  promptly  to  carry  into  effect  the  measures 
of  security  which  Greene  and  Knox  had  recommended ;  espe- 
cially the  boom  and  chain  at  Fort  Montgomery,  about  which 
General  George  Clinton  had  busied  himself.  Putnam  had  a 
peculiar  fancy  for  river  obstructions  of  the  kind.  A  large  part 
of  the  New  York  and  New  England  troops  were  stationed  at 
this  post,  not  merely  to  guard  the  Hudson,  but  to  render  aid 
either  to  the  Eastern  or  Middle  States  in  case  of  exigency. 

About  this  time,  Washington  had  the  satisfaction  of  drawing 
near  to  him  his  old  friend  and  travelling  companion,  Dr.  James 
Craik,  the  same  who  had  served  with  him  in  Braddock's  cam- 
paign, and  had  voyaged  with  him  down  the  Ohio  ;  for  whom  he 
now  procured  the  appointment  of  assistant  director-general  of 
the  Hospital  department  of  the  middle  district,  which  included 
the  States  between  the  Hudson  and  the  Potomac.  In  offering 
the  situation  to  the  doctor,  he  writes,  "  you  know  how  far  you 
may   be   benefited   or   injured   by   such   an  appointment,    and 


300  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

whether  it  is  advisable  or  practicable  for  you  to  quit  your  family 
and  practice  at  this  time.  I  request,  as  a  friend,  that  my  pro- 
posing this  matter  to  you  may  have  no  influeuce  upon  your 
acceptance  of  it.  I  have  no  other  end  in  view  than  to  serve 
you."  Dr.  Craik,  it  will  be  found,  remained  his  attached  and 
devoted  friend  through  life. 

It  had  been  Washington's  earnest  wish  in  the  early  part  of 
the  spring,  to  take  advantage  of  the  inactivity  of  the  enemy, 
and  attempt  some  "  capital  stroke  "  for  the  benefit  of  the  next 
campaign  ;  but  the  want  of  troops  prevented  him.  He  now 
planned  a  night  expedition  for  Putnam  exactly  suited  to  the 
humor  of  the  old  general.  He  was  to  descend  the  Hudson  in 
boats,  surprise  Fort  Independence  at  Spy t  den  Duivel  Creek, 
capture  the  garrison  and  sweep  the  road  between  that  post  and 
the  Highlands.  Putnam  was  all  on  fire  for  the  enterprise  when 
movements  on  the  part  of  the  enemy  seemingly  indicative  of  a 
design  upon  Philadelphia  obliged  Washington  to  abandon  the 
project  and  exert  all  his  vigilance  in  watching  the  hostile 
operations  in  the  Jerseys. 

Accordingly  toward  the  end  of  May  he  broke  up  his  canton- 
ments at  Morristown  and  shifted  his  camp  to  Middlebrook, 
within  ten  miles  of  Brunswick.  His  whole  force  fit  for  duty  was 
now  about  seven  thousand  three  hundred  men,  all  from  the 
States  south  of  the  Hudson. 

There  were  forty- three  regiments,  forming  ten  brigades,  com- 
manded by  Brigadiers  Muhlenberg,  Weedon,  Woodford,  Scott, 
Smallwood,  Deborre,  Wayne,  Dehaas,  Conway  and  Maxwell. 
These  were,  apportioned  into  five  divisions  of  two  brigades  each 
under  Major-Generals  Greene,  Stephen,  Sullivan,  Lincoln  and 
Stirling.  The  artillery  was  commanded  by  Knox.  Sullivan, 
with  his  division,  was  stationed  on  the  right  at  Princeton. 
With  the  rest  of  his  force  Washington  fortified  himself  in  a 
position  naturally  strong,  among  hills,  in  the  rear  of  the  village 
of  Middlebrook.  His  camp  was,  on  all  sides,  difficult  of 
approach,  and  he  rendered  it  still  more  so  by  intrenchments. 
The  high  grounds  about  it  commanded  a  wide  view  of  the 
country  around  Brunswick,  the  road  to  Philadelphia,  and  the 
course  of  the  Raritan,  so  that  the  enemy  could  make  no  impor- 
tant movement  on  land  without  his  perceiving  it. 

It  was  now  the  beautiful  season  of  the  3*ear,  and  the  troops 
from  their  height  beheld  a  fertile  and  well  cultivated  country 
spread  before  them,  "painted  with  meadows,  green  fields  and 
orchards,  studded  with  villages,  and  affording  abundant  sup- 
plies and  forage."     A  part  of  their  duty  was  to  guard  it  from 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  301 

the  ravage  of  the  enemy,  while  they  held  themselves  ready  to 
counteract  his  movements  in  every  direction. 

On  the  31st  of  May,  reports  were  brought  to  camp  that  a 
fleet  of  a  hundred  sail  had  left  New  York,  and  stood  out  to  sea. 
Whither  bound,  and  how  freighted,  was  unknown.  If  they 
carried  troops,  their  destination  might  be  Delaware  Bay. 
Eighteen  transports,  also,  had  arrived  at  New  York,  with 
troops  in  foreign  uniforms.  Were  they  those  which  had  been 
in  Canada,  or  others  immediately  from  Germany?  Those  who 
had  reconnoitred  them  with  glasses  could  not  tell.  All  was 
matter  of  anxious  conjecture. 

Lest  the  fleet  which  had  put  to  sea  should  be  bound  farthei 
south  than  Delaware  Bay,  Washington  instantly  wrote  to 
Patrick  Henry,  at  that  time  governor  of  Virginia,  putting  him 
on  his  guard.  "  Should  this  fleet  arrive  on  your  coast,  and  the 
enemy  attempt  to  penetrate  the  country,  or  make  incursions,  I 
would  recommend  that  the  earliest  opposition  be  made  b}T  par- 
ties and  detachments  of  militia,  without  waiting  to  collect  a 
large  body.  I  am  convinced  that  this  would  be  attended  with 
the  most  salutary  consequences,  and  that  greater  advantages 
would  be  derived  from  it,  than  by  deferring  the  opposition  till 
you  assemble  a  number  equal  to  that  of  the  enemy." 

The  troops  in  foreign  uniforms  which  had  landed  from  the 
transports,  proved  to  be  Anspachers,  and  other  German  mer- 
cenaries ;  there  were  British  re-enforcements  also  ;  and,  what 
was  particularly  needed,  a  supply  of  tents  and  camp  equipage. 
Sir  William  Howe  had  been  waiting  for  the  latter,  and  likewise 
until  the  ground  should  be  covered  with  grass.1 

The  country  was  now  in  full  verdure,  affording  "green  for- 
age" in  abundance,  and  all  things  seemed  to  Sir  William  pro- 
pitious for  the  opening  of  the  campaign.  Early  in  June, 
therefore,  he  gave  up  ease  and  gayety,  and  luxurious  life  at 
New  York,  and  crossing  into  the  Jerseys,  set  up  his  head-quar- 
ters at  Brunswick. 

As  soon  as  Washington  ascertained  that  Sir  William's  atten- 
tion was  completely  turned  to  this  quarter,  he  determined  to 
strengthen  his  position  with  all  the  force  that  could  be  spared 
from  other  parts,  so  as  to  be  able,  in  case  a  favorable  opportu- 
nity presented,  to  make  an  attack  upon  the  enemy ;  in  the 
mean  time,  he  would  harass  them  with  his  light  militia  troops, 
aided  by  a  few  Continentals,  so  as  to  weaken  their  numbers  by 
continual  skirmishes.     With  this  view,  he  ordered  General  Put- 

1  Evidence  of  Major-General  Grey  before  the  House  of  Commons. 


302  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

nam  to  send  down  most  of  the  Continental  troops  from  Peeks- 
kill,  leaving  only  a  number  sufficient,  in  conjunction  with  the 
militia,  to  guard  that  post  against  surprise.  They  were  to  pro- 
ceed in  three  divisions,  under  Generals  Parsons,  McDougall, 
and  Glover,  at  one  day's  march  distant  from  each  other. 

Arnold,  in  this  critical  juncture,  had  been  put  in  command  of 
Philadelphia,  a  post  which  he  had  been  induced  to  accept, 
although  the  question  of  rank  had  not  been  adjusted  to  his  sat- 
isfaction. His  command  embraced  the  western  bank  of  the 
Delaware  with  all  its  fords  and  passes,  and  he  took  up  his  sta- 
tion there  with  a  strong  body  of  militia,  supported  by  a  few 
Continentals,  to  oppose  any  attempt  of  the  enemy  to  cress  the 
river.  He  was  instructed  by  Washington  to  give  him  notice  by 
expresses,  posted  on  the  road,  if  any  fleet  should  appear  in 
Delaware  Bay ;  and  to  endeavor  to  concert  signals  with  the 
camp  of  Sullivan  at  Princeton,  by  alarm  fires  upon  the  hills. 

On  the  night  of  the  13th  of  June,  General  Howe  sallied  forth 
in  great  force  from  Brunswick,  as  if  pushing  directly  for  the 
Delaware,  but  his  advanced  guard  halted  at  Somerset  court- 
house, about  eight  or  nine  miles  distant.  Apprised  of  this 
movement,  Washington  at  daybreak  reconnoitred  the  enemy 
from  the  heights  before  the  camp.  He  observed  their  front 
halting  at  the  court-house,  but  a  few  miles  distant,  while  troops 
and  artillery  were  grouped  here  and  there  along  the  road,  and 
1  je  rear-guard  was  still  at  Brunswick.  It  was  a  question  with 
Washington  and  his  generals,  as  they  reconnoitred  the  enemy 
with  their  glasses,  whether  this  was  a  real  move  toward  Phila- 
delphia, or  merely  a  lure  to  tempt  them  down  from  their  strong 
position.  In  this  uncertainty,  Washington  drew  out  his  army 
in  battle  array  along  the  heights,  but  kept  quiet.  In  the  present 
state  of  his  forces  it  was  his  plan  not  to  risk  a  general  action  ; 
but,  should  the  enemy  really  march  toward  the  Delaware,  to 
hang  heavily  upon  their  rear.  Their  principal  difficulty  would 
be  in  crossing  that  river,  and  there,  he  trusted,  they  would  meet 
with  spirited  opposition  from  the  Continental  troops  and  militia 
stationed  on  the  western  side  under  Arnold  and  Mifflin. 

The  British  took  up  a  strong  position,  having  Millstone 
Creek  on  their  left,  the  Raritan  all  along  their  front,  and  their 
right  resting  on  Brunswick,  and  proceeded  to  fortify  themselves 
with  bastions. 

While  thus  anxiously  situated,  Washington,  on  the  14th, 
received  a  letter  from  Colonel  Reed,  his  former  secretary  and 
confidential  friend.  A  coolness  had  existed  on  the  general's 
part,  ever  since  he  had  unwarily  opened  the  satirical  letter  of 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  303 

General  Lee  ;  yet  he  had  acted  toward  Reed  with  his  habitual 
high-mindedness,  and  had  recently  nominated  him  as  general 
of  cavalry.  The  latter  had  deeply  deplored  the  interruption  of 
their  once  unreserved  intercourse  ;  he  had  long,  he  said,  desired 
to  have  one  hour  of  private  conversation  with  Washington  on 
the  subject  of  Lee's  letter,  but  had  deferred  it  in  the  hope  of 
obtaining  his  own  letter  to  which  that  was  an  answer.  In  that 
he  had  been  disappointed  by  Lee's  captivity.  On  the  present 
occasion,  Reed's  heart  was  full,  and  he  refers  to  former  times 
in  language  that  is  really  touching : 

"  I  am  sensible,  my  dear  sir,"  writes  he,  "  how  difficult  it  is 
to  regain  lost  friendship  ;  but  the  consciousness  of  never  having 
justly  forfeited  yours,  and  the  hope  that  it  may  be  in  my  power 
fully  to  convince  you  of  it,  are  some  consolation  for  an  event 
which  I  never  think  of  but  with  the  greatest  concern.  In  the 
mean  time,  my  dear  general,  let  me  entreat  3*011  to  judge  of  me 
by  realities,  not  by  appearances ;  and  believe  that  I  never 
entertained  or  expressed  a  sentiment  incompatible  with  that 
regard  I  professed  for  your  person  and  character,  and  which, 
whether  I  shall  be  so  happy  as  to  possess  your  future  good 
opinion  or  not,  I  shall  cany  to  my  grave  with  me. 

"  A  late  perusal  of  the  letters  you  honored  me  with  at  Cam- 
bridge and  New  York,  last  year  afforded  me  a  melancholy 
pleasure.  I  cannot  help  acknowledging  myself  deeply  affected, 
in  a  comparison  with  those  which  I  have  since  received.  I  should 
not,  my  dear  sir,  have  trespassed  on  your  time  and  patience  at 
this  juncture  so  long,  but  that  a  former  letter  upon  this  subject 
I  fear  has  miscarried ;  and  whatever  may  be  my  future  destina- 
tion and  course  of  life,  I  could  not  support  the  reflection  of 
being  thought  ungrateful  and  insincere  to  a  friendship  which 
was  equally  my  pride  and  my  pleasure.  May  God  Almighty 
crown  your  virtue,  my  dear  and  much  respected  general,  with 
deserved  success,  and  make  your  life  as  happy  and  honorable 
to  yourself  as  it  has  been  useful  to  your  country." 

The  heart  of  Washington  was  moved  by  this  appeal,  and 
though  in  the  midst  of  military  preparations,  with  a  hostile 
army  at  hand,  he  detained  Colonel  Reed's  messenger  long 
enough  to  write  a  short  letter  in  reply :  "  to  thank  you,"  said 
he,  "  as  I  do  most  sincerely,  for  the  friendly  and  affectionate 
sentiments  contained  in  yours  toward  me,  and  to  assure  you 
that  I  am  perfectly  convinced  of  the  sincerity  of  them. 

"True  it  is,  I  felt  myself  hurt  by  a  certain  letter,  which 
appeared  at  that  time  to  be  the  echo  of  one  from  }you  ;  I  was 
hurt  —  not  because   I  thought  my  judgment  wronged  by   the 


304  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

expressions  contained  in  it,  but  because  the  same  sentiments 
were  not  communicated  immediately  to  myself.  The  favorable 
manner  in  which  your  opinions,  upon  all  occasions,  had  been 
received,  the  impressions  they  made,  and  the  unreserved 
manner  in  which  I  wished  and  required  them  to  be  given, 
entitled  me,  I  thought,  to  your  advice  upon  any  point  in  which 
I  appeared  to  be  wanting.  To  meet  with  any  thing,  then,  that 
carried  with  it  a  complexion  of  withholding  that  advice  from 
me,  and  censuring  my  conduct  to  another,  was  such  an  argu- 
ment of  disingenuity,  that  I  was  not  a  little  mortified  at  it. 
However,  I  am  perfectly  satisfied  that  matters  were  not  as  they 
appeared  from  the  letter  alluded  to." 

Washington  was  not  of  a  distrustful  spirit.  From  this 
moment,  we  are  told,  that  all  estrangement  disappeared,  and  the 
ancient  relations  of  friendly  confidence  between  him  and  Colonel 
Reed  were  restored.1  His  whole  conduct  throughout  the  affair 
bears  evidence  of  his  candor  and  magnanimity. 


CHAPTER  XLII. 

FEIGNED   MOVEMENTS    OF  SIR  WILLIAM   HOWE  —  BAFFLING  CAUTION 

OF      WASHINGTON  RUMORED     INROADS     FROM     THE     NORTH  

SCHUYLER  APPLIES  FOR  RE-ENFORCEMENTS RENEWED   SCHEMES 

OF    HOWE    TO    DRAW     WASHINGTON     FROM      HIS      STRONGHOLD 

SKIRMISH     BETWEEN     CORNWALLIS     AND     LORD     STIRLING THE 

ENEMY     EVACUATE     THE     JERSEYS PERPLEXITY     AS     TO     THEIR 

NEXT   MOVEMENT A    HOSTILE    FLEET    ON    LAKE     CHAMPLAIN 

BURGOYNE      APPROACHING      TICONDEROGA  SPECULATIONS       OF 

WASHINGTON HIS    PURPOSE    OF    KEEPING     SIR    WILLIAM     HOWE 

FROM    ASCENDING   THE    HUDSON ORDERS    GEORGE    CLINTON     TO 

CALL    OUT    MILITIA      FROM     ULSTER     AND      ORANGE      COUNTIES 

SENDS    SULLIVAN    TOWARD    THE     HIGHLANDS MOVES     HIS     OWN 

CAMP    BACK     TO    MORRISTO  WTNT STIR     AMONG     THE     SHIPPING  — 

THEIR    DESTINATION    SURMISED  TO  BE  PHILADELPHIA A  DINNER 

AT  HEAD-QUARTERS ALEXANDER  HAMILTON GRAYDON's  RUK- 

FUL   DESCRIPTION    OF   THE    ARMY HIS    CHARACTER    OF    WAYNE. 

The  American  and  British  armies,  strongly  posted,  as  we 
have  shown,  the  former  along  the  heights  of  Micldlebrook,  the 
other  beyond  the  Raritan,  remained  four  days  grimly  regarding 


1  Life  of  Reed  by  his  grandson. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  305 

each  other ;  both  waiting  to  be  attacked.  The  Jersey  militia, 
which  now  turned  out  with  alacrity,  repaired,  some  to  Washing- 
ton's camp,  others  to  that  of  Sullivan.  The  latter  had  fallen  back 
from  Princeton,  and  taken  a  position  behind  the  Sourland  Hills. 

Howe  pushed  out  detachments,  and  made  several  feints  as  if 
to  pass  by  the  American  camp  and  inarch  to  the  Delaware  ;  but 
Washington  was  not  to  be  deceived.  "  The  enemy  will  not  move 
that  way,"  said  he,  u  until  they  have  given  this  army  a  severe 
blow.  The  risk  would  be  too  great  to  attempt  to  cross  a  river 
where  they  must  expect  to  meet  a  formidable  opposition  in  front, 
and  would  have  such  a  force  as  ours  in  their  rear."  He  kept  on 
the  heights,  therefore,  and  strengthened  his  intrenchments. 

Baffled  in  these  attempts  to  draw  his  cautious  adversaiy  into 
a  general  action,  Howe,  on  the  19th,  suddenly  broke  up  his 
camp,  and  pretended  to  return  with  some  precipitation  to  Bruns- 
wick, burning  as  he  went  several  valuable  dwelling  houses. 
AVrashington's  light  troops  hovered  round  the  enemy  as  far  as 
the  Raritan  and  Millstone,  which  secured  their  flanks,  would 
permit ;  but  the  main  army  kept  to  its  stronghold  on  the  heights. 

On  the  next  day  came  warlike  news  from  the  North.  Ames- 
bury,  a  British  spy,  had  been  seized  and  examined  by  Schuyler. 
Burgoyne  was  stated  as  being  arrived  at  Quebec  to  command 
the  forces  in  an  invasion  from  Canada.  While  he  advanced 
with  his  main  force  by  Lake  Champlain,  a  detachment  of  British 
troops,  Canadians  and  Indians,  led  by  Sir  John  Johnson,  was 
to  penetrate  by  Oswego  to  the  Mohawk  River,  and  place  itself 
between  Fort  Stanwix  and  Fort  Edward. 

If  this  information  was  correct,  Ticonderoga  would  soon  be 
attacked.  The  force  there  might  be  sufficient  for  its  defence, 
but  Schuyler  would  have  no  troops  to  oppose  the  inroad  of  Sir 
John  Johnson,  and  he  urged  a  re-enforcement.  Washington 
forthwith  sent  orders  to  Putnam  to  procure  sloops  and  hold  four 
Massachusetts  regiments  in  readiness  to  go  up  the  river  at  a 
moment's  warning.  Still,  if  the  information  of  the  spy  was 
correct,  he  doubted  the  ability  of  the  enemy  to  carry  the  reported 
plan  into  effect.  It  did  not  appear  that  Burgoyne  had  brought 
any  re-enforcements  from  Europe.  If  so,  he  could  not  move 
with  a  greater  force  than  five  thousand  men.  The  garrison  at 
Ticonderoga  was  sufficiently  strong,  according  to  former 
accounts,  to  hold  it  against  an  attack.  Burgoyne  certainly  would 
never  leave  it  in  his  rear,  and  if  he  invested  it,  he  would  not 
have  a  sufficient  number  left  to  send  one  body  to  Oswego  and 
another  to  cut  off  the  communications  between  Fort  Edward  and 
Fort  George.     Such  was  Washington's  reasoning  in  a  reply  to 


306  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Schuyler.  In  the  mean  time,  he  retained  his  mind  unflurried 
by  these  new  rumors  ;  keeping  from  his  heights  a  vigilant  eye 
upon  General  Howe. 

On  the  22d,  Sir  William  again  marched  out  of  Brunswick, 
but  this  time  proceeded  toward  Amboy,  again  burning  several 
houses  on  the  way ;  hoping  perhaps,  that  the  sight  of  columns 
of  smoke  rising  from  a  ravaged  country  would  irritate  the  Ameri- 
cans and  provoke  an  attack.  Washington  sent  out  three  bri- 
gades under  General  Greene  to  fall  upon  the  rear  of  the  enemy, 
while  Morgan  hung  upon  their  skirts  with  his  riflemen.  At  the 
same  time  the  army  remained  paraded  on  the  heights  ready  to 
yield  support,  if  necessary. 

Finding  that  Howe  had  actually  sent  his  heavy  baggage  and 
part  of  his  troops  over  to  Staten  Island  by  a  bridge  of  boats 
which  he  had  thrown  across,  Washington,  on  the  24th,  left  the 
heights  and  descended  to  Quibbletown  (now  New  Market) ,  six 
or  seven  miles  on  the  road  to  Amboy,  to  be  nearer  at  hand  for 
the  protection  of  his  advanced  parties ;  while  Lord  Stirling, 
with  his  division  and  some  light  troops,  was  at  Matouchin 
church,  closer  to  the  enemy's  lines,  to  watch  their  motions,  and 
be  ready  to  harass  them  while  crossing  to  the  island. 

General  Howe  now  thought  he  had  gained  his  point.  Re- 
calling those  who  had  crossed,  he  formed  his  troops  into  two 
columns,  the  right  led  by  Cornwallis,  the  left  by  himself,  and 
marched  back  rapidly  by  different  routes  from  Amboy.  He 
had  three  objects  in  view :  to  cut  off  the  principal  advanced 
parties  of  the  Americans  ;  to  come  up  with  and  bring  the  main 
body  into  an  engagement  near  Quibbletown ;  or  that  Lord 
Cornwallis,  making  a  considerable  circuit  to  the  right,  should 
turn  the  left  of  Washington's  position,  get  to  the  heights,  take 
possession  of  the  passes,  and  oblige  him  to  abandon  that  strong- 
hold where  he  had  hitherto  been  so  secure.1 

Washington,  however,  had  timely  notice  of  his  movements, 
and  penetrating  his  design,  regained  his  fortified  camp  at 
Middlebrook,  and  secured  the  passes  of  the  mountains.  He 
then  detached  a  body  of  light  troops  under  Brigadier-General 
Scott,  together  with  Morgan's  riflemen,  to  hang  on  the  flank  of 
the  enemy  and  watch  their  motions. 

Cornwallis,  in  his  circuitous  march,  dispersed  the  light  parties 
of  the  advance,  but  fell  in  with  Lord  Stirling's  division,  strongly 
posted  in  a  woody  country,  and  well  covered  by  artillery  judi- 
ciously disposed.     A  sharp  skirmish  ensued,  when  the  Ameri- 

1  Civil  War  in  America,  v.  i.  p.  247. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  307 

cans  gave  way  and  retreated  to  the  hills,  with  the  loss  of  a  few 
men  and  three  field-pieces  ;  while  the  British  halted  at  Westfield, 
disappointed  in  the  main  objects  of  their  enterprise.  They  re- 
mained at  Westfield  until  the  afternoon  of  the  27th,  when  they 
moved  toward  Spanktown  (now  Railway),  plundering  all  before 
them,  and,  it  is  said,  burning  several  houses ;  but  pursued  and 
harassed  the  whole  way  by  the  American  light  troops.1 

Perceiving  that  every  scheme  of  bringing  the  Americans  to 
a  general  action,  or  at  least  of  withdrawing  them  from  their 
strongholds,  was  rendered  abortive  by  the  caution  and  prudence 
of  Washington,  and  aware  of  the  madness  of  attempting  to 
march  to  the  Delaware,  through  a  hostile  country,  with  such  a 
force  in  his  rear,  Sir  William  Howe  broke  up  his  head-quarters 
at  Amboy  on  the  last  of  June,  and  crossed  over  to  Staten  Island 
on  the  floating  bridge  ;  his  troops  that  were  encamped  opposite 
to  Amboy  struck  their  tents  on  the  following  day,  and  marched 
off  to  the  old  camping  ground  on  the  Bay  of  New  York  ;  the 
ships  got  under  way,  and  moved  down  round  the  Island ;  and  it 
was  soon  apparent,  that  at  length  the  enemy  had  really  evacu- 
ated the  Jerseys. 

The  question  now  was,  what  would  be  their  next  move?  A 
great  stir  among  the  shipping  seemed  to  indicate  an  expedition 
by  water.  But  whither?  Circumstances  occurred  to  perplex 
the  question. 

Scarce  had  the  last  tent  been  struck  and  the  last  transport 
disappeared  from  before  Amboy,  when  intelligence  arrived  from 
General  St.  Clair,  announcing  the  appearance  of  a  hostile  fleet 
on  Lake  Champlain,  and  that  General  Burgoyne  with  the  whole 
Canada  army  was  approaching  Ticonderoga.  The  judgment 
and  circumspection  of  Washington  were  never  more  severely 
put  to  the  proof.  Was  this  merely  a  diversion  with  a  small 
force  of  light  troops  and  Indians,  intended  to  occupy  the  atten- 
tion of  the  American  forces  in  that  quarter,  while  the  main 
body  of  the  army  in  Canada  should  come  round  by  sea,  and 
form  a  junction  with  the  army  under  Howe?  But  General 
Burgoyne,  in  Washington's  opinion,  was  a  man  of  too  much 
spirit  and  enterprise  to  return  from  England  merely  to  execute 
a  plan  from  which  no  honor  was  to  be  derived.  Did  he  really 
intend  to  break  through  by  the  way  of  Ticonderoga?  In  that 
case  it  must  be  Howe's  plan  to  co-operate  with  him.  Had  all 
the  recent  manoeuvres  of  the  enemy  in  the  Jerseys,  which  had 
appeared  so  enigmatical  to  Washington,  been  merely  a  strata- 

i  Letter  to  the  President  of  Cong.,  28th  June,  1777. 


308  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

gem  to  amuse  him  until  they  should  receive  intelligence  of  the 
movements  of  Burgoyne  ?  If  so,  Sir  William  must  soon  throw 
off  the  mask.  His  next  move,  in  such  case,  would  be  to  ascend 
the  Hudson,  seize  on  the  Highland  passes  before  Washington 
could  form  a  union  with  the  troops  stationed  there,  and  thus 
open  the  way  for  the  junction  with  Burgoyne.  Should  Wash- 
ington, however,  on  such  a  presumption,  hasten  with  his  troops 
to  Peekskill,  leaving  General  Howe  on  Staten  Island,  what 
would  prevent  the  latter  from  pushing  to  Philadelphia  by  South 
Amboy  or  an}T  other  route? 

Such  were  the  perplexities  and  difficulties  presenting  them- 
selves under  every  aspect  of  the  case,  and  discussed  by  Wash- 
ington in  his  correspondence  with  his  accustomed  clearness.  In 
this  dilemma  he  sent  Generals  Parsons  and  Varnum  with  a 
couple  of  brigades  in  all  haste  to  Peekskill ;  and  wrote  to 
Generals  George  Clinton  and  Putnam ;  the  former  to  call  out 
the  New  York  militia  from  Orange  and  Ulster  counties ;  the 
latter  to  summon  the  militia  from  Connecticut ;  and  as  soon  as 
such  re-enforcements  should  be  at  hand,  to  despatch  four  of  the 
strongest  Massachusetts  regiments  to  the  aid  of  Ticonderoga ; 
at  the  same  time  the  expediency  was  suggested  to  General 
Schuyler,  of  having  all  the  cattle  and  vehicles  removed  from 
such  parts  of  the  country  which  he  might  think  the  enemy  in- 
tended to  penetrate. 

General  Sullivan,  moreover,  was  ordered  to  advance  with  his 
division  toward  the  Highlands  as  far  as  Pompton,  while  Wash- 
ington moved  his  own  camp  back  to  Morristown,  to  be  ready 
either  to  push  on  to  the  Highlands,  or  fall  back  upon  his  recent 
position  at  Middlebrook,  according  to  the  movements  of  the 
enemy.  u  If  I  can  keep  General  Howe  below  the  Highlands," 
said  he,  "  I  think  their  schemes  will  be  entirely  baffled." 

Deserters  from  Staten  Island  and  New  York  soon  brought 
word  to  the  camp  that  transports  were  being  fitted  up  with 
berths  for  horses,  and  taking  in  three  weeks'  supply  of  water 
and  provender.  All  this  indicated  some  other  destination  than 
that  of  the  Hudson.  Lest  an  attempt  on  the  Eastern  States 
should  be  intended,  Washington  sent  a  circular  to  their  gov- 
ernors to  put  them  on  their  guard. 

In  the  midst  of  his  various  cares,  his  yeoman  soldiery,  the 
Jersey  militia,  were  not  forgotten.  It  was  their  harvest  time  ; 
and  the  State  being  evacuated,  there  was  no  immediate  call  for 
their  services ;  he  dismissed,  therefore,  almost  the  whole  of 
them  to  their  homes. 

Captain  Graydon,  whose  memoirs  we  have  heretofore  had 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  309 

occasion  to  quote,  paid  a  visit  to  the  camp  at  this  juncture,  in 
company  with  Colonel  Miles  and  Major  West,  all  American 
prisoners  on  Long  Island,  but  who  had  been  liberated  on  pa- 
role. Graydon  remarks  that,  to  their  great  surprise,  they  saw 
no  military  parade  upon  their  journey,  nor  any  indication  of 
martial  vigor  on  the  part  of  the  country.  Here  and  there  a 
militia  man  with  his  contrasted  colored  cape  and  facings  ;  doubt- 
less some  one  who  had  received  his  furlough,  and  was  bound 
home  to  his  farm.  Captains,  majors,  and  colonels  abounded 
in  the  land,  but  were  not  to  be  found  at  the  head  of  their  men. 

When  he  arrived  at  the  camp,  he  could  see  nothing  which 
deserved  the  name  of  army.  "I  was  told,  indeed,"  remarks 
he,  "that  it  was  much  weakened  by  detachments,  and  I  was 
glad  to  find  there  was  some  cause  for  the  present  paucity  of 
soldiers.  I  could  not  doubt,  however,  that  things  were  going 
on  well.  The  commander-in-chief  and  all  about  him  were  in 
excellent  spirits."  The  three  officers  waited  on  Washington 
at  his  marquee  in  the  evening.  In  the  course  of  conversation, 
he  asked  them  what  they  conceived  to  be  the  objects  of  General 
Howe.  Colonel  Miles  replied,  a  co-operation  with  the  Northern 
army  by  means  of  the  Hudson.  Washington  acknowledged  that 
indications  and  probabilities  tended  to  that  conclusion  ;  never- 
theless, he  had  little  doubt  the  object  of  Howe  was  Philadelphia. 

Graydon  and  his  companions  dined  the  next  day  at  head- 
quarters ;  there  was  a  large  party,  in  which  were  several  ladies. 
Colonel  Alexander  Hamilton,  who,  in  the  preceding  month  of 
April,  had  been  received  into  Washington's  family  as  aide-de- 
camp, presided  at  the  head  of  the  table,  and  "acquitted  him- 
self," writes  Graydon,  "with  an  ease,  propriety,  and  vivacity 
which  gave  me  the  most  favorable  impression  of  his  talents  and 
accomplishments. ' ' 

We  may  here  observe  that  the  energy,  skill,  and  intelligence 
displayed  by  Hamilton  throughout  the  last  year's  campaign, 
whenever  his  limited  command  gave  him  opportunity  of  evin- 
cing them,  had  won  his  entrance  to  head-quarters  ;  where  his 
quick  discernment  and  precocious  judgment  were  soon  fully 
appreciated.  Strangers  were  surprised  to  see  a  youth,  scarce 
twenty  years  of  age,  received  into  the  implicit  confidence,  and 
admitted  into  the  gravest  counsels,  of  a  man  like  Washington. 
While  his  uncommon  talents  thus  commanded  respect,  rarely 
inspired  by  one  of  his  years,  his  juvenile  appearance  and  buoy- 
ant spirit  made  him  a  universal  favorite.  Harrison,  the  "old 
secretary, "  much  his  senior,  looked  upon  him  with  an  almost 
paternal  eye,  and  regarding  his  diminutive  size  and  towering 


BIO  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

spirit,  used  to  call  him  "the  little  lion;"  while  Washington 
would  now  and  then  speak  of  him  by  the  cherishing  appellation 
of  "  my  boy."  1 

The  following  is  Graydon's  amusing  account  of  Wayne,  whom 
he  visited  at  his  quarters.  "  He  entertained  the  most  sovereign 
contempt  for  the  enemy.  In  his  confident  way,  he  affirmed  that 
the  two  armies  had  interchanged  their  original  modes  of  war- 
fare. That  for  our  parts,  we  had  thrown  away  the  shovel,  and 
the  British  had  taken  it  up ;  as  they  dared  not  face  us  without 
the  cover  of  an  intrenchment.  I  made  some  allowance  for  the 
fervid  manner  of  the  general,  who,  though  unquestionably  as 
brave  a  man  as  any  in  the  army,  was  nevertheless  somewhat 
addicted  to  the  vaunting  style  of  Marshal  Villars,  a  man  who, 
like  himself,  could  fight  as  well  as  brag." 

Gra3'don  speaks  of  the  motley,  shabby  clothing  of  the  troops. 
"Even  in  General  Wayne  himself,  there  was  in  this  particular 
a  considerable  falling  off.  His  quondam  regimentals  as  colonel 
of  the  4th  battalion  were,  I  think,  blue  and  wrhite,  in  which 
he  had  been  accustomed  to  appear  with  exemplary  neatness  ; 
whereas  he  was  now  dressed  in  character  for  Macheath  or  Cap- 
tain Gibbet,  in  a  dingy  red  coat,  with  a  black  rusty  cravat  and 
tarnished  hat."  Wayne  was  doubtless  still  rusty  from  his  cam- 
paigning in  the  north. 

Graydon,  during  his  recent  captivity,  had  been  accustomed 
to  the  sight  of  British  troops  in  the  completeness  of  martial 
array,  and  looked  with  a  rueful  eye  on  patriotism  in  rags.  From 
all  that  he  saw  at  the  camp,  he  suspected  affairs  were  not  in  a 
prosperous  train,  notwithstanding  the  cheerful  countenances  at 
head-quarters.  There  appeared  to  be  a  want  of  animated  co- 
operation, both  on  the  part  of  the  government  and  the  people. 
"  General  Washington,  with  the  little  remnant  of  his  army  at 
Morristown,  seemed  left  to  scuffle  for  liberty,  like  another  Cato 
atTJtica."2 

We  will  now  turn  to  the  North,  and  lift  the  curtain  for  a 
moment,  to  give  the  reader  a  glance  at  affairs  in  that  quarter, 
about  which  there  were  such  dubious  rumors. 

Note.  —  A  veteran  officer  of  the  Revolution  used  to  speak  in  his  old  days  of  the 
occasion  on  which  he  first  saw  Hamilton.  It  was  during  the  memorable  retreat  through 
the  Jerseys.  "I  noticed,"  said  he,  "a  youth,  a  mere  stripling,  small,  slender,  almost 
delicate  in  frame,  marching  beside  a  piece  of  artillery  with  a  cocked  hat  pulled  down 
over  his  eyes,  apparently  lost  in  thought,  with  his  hand  resting  on  the  caunon,  and  every 
now  and  then  patting  it  as  he  mused,  as  if  it  were  a  favorite  horse,  or  a  pet  plaything." 

1  Communicated  to  the  author  by  the  late  Mrs.  Hamilton. 

2  Graydon's  Memoirs,  282. 


EURGOYNB 
CAMPAIGN 


ALBAS 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  311 


CHAPTER  XLIII. 

BRITISH   INVASION    FROM    CANADA THE    PLAN COMPOSITION    OP 

THE    INVADING    ARMY SCHUYLER    ON   THE   ALERT HIS    SPECU- 
LATIONS   AS    TO    THE     ENEMY'S     DESIGNS BURGOYNE     ON     LAKE 

CHAMPLAIN HIS    WAR-SPEECH    TO    HIS    INDIAN    ALLIES SIGNS 

OF      HIS      APPROACH      DESCRIED      FROM      TICONDEROGA CORRE- 
SPONDENCE     ON      THE      SUBJECT      BETWEEN      ST.      CLAIR,      MAJOR 

LIVINGSTON,      AND      SCHUYLER BURGOYNE      INTRENCHES      NEAR 

TICONDEROGA HIS      PROCLAMATION SCHUYLEIl's      EXERTIONS 

AT     ALBANY      TO      FORWARD      RE-ENFORCEMENTS HEARS      THAT 

TICONDEROGA    IS    EVACUATED MYSTERIOUS    DISAPPEARANCE    OF 

ST.     CLAIR     AND     HIS     TROOPS AMAZEMENT     AND     CONCERN     OF 

WASHINGTON ORDERS      RE-ENFORCEMENTS      TO      SCHUYLER      AT 

FORT     EDWARD,     AND     TO     PUTNAM     AT     PEEKSKILL ADVANCES 

WITH    HIS    MAIN    ARMY  TO     THE     CLOVE   HIS    HOPEFUL    SPIRIT 

MANIFESTED. 

The  armament  advancing  against  Ticonderoga,  of  which 
General  St.  Clair  had  given  intelligence,  was  not  a  mere  di- 
version, but  a  regular  invasion  ;  the  plan  of  which  had  been 
devised  by  the  king,  Lord  George  Germain,  and  General  Bur- 
goyne,  the  latter  having  returned  to  England  from  Canada  in 
the  preceding  year.  The  junction  of  the  two  armies  —  that  in 
Canada  and  that  under  General  Howe  in  New  York  —  was  con- 
sidered the  speediest  mode  of  quelling  the  rebellion  ;  and  as  the 
security  and  good  government  of  Canada  required  the  presence 
of  Governor  Sir  Guy  Carleton,  three  thousand  men  were  to  re- 
main there  with  him ;  the  residue  of  the  army  was  to  be  em- 
ployed upon  two  expeditions  :  the  one  under  General  Burgoyne, 
who  was  to  force  his  way  to  Albairy,  the  other  under  Lieuten- 
ant-Colonel St.  Leger,  who  was  to  make  a  diversion  on  the 
Mohawk  River. 

The  invading  army  was  composed  of  three  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  twenty-four  British  rank  and  file,  three  thousand 
and  sixteen  Germans,  mostly  Brunswickers,  two  hundred  and 
fifty  Canadians,  and  four  hundred  Indians  ;  besides  these  there 
were  four  hundred  and  seventy-three  artillery  men,  in  all  nearly 
eight  thousand  men.  The  army  was  admirably  appointed.  Its 
brass  train  of  artillery  was  extolled  as  perhaps  the  finest  ever 
allotted  to  an  army  of  the  size.  General  Phillips,  who  com- 
manded the  artillery,  had  gained  great  reputation  in  the  wars 


312  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

in  Germany.  Brigadier-Generals  Fraser,  Powel,  and  Hamilton, 
were  also  officers  of  distinguished  merit.  So  was  Major-Gen- 
eral  the  Baron  Riedesel,  a  Brunswicker,  who  commanded  the 
German  troops. 

While  Burgoyne  with  the  main  force  proceeded  from  St. 
Johns,  Colonel  St.  Leger,  with  a  detachment  of  regulars  and 
Canadians  about  seven  hundred  strong,  was  to  land  at  Oswego 
and,  guided  by  Sir  John  Johnson  at  the  head  of  his  loyalist 
volunteers,  tory  refugees  from  his  former  neighborhood,  and  a 
body  of  Indians,  was  to  enter  the  Mohawk  country,  draw  the 
attention  of  General  Schuyler  in  that  direction,  attack  Fort 
Stauwix,  and,  having  ravaged  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk,  rejoin 
Burgoyne  at  Albany  ;  where  it  was  expected  they  would  make 
a  triumphant  junction  with  the  army  of  Sir  William  Howe. 

General  Burgoyne  left  St.  Johns  on  the  lGth  of  June.  Some 
idea  may  be  formed  of  his  buoyant  anticipation  of  a  triumphant 
progress  through  the  country,  by  the  manifold  and  lumbering 
appurtenances  of  a  European  camp  with  which  his  army  was 
encumbered.  In  this  respect  he  had  committed  the  same  error 
in  his  campaign  through  a  wilderness  of  lakes  and  forests,  that 
had  once  embarrassed  the  unfortunate  Braddock  in  his  march 
across  the  mountains  of  Virginia. 

Schuyler  was  uncertain  as  to  the  plans  and  force  of  the 
enemy.  If  information  gathered  from  scouts  and  a  captured 
spy  might  be  relied  on,  Ticonderoga  would  soon  be  attacked  ; 
but  he  trusted  the  garrison  was  sufficient  to  maintain  it.  This 
information  he  transmitted  to  Washington  from  Fort  Edward 
on  the  16th,  the  very  day  that  Burgoyne  embarked  at  St.  Johns. 

On  the  following  day  Schuyler  was  at  Ticonderogao  The 
works  were  not  in  such  a  state  of  forwardness  as  he  had  antici- 
pated, owing  to  the  tard}'  arrival  of  troops,  and  the  want  of 
a  sufficient  number  of  artificers.  The  works  in  question  related 
chiefly  to  Mount  Independence,  a  high  circular  hill  on  the  east 
side  of  the  lake,  immediately  opposite  to  the  old  fort,  and  con- 
sidered the  most  defensible.  A  star  fort  with  pickets  crowned 
the  summit  of  the  hill,  which  was  table  land  ;  half  way  down 
the  side  of  a  hill  was  a  battery,  and  at  its  foot  were  strongly 
intrenched  works  well  mounted  with  cannon.  Here  the  French 
General  de  Fermois,  who  had  charge  of  this  fort,  was  posted. 

As  this  part  of  Lake  Champlain  is  narrow,  a  connection  was 
kept  up  between  the  two  forts  by  a  floating  bridge,  supported 
on  twenty-two  sunken  piers  in  caissons,  formed  of  very  strong 
timber.  Between  the  piers  were  separate  floats,  fifty  feet  long 
and  twelve  feet  wide,  strongly  connected  by  iron  chains   and 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  313 

rivets.  On  the  north  side  of  the  bridge  was  a  boom,  composed 
of  large  pieces  of  timber,  secured  by  riveted  bolts,  and  besides 
this  was  a  double  iron  chain  with  links  an  inch  and  a  half 
square.  The  bridge,  boom,  and  chain  were  four  hundred  yards 
in  length.  This  immense  work,  the  labor  of  months,  on  which 
no  expense  had  been  spared,  was  intended,  while  it  afforded  a 
communication  between  the  two  forts,  to  protect  the  upper  part 
of  the  lake,  presenting,  under  cover  of  their  guns,  a  barrier,  which 
it  was  presumed  no  hostile  ship  would  be  able  to  break  through. 

Having  noted  the  state  of  affairs  and  the  wants  of  the  gar- 
rison, Schuyler  hastened  to  Fort  George,  whence  he  sent  on  pro- 
visions for  upward  of  sixty  days ;  and  from  the  banks  of  the 
Hudson  additional  carpenters  and  working  cattle.  "  Business 
will  nowT  go  on  in  better  train,  and  I  hope  with  much  more 
spirit,"  writes  he  to  Congress  ;  "  and  I  trust  we  shall  still  be 
able  to  put  every  thing  in  such  order  as  to  give  the  enemy  a  good 
reception,  and,  I  hope  a  repulse,  should  they  attempt  a  real 
attack,  which  I  conjecture  will  not  be  soon,  if  at  all ;  although 
I  expect  they  will  approach  with  their  fleet  to  keep  us  in  alarm 
and  to  draw  our  attention  from  other  quarters  where  they  may 
mean  a  real  attack." 

His  idea  was  that,  while  their  fleet  and  a  small  body  of  troops 
might  appear  before  Ticonderoga,  and  keep  up  continual  alarms, 
the  main  army  might  march  from  St.  Francois  or  St.  Johns 
toward  the  Connecticut  River,  and  make  an  attempt  on  the 
Eastern  States.  UA  manoeuvre  of  this  kind,"  observes  he, 
"  would  be  in  General  Burgoyne's  way,  and,  if  successful,  would 
be  attended  with  much  honor  to  him.  ...  I  am  the  more  con- 
firmed in  this  conjecture,  as  the  enemy  cannot  be  ignorant  how 
very  difficult,  if  not  impossible,  it  will  be  for  them  to  penetrate 
to  Albany,  unless  in  losing  Ticonderoga  we  should  lose  not 
only  all  our  cannou,  but  most  of  the  army  designed  for  this 
department." 

In  the  mean  time,  Burgoyne,  with  his  amphibious  and  semi- 
barbarous  armament,  was  advancing  up  the  lake.  On  the  21st 
of  June  he  encamped  at  the  river  Boquet,  several  miles  north  of 
Crown  Point ;  here  he  gave  a  war  feast  to  his  savage  allies,  and 
made  them  a  speech  in  that  pompous  and  half  poetical  vein  in 
which  it  is  the  absurd  practice  to  address  our  savages,  and  which 
is  commonly  reduced  to  flat  prose  by  their  interpreters.  At  the 
same  time  he  was  strenuous  in  enjoining  humanity  toward  pris- 
oners, dwelling  on  the  differences  between  ordinanT  wars  carried 
on  against  a  common  enemy,  and  this  against  a  country  in  re- 
bellion, where  the  hostile  parties  were  of  the  same  blood,  and  loyal 


314  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

subjects  of  the  crown  might  be  confounded  with  the  rebellious. 
It  was  a  speech  intended  to  excite  their  ardor,  but  restrain  their 
cruelty  ;  a  difficult  medium  to  attain  with  Indian  warriors. 

The  garrison  at  Ticonderoga,  meanwhile,  were  anxiously  on 
the  look-out.  Their  fortress,  built  on  a  hill,  commanded  an 
extensive  prospect  over  the  bright  and  beautiful  lake  and  its 
surrounding  forests,  but  there  were  long  points  and  promon- 
tories at  a  distance  to  intercept  the  view. 

By  the  24th,  scouts  began  to  bring  in  word  of  the  approaching 
foe.  Bark  canoes  had  been  seen  filled  with  white  men  and  sav- 
ages. Then  three  vessels  under  sail,  and  one  at  anchor,  above 
Split  Rock,  and  behind  it  the  radeau  Thunderer,  noted  in  the 
last  year's  naval  fight.  Anon  came  word  of  encampments  suf- 
ficient for  a  large  body  of  troops,  on  both  sides  of  Gilliland's 
Creek,  with  bateaux  plying  about  its  waters,  and  painted  war- 
riors**gliding  about  in  canoes  ;  while  a  number  of  smokes  rising 
out  of  the  forest  at  a  distance  beyond  gave  signs  of  an  Indian 
camp. 

St.  Clair  wrote  word  of  all  this  to  Schuyler,  and  that  it  was 
supposed  the  enemy  were  waiting  the  arrival  of  more  force  ;  he 
did  not,  however,  think  they  intended  to  attack,  but  to  harass, 
for  the  purpose  of  giving  confidence  to  the  Indians. 

Schuyler  transmitted  a  copy  of  St.  Clair's  letter  to  Washing- 
ton :  "If  the  enemy's  object  is  not  to  attack  Ticonderoga," 
writes  he,  "I  suspect  their  movement  is  intended  to  cover  an 
attempt  on  New  Hampshire,  or  the  Mohawk  River,  or  to  cut  off 
the  communication  between  Fort  Edward  and  Fort  George,  or 
perhaps  all  three,  the  more  to  distract  us  and  divide  our  force." 
He  urged  Washington  for  re-enforcements  as  soon  as  possible. 
At  the  same  time  he  wrote  to  St.  Clair,  to  keep  scouts  on  the 
east  side  of  the  lake  near  the  road  leading  from  St.  Johns  to 
New  Hampshire,  and  on  the  west,  on  the  road  leading  to  the 
north  branch  of  the  Hudson.  This  done  he  hastened  to  Albany 
to  forward  re-enforcements  and  bring  up  the  militia. 

While  there,  he  received  word  from  St.  Clair,  that  the 
enemy's  fleet  and  army  were  arrived  at  Crown  Point,  and  had 
sent  off  detachments,  one  up  Otter  Creek  to  cut  off  the  commu- 
nication by  Skenesborough  ;  and  another  on  the  west  side  of  the 
lake  to  cut  off  Fort  George.  It  was  evident  a  real  attack  on 
Ticonderoga  was  intended.  Claims  for  assistance  came  hurry- 
ing on  from  other  quarters.  A  large  force  (St.  Leger's)  was 
said  to  be  arrived  at  Oswego,  and  Sir  John  Johnson  with  his 
myrmidons  on  his  way  to  attack  Fort  Schuyler,  the  garrison  of 
which  was  weak  and  poorly  supplied  with  cannon. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  315 

Schuyler  bestirs  himself  with  his  usual  zeal  amid  the  thicken- 
ing alarms.  He  writes  urgent  letters  to  the  committee  of  safety 
of  New  York,  to  General  Putnam  at  Peekskill,  to  the  Governor 
of  Connecticut,  to  the  President  of  Massachusetts,  to  the  com- 
mittee of  Berkshire,  and  lastly  to  Washington,  stating  the  im- 
pending dangers  and  imploring  re-enforcements.  He  exhorts 
General  Herkimer  to  keep  the  militia  of  Tryon  County  in  read- 
iness to  protect  the  western  frontier  and  to  check  the  inroad  of 
Sir  John  Johnson,  and  he  assures  St.  Clair  that  he  will  move  to 
his  aid  with  the  militia  of  New  York,  as  soon  as  he  can  collect 
them. 

Dangers  accumulate  at  Ticonderoga  according  to  advices  from 
St.  Clair  (28th).  Seven  of  the  enemy's  vessels  are  lying  at 
Crown  Point ;  the  rest  of  their  fleet  is  probably  but  a  little  lower 
down.  Morning  guns  are  heard  distinctly  at  various  places. 
Some  troops  have  debarked  and  encamped  at  Chimney  Point. 
There  is  no  prospect,  he  says,  of  being  able  to  defend  Ticon- 
deroga unless  militia  come  in,  and  he  has  thought  of  calling  in 
those  from  Berkshire.  "  Should  the  enemy  invest  and  blockade 
us,"  writes  he,  "  we  are  infallibly  ruined  ;  we  shall  be  obliged 
to  abandon  this  side  (of  the  lake) ,  and  then  they  will  soon  force 
the  other  from  us,  nor  do  I  see  that  a  retreat  will  in  any  shape 
be  practicable.  Every  thing,  however,  shall  be  done  that  is 
practicable  to  frustrate  the  enemy's  designs,  but  what  can  be 
expected  from  troops  ill  armed,  naked,  and  unaccoutred?" 

Schuyler's  aide-de-camp,  Major  Livingston,1  who  had  been 
detained  at  Ticonderoga  by  indisposition,  writes  to  him  (June 
30)  in  a  different  vein,  and  presents  a  young  man's  view  of 
affairs. 

"The  enemy,  after  giving  us  several  alarms,  made  their  ap- 
pearance early  this  morning  off  Three  Mile  Point,  in  eighteen 
gunboats,  and  about  nine  landed  a  party  of  two  or  three  hun- 
dred Indians  and  Canadians.  These  soon  fell  in  with  a  scout 
from  us,  but  being  superior  in  number,  obliged  them  to  retreat, 
though  without  any  loss  on  our  side.  The  Indians  then 
marched  to  the  front  of  the  French  lines,  drove  in  a  picket 
guard,  and  came  so  near  as  to  wound  two  men  who  were  stand- 
ing behind  the  works.  They  have  stopped  the  communication 
between  this  and  Lake  George." 

"  We  have  a  fair  view  of  their  boats,  but  cannot  see  that 
they  have  brought  many  regulars  with  them.  At  least  the  num- 
ber of  red  coats  in  them  is  very  small.     The  wind  having  been 

1  Henry  Brockholst  Livingston:  in  after  years  Judge  of  the  Supreme  -Court  of  the 
United  States. 


316  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

contrary  for  several  days,  has  prevented  their  fleet  from  coming 
up.  The  first  fair  breeze  I  shall  expect  to  see  them.  Many 
bets  are  depending  that  we  shall  be  attacked  in  the  course  of 
this  week.  Our  troops  are  determined,  and  in  great  spirits. 
They  wish  to  be  permitted  to  drive  the  savages  from  Three  Mile 
Point,  but  General  St.  Clair  chooses  to  act  on  the  sure  side, 
and  risk  nothing.  The  few  alarms  we  have  had  have  been  of 
great  service  in  making  the  men  alert  and  vigilant ;  but  I  am 
afraid  the  enemy  will  repeat  them  so  frequently  as  to  throw 
them  into  their  former  indolence  and  inattention.  General  St. 
Clair  has  taken  the  precaution  to  move  most  of  the  stores  to  the 
mount  [Independence].  This, moment  two  ships  and  as  many 
sloops  have  hove  in  sight.  The  spirits  of  the  men  seem  to 
increase  in  proportion  to  the  number  of  the  enemy. 

"I  cannot  but  esteem  myself  fortunate  that  indisposition 
prevented  my  returning  with  you,  as  it  has  given  me  an  oppor- 
tunity of  being  present  at  a  battle,  in  which  I  promise  myself 
the  pleasure  of  seeing  our  army  flushed  with  victory."  1 

The  enemy  came  advancing  up  the  lake  on  the  30th,  their 
main  body  under  Burgoyne  on  the  west  side,  the  German  re- 
serve under  Baron  Riedesel  on  the  east ;  communication  being 
maintained  by  frigates  and  gunboats,  which,  in  a  manner,  kept 
pace  between  them.  It  was  a  magnificent  array  of  warlike 
means  ;  and  the  sound  of  drum  and  trumpet  along  the  shores, 
and  now  and  then  the  thundering  of  a  cannon  from  the  ships, 
were  singularly  in  contrast  with  the  usual  silence  of  a  region 
little  better  than  a  wilderness. 

On  the  1st  of  July,  Burgoyne  encamped  four  miles  north  of 
Ticonderoga,  and  began  to  intrench,  and  to  throw  a  boom  across 
the  lake.  His  advanced  guard  under  General  Fraser  took  post 
at  Three  Mile  Point,  and  the  ships  anchored  just  out  of  gunshot 
of  the  fort. 

Here  he  issued  a  proclamation  still  more  magniloquent  than 
his  speech  to  the  Indians,  denouncing  woe  to  all  who  should 
persist  in  rebellion,  and  laying  particular  stress  upon  his  means, 
with  the  aid  of  the  Indians,  to  overtake  the  hardiest  enemies  of 
Great  Britain  and  America  wherever  they  might  lurk. 

General  St.  Clair  was  a  gallant  Scotchman,  who  had  seen 
service  in  the  old  French  war  as  well  as  in  this,  and  beheld  the 
force  arrayed  against  him  without  dismay.  It  is  true  his  garri- 
son was  not  so  numerous  as  it  had  been  represented  to  Wash- 
ton,  not  exceeding  three  thousand  five  hundred  men,  of  whom 

1  Letter  of  Major  Livingston  to  General  Schuyler,  MS. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  317 

nine  hundred  were  militia.  They  were  badly  equipped  also, 
and  few  had  bayonets ;  yet,  as  Major  Livingston  reported, 
they  were  in  good  heart.  St.  Clair  confided,  however,  in  the 
strength  of  his  position  and  the  works  which  had  been  con- 
structed in  connection  with  it,  and  trusted  he  should  be  able  to 
resist  any  attempt  to  take  it  by  storm. 

Schuyler  at  this  time  was  at  Albany,  sending  up  re-enforce- 
ments of  Continental  troops  and  militia,  and  awaiting  the 
arrival  of  further  re-enforcements,  for  which  sloops  had  been 
sent  down  to  Peekskill. 

He  was  endeavoring  also  to  provide  for  the  security  of  the 
department  in  other  quarters.  The  savages  had  been  scalping 
in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort  Schuyler;  a  set  of  renegade 
Indians  were  harassing  the  settlements  ou  the  Susquehanna ; 
and  the  threatenings  of  Brant,  the  famous  Indian  chief,  and 
the  prospect  of  a  British  inroad  by  the  way  of  Oswego,  had 
spread  terror  through  Tryon  County,  the  inhabitants  of  which 
called  upon  him  for  support. 

"  The  enemy  are  harassing  us  in  every  quarter  of  this  depart- 
ment," writes  he.  "I  am,  however,  happily,  thank  God,  in 
full  health  aud  spirits  to  enable  me  to  extend  my  attention  to 
those  various  quarters,  and  hope  we  shall  all  do  well."  1 

The  enemy's  manoeuvre  of  intrenching  themselves  and  throw- 
ing a  boom  across  the  lake,  of  which  St.  Clair  informed  him, 
made  him  doubt  of  their  being  in  great  force,  or  intending  a 
serious  attack.  "  I  shall  have  great  hopes,"  writes  he  to  St. 
Clair,  "  if  General  Burgoyne  continues  in  the  vicinity  of  your 
post  until  we  get  up,  and  dares  risk  an  engagement,  we  shall 
give  a  good  account  of  him."  2 

To  General  Herkimer,  who  commanded  the  militia  in  Tryon 
County,  he  writes  in  the  same  encouraging  strain.  "  From 
intelligence  which  I  have  just  now  received  from  Ticonde- 
roga,  I  am  not  very  apprehensive  that  any  great  effort  will  be 
made  against  the  Mohawk  River.  I  shall,  however,  keep  a 
watchful  eye  to  the  preservation  of  the  western  quarter,  and 
have  therefore  directed  Colonel  Van  Schaick  to  remain  in  Tryon 
County  with  the  [Continental]  troops  under  his  command. 

"  If  we  act  with  vigor  and  spirit,  we  have  nothing  to  fear; 
but  if  once  despondency  takes  place,  the  worst  consequences 
are  to  be  apprehended.  It  is,  therefore,  incumbent  on  you  to 
labor  to  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the  people." 

In  the  mean  time  he  awaited  the  arrival  of  the  troops  from 

1  Letter  to  the  Hon.  George  Clymer.  *  Schuyler's  Letter  Book,._ 

UNIVERSITY 


318  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Peekskill  with  impatience.  On  the  5th  they  had  not  appeared. 
"  The  moment  they  do,"  writes  he,  "  I  shall  move  with  them. 
If  they  do  not  arrive  by  to-morrow,  I  go  without  them,  and 
will  do  the  best  I  can  with  the  militia."  He  actually  did  set 
out  at  8  o'clock  on  the  morning  of  the  7th. 

Such  was  the  state  of  affairs  in  the  north,  of  which  Washing- 
ton from  time  to  time  had  been  informed.  An  attack  on 
Ticonderoga  appeared  to  be  impending ;  but  as  the  garrison 
was  in  good  heart,  the  commander  resolute,  and  troops  were  on 
the  way  to  re-enforce  him,  a  spirited,  and  perhaps  successful 
resistance  was  anticipated  by  Washington.  His  surprise  may 
therefore  be  imagined,  on  receiving  a  letter  from  Schuyler 
dated  July  7,  conveying  the  astounding  intelligence  that  Ticon- 
deroga was  evacuated  ! 

Schuyler  had  just  received  the  news  at  Stillwater  on  the 
Hudson  when  on  his  way  with  re-enforcements  for  the  fortress. 
The  first  account  was  so  vague  that  Washington  hoped  it  might 
prove  incorrect.  It  was  confirmed  by  another  letter  from 
Schuyler,  dated  on  the  9th  at  Fort  Edward.  A  part  of  the 
garrison  had  been  pursued  by  a  detachment  of  the  enemy  as 
far  as  Fort  Anne  in  that  neighborhood,  where  the  latter  had 
been  repulsed  ;  as  to  St.  Clair  himself  and  the  main  part  of 
his  forces,  they  had  thrown  themselves  into  the  forest,  and 
nothing  was  known  what  had  become  of  them  ! 

"  I  am  here,"  writes  Schuyler,  "  at  the  head  of  a  handful  of 
men,  not  above  fifteen  hundred,  with  little  ammunition,  not 
above  five  rounds  to  a  man,  having  neither  balls,  nor  lead  to 
make  any.  The  country  is  in  the  deepest  consternation  ;  no 
carriages  to  remove  the  stores  from  Fort  George,  which  I 
expect  every  moment  to  hear  is  attacked  ;  and  what  adds  to 
my  distress  is,  that  a  report  prevails  that  I  had  given  orders  for 
the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga. " 

Washington  was  totally  at  a  loss  to  account  for  St.  Clair's 
movement.  To  abandon  a  fortress  which  he  had  recently  pro- 
nounced so  defensible ;  and  to  abandon  it  apparently  without 
firing  a  gun  !  and  then  the  strange  uncertainty  as  to  his  subse- 
quent fortunes,  and  the  whereabouts  of  himself  and  the  main 
body  of  his  troops  !  "  The  affair,"  writes  Washington,  "is  so 
mysterious  that  it  baffles  even  Conjecture." 

His  first  attention  was  to  supply  the  wants  of  General  Schuyler. 
An  express  was  sent  to  Springfield  for  musket  cartridges,  gun- 
powder, lead,  and  cartridge  papers.  Ten  pieces  of  artillery 
with  harness  and  proper  officers  were  to  be  forwarded  from 
Peekskill,  as  well  as  intrenching  tools.     Of  tents  he  had  none 


LIFE  OF'  WASHINGTON.  319 

to  furnish,  neither  could  heavy  cannon  be  spared  from  the 
defence  of  the  Highlands. 

Six  hundred  recruits,  on  their  march  from  Massachusetts  to 
Peekskill,  were  ordered  to  repair  to  the  re-enforcement  of 
Schuyler ;  this  was  all  the  force  that  Washington  could  ven- 
ture at  this  moment  to  send  to  his  aid  ;  but  this  addition  to  his 
troops,  supposing  those  under  St.  Clair  should  have  come  in, 
and  any  number  of  militia  have  turned  out,  would  probably 
form  an  army  equal,  if  not  superior,  to  that  said  to  be  under 
Burgoyne.  Besides,  it  was  Washington's  idea  that  the  latter 
would  suspend  his  operations  until  General  Howe  should  make 
a  movement  in  concert.  Supposing  that  movement  would  be 
an  immediate  attempt  against  the  Highlands,  he  ordered  Sulli- 
van with  his  division  to  Peekskill  to  re-enforce  General  Putnam. 
At  the  same  time  he  advanced  with  his  main  army  to  Pompton, 
and  thence  to  the  Clove,  a  rugged  defile  through  the  Highlands 
on  the  west  side  of  the  Hudson.  Here  he  encamped  within 
eighteen  miles  of  the  river,  to  watch,  and  be  at  hand  to  oppose 
the  designs  of  Sir  William  Howe,  whatever  might  be  their 
direction. 

On  the  morning  of  the  14th  came  another  letter  from  Schuyler, 
dated  Fort  Edward,  July  10.  He  had  that  morning  received 
the  first  tidings  of  St.  Clair  and  his  missing  troops,  and  of  their 
being  fifty  miles  east  of  him. 

Washington  hailed  the  intelligence  with  that  hopeful  spirit 
which  improved  every  ray  of  light  in  the  darkest  moments. 
"  I  am  happy  to  hear,"  writes  he,  "that  General  St.  Clair  and 
his  army  are  not  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  I  really  feared 
they  had  become  prisoners.  The  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga 
and  Mount  Independence  is  an  event  of  chagrin  and  surprise 
not  apprehended,  nor  within  the  compass  of  my  reasoning.  .  .  . 
This  stroke  is  severe  indeed,  and  has  distressed  us  much.  But, 
notwithstanding  things  at  present  have  a  dark  and  gloomy  as- 
pect, I  hope  a  spirited  opposition  will  check  the  progress  of 
General  Burgoyne's  arm}',  and  that  the  confidence  derived  from 
his  success  will  hurry  him  into  measures  that  will  in  their  con- 
sequences be  favorable  to  us.  We  should  never  despair.  Our 
situation  before  has  been  unpromising  and  has  changed  for  the 
better,  so  I  trust  it  will  again.  If  new  difficulties  arise,  we  must 
only  put  forth  new  exertions,  and  proportion  our  efforts  to  the 
exigency  of  the  times.'" 

His  spirit  of  candor  and  moderation  is  evinced  in  another  let- 
ter. "  I  will  not  condemn  or  even  pass  censure  upon  any  officer 
unheard,  but  I  think  it  a  duty  which  General  St.  Clair  owes  to 


320  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

his  own  character,  to  insist  upon  an  opportunity  of  giving  his 
reasons  for  his  sudden  evacuation  of  a  post,  which,  but  a  few 
days  before,  he,  by  his  own  letters,  thought  tenable,  at  least 
for  a  while.  People  at  a  distance  are  apt  to  form  wrong  con- 
jectures, and  if  General  St.  Clair  has  good  reasons  for  the  step 
he  has  taken,  I  think  the  sooner  he  justifies  himself  the  better. 
I  have  mentioned  these  matters,  because  he  may  not  know  that 
his  conduct  is  looked  upon  as  very  unaccountable  by  all  ranks 
of  people  in  this  part  of  the  country.  If  he  is  reprehensible, 
the  public  have  an  undoubted  right  to  call  for  that  justice 
which  is  due  from  an  officer,  who  betrays  or  gives  up  his  post 
in  an  unwarrantable  manner."  1 

Having  stated  the  various  measures  adopted  by  Washington 
for  the  aid  of  the  Northern  arnry  at  this  critical  juncture,  we 
will  leave  him  at  his  encampment  in  the  Clove,  anxiously 
watching  the  movements  of  the  fleet  and  the  lower  army,  while 
we  turn  to  the  north,  to  explain  the  mysterious  retreat  of 
General  St.  Clair. 


CHAPTER  XLIV. 

PARTICULARS     OF    THE    EVACUATION INDIAN    SCOUTS    IN    THE    VI- 
CINITY   OF   THE    FORT OUTPOSTS    ABANDONED    BY    ST.    CLAIR 

BIJRGOYNE     SECURES     MOUNT     HOPE INVESTS    THE    FORTRESS 

SEIZES    AND    OCCUPIES    SUGAR    HILL THE    FORTS    OVERLOOKED 

AND     IN     IMMINENT     PERIL DETERMINATION     TO     EVACUATE 

PLAN     OF     RETREAT PART     OF     THE      GARRISON      DEPART      FOR 

SKENESBOROUGH    IN    THE    FLOTILLA ST.     CLAIR   CROSSES    WITH 

THE  REST  TO  FORT  INDEPENDENCE A   CONFLAGRATION   REVEALS 

HIS  RETREAT THE    BRITISH   CAMP  AROUSED FRASER    PURSUES 

ST.  CLAIR BIJRGOYNE  WITH  HIS    SQUADRON   MAKES    AFTER   THE 

FLOTILLA PART    OF    THE    FUGITIVES    OVERTAKEN FLIGHT    OF 

THE  REMAINDER  TO  FORT  ANNE SKIRMISH  OF  COLONEL  LONG 

RETREAT  TO  FORT  EDWARD ST.  CLAIR  AT  CASTLETON ATTACK 

OF  HIS  REAR-GUARD FALL    OF    COLONEL    FRANCIS DESERTION 

OF    COLONEL  HALE ST.   CLAIR   REACHES    FORT   EDWARD CON- 
STERNATION   OF   THE    COUNTRY EXULTATION   OF    THE    BRITISH. 

In  the  accounts  given  in  the  preceding  chapter  of  the  ap- 
proach of  Burgoyne  to  Ticonderoga,  it  was  stated  that  he  had 
encamped   four   miles   north   of  the    fortress,   and   intrenched 

i  Letter  to  Schuyler,  18th  July,  1777. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  321 

himself.  On  the  2d  of  July,  Indian  scouts  made  their  appear- 
ance in  the  vicinity  of  a  block-house  and  some  outworks  about 
the  strait  or  channel  leading  to  Lake  George.  As  General 
St.  Clair  did  not  think  the  garrison  sufficient  to  defend  all  the 
outposts,  these  works  with  some  adjacent  saw-mills  were  set 
on  fire  and  abandoned.  The  extreme  left  of  Ticonderoga  was 
weak,  and  might  easily  be  turned ;  a  post  had  therefore  been 
established  in  the  preceding  year,  nearly  half  a  mile  in  advance 
of  the  old  French  lines,  on  an  eminence  to  the  north  of  them. 
General  St.  Clair,  through  singular  remissness,  had  neglected 
to  secure  it.  Burgoyne  soon  discovered  this  neglect,  and  hast- 
ened to  detach  Generals  Phillips  and  Fraser  with  a  body  of 
infantry  and  light  artillery,  to  take  possession  of  this  post. 
They  did  so  without  opposition.  Heavy  guns  were  mounted 
upon  it;  Fraser's  whole  corps  was  stationed  there;  the  post 
commanded  the  communication  by  land  and  water  with  Lake 
George,  so  as  to  cut  off  all  supplies  from  that  quarter.  In 
fact,  such  were  the  advantages  expected  from  this  post,  thus 
neglected  by  St.  Clair,  that  the  British  gave  it  the  significant 
name  of  Mount  Hope. 

The  enemy  now  proceeded  gradually  to  invest  Ticonderoga. 
A  line  of  troops  was  drawn  from  the  western  part  of  Mount 
Hope  round  to  Three  Mile  Point,  where  General  Fraser  was 
posted  with  the  advance  guard,  while  General  Riedesel  en- 
camped with  the  German  reserve  in  a  parallel  line,  on  the  oppo- 
site side  of  Lake  Champlain,  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Independence. 
For  two  days  the  enemy  occupied  themselves  in  making  their 
advances  and  securing  these  positions,  regardless  of  a  cannon- 
ade kept  up  by  the  American  batteries. 

St.  Clair  began  to  apprehend  that  a  regular  siege  was 
intended,  which  would  be  more  difficult  to  withstand  than  a 
direct  assault ;  he  kept  up  a  resolute  aspect,  however,  and  went 
about  among  his  troops,  encouraging  them  with  the  hope  of  a 
successful  resistance,  but  enjoining  incessant  vigilance,  and 
punctual  attendance  at  the  alarm  posts  at  morning  and  evening 
roll-call. 

With  all  the  pains  and  expense  lavished  by  the  Americans  to 
render  these  works  impregnable,  they  had  strangely  neglected 
the  master  key  by  which  they  were  all  commanded.  This  was 
Sugar  Hill,  a  rugged  height,  the  termination  of  a  mountain 
ridge  which  separates  Lake  Champlain  from  Lake  George.  It 
stood  to  the  south  of  Ticonderoga,  beyond  the  narrow  channel 
which  connected  the  two  lakes,  and  rose  precipitously  from  the 
waters  of  Champlain  to  the  height  of  six  hundred  feet.     It  had 


322  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

been  pronounced  by  the  Americans  too  distant  to  be  dangerous. 
Colonel  Trumbull,  some  time  an  aide-de-camp  to  Washington, 
and  subsequently  an  adjutant,  had  proved  the  contrary  in  the 
preceding  year,  by  throwing  a  shot  from  a  six-pounder  in  the  fort 
nearly  to  the  summit.  It  was  then  pronounced  inaccessible 
to  an  enemy.  This  Trumbull  had  likewise  proved  to  be  an 
error,  by  clambering  with  Arnold  and  Wayne  to  the  top,  whence 
they  perceived  that  a  practicable  road  for  artillery  might  easily 
and  readily  be  made.  Trumbull  had  insisted  that  this  was  the 
Hue  point  for  the  fort,  commanding  the  neighboring  heights, 
the  narrow  parts  of  both  lakes,  and  the  communication  between. 
A  small,  but  strong  fort  here,  with  twenty-five  heavy  guns  and 
live  hundred  men,  would  be  as  efficient  as  one  hundred  guns 
and  ten  thousand  men*  on  the  extensive  works  of  Ticonderoga.1 
His  suggestions  were  disregarded.  Their  wisdom  was  now  to 
be  proved. 

The  British  General  Phillips,  on  taking  his  position,  had 
regarded  the  hill  with  a  practised  eye.  He  caused  it  to  be 
reconnoitred  by  a  skilful  engineer;  The  report  was,  that  it 
overlooked,  and  had  the  entire  command  of  Fort  Ticonderoga 
and  Fort  Independence  ;  being  about  fourteen  hundred  yards 
from  the  former,  and  fifteen  hundred  from  the  latter ;  that  the 
ground  could  be  levelled  for  cannon,  and  a  road  cut  up  the  defiles 
of  the  mountain  in  four  and  twenty  hours. 

Measures  were  instantly  taken  to  plant  a  battery  on  that 
height.  While  the  American  garrisons  were  entirely  engaged  in 
a  different  direction,  cannonading  Mount  Hope  and  the  British 
lines  without  material  effect,  and  without  provoking  a  reply  ;  the 
British  troops  were  busy  throughout  the  day  and  night  cutting  a 
road  through  rocks  and  trees  and  up  rugged  defiles.  Guns, 
ammunition,  and  stores,  all  were  carried  up  the  hill  in  the  night ; 
the  cannon  were  hauled  up  from  tree  to  tree,  and  before 
morning  the  ground  was  levelled  for  the  battery  on  which  they 
were  to  be  mounted.  To  this  work,  thus  achieved  by  a  coup  de 
main,  they  gave  the  name  of  Fort  Defiance. 

On  the  5th  of  July,  to  their  astonishment  and  consternation, 
the  garrison  beheld  a  legion  of  red  coats  on  the  summit  of  this 
hill,  constructing  works  which  must  soon  lay  the  fortress  at 
their  mercy. 

In  this  sudden  and  appalling  emergency,  General  St.  Clair 
called  a  council  of  war.  What  was  to  be  done?  The  batteries 
from  this  new  fort  would  probably  be  open  the  next  day :  by 

1  Trumbull's  Autobiography,  p.  32, 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  323 

Sliat  time  Ticonderoga  might  be  completely  invested,  and  the 
whole  garrison  exposed  to  capture.  They  had  not  force  sufficient 
for  one-half  the  works,  and  General  Schuyler,  supposed  to  be  at 
Albaivy,  could  afford  them  no  relief.  The  danger  was  imminent ; 
delay  might  prove  fatal.  It  was  unanimously  determined  to 
evacuate  both  Ticonderoga  and  Mount  Independence  that  very 
night,  and  retreat  to  Skenesborough  (now  Whitehall),  at  the 
upper  part  of  the  lake,  about  thirty  miles  distant,  where  there 
was  a  stockaded  fort.  The  main  body  of  the  army,  led  by 
General  St.  Clair,  were  to  cross  to  Mount  Independence  and  push 
for  Skenesborough  by  land,  taking  a  circuitous  route  through 
the  woods  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake,  by  the  way  of  Castleton. 
The  cannon,  stores  and  provisions,  together  with  the  wounded 
and  the  women,  were  to  be  embarked  on  board  of  two  hundred 
bateaux,  and  conducted  to  the  upper  extremity  of  the  lake,  by 
Colonel  Long  with  six  hundred  men ;  two  hundred  of  whom  in 
five  armed  galleys  were  to  form  a  rear-guard. 

It  was  now  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  ;  yet  all  the  prepa- 
rations were  to  be  made  for  the  coming  night,  -and  that  with  as 
little  bustle  and  movement  as  possible  ;  for  they  were  overlooked 
b}T  Fort  Defiance,  and  their  intentions  might  be  suspected. 
Every  thing,  therefore,  was  done  quietly,  but  alertly ;  in  the 
mean  time,  to  amuse  the  enenry,  a  cannonade  was  kept  up  every 
half  hour  toward  the  new  battery  on  the  hill.  As  soon  as  the 
evening  closed,  and  their  movements  could  not  be  discovered, 
they  began  in  all  haste  to  load  the  boats.  Such  of  the  cannon 
as  could  not  be  taken  were  ordered  to  be  spiked.  It  would  not 
do  to  knock  off  their  trunnions,  lest  the  noise  should  awaken 
suspicions.  In  the  hurry  several  were  left  uninjured.  The 
lights  in  the  garrison  being  previously  extinguished,  their  tents 
were  struck  and  put  on  board  of  the  boats,  and  the  women  and 
the  sick  embarked.  Every  thing  was  conducted  with  such  silence 
and  address,  that,  although  it  was  a  moonlight  night,  the  flotilla 
departed  undiscovered  ;  and  was  soon  under  the  shadows  of 
mountains  and  overhanging  forests. 

The  retreat  by  land  was  not  conducted  with  equal  dis- 
cretion and  mystery.  General  St.  Clair  had  crossed  over  the 
bridge  to  the  Vermont  side  of  the  lake  by  three  o'clock  in 
the  morning,  and  set  forward  with  his  advance  through  the 
woods  toward  Hubbardton ;  but,  before  the  rear-guard  under 
Colonel  Francis  got  in  motion,  the  house  at  Fort  Independ- 
ence, which  had  been  occupied  by  the  French  General  de 
Fermois,  was  set  on  fire  —  by  his  orders,  it  is  said,  though 
we  are  loth  to  charge  him  with  such  indiscretion  ;  such  gross 


324  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

and  wanton  violation  of  the  plan  of  retreat.  The  conse- 
quences were  disastrous.  The  British  sentries  at  Mount  Hope 
were  astonished  by  a  conflagration  suddenly  lighting  up  Mount 
Independence,  and  revealing  the  American  troops  in  full 
retreat ;  for  the  rear-guard,  disconcerted  by  this  sudden  ex- 
posure, pressed  forward  for  the  woods  in  the  utmost  haste  and 
confusion. 

The  drums  beat  to  arms  in  the  British  camp.  Alarm 
guns  were  fired  from  Mount  Hope :  General  Fraser  dashed 
into  Ticonderoga  with  his  pickets,  giving  orders  for  his 
brigade  to  arm  in  all  haste  and  follow.  By  daybreak  he  had 
hoisted  the  British  flag  over  the  deserted  fortress ;  before 
sunrise  he  had  passed  the  bridge,  and  was  in  full  pursuit  of 
the  American  rear-guard.  Burgoyne  was  roused  from  his 
morning  slumbers  on  board  of  the  frigate  Royal  George,  by 
the  alarm  guns  from  Fort  Hope,  and  a  message  from  General 
Fraser,  announcing  the  double  retreat  of  the  Americans  by 
land  and  water.  From  the  quarter-deck  of  the  frigate  he 
soon  had  confirmation  of  the  news.  The  ^British  colors  were 
flying  on  Fort  Ticonderoga,  and  Fraser's  troops  were  glittering 
on  the  opposite  shore. 

Burgoyne's  measures  were  prompt.  General  Riedesel  was 
ordered  to  follow  and  support  Fraser  with  a  part  of  the 
German  troops  ;  garrisons  were  thrown  into  Ticonderoga  and 
Mount  Independence  ;  the  main  part  of  the  army  was  em- 
barked on  board  of  the  frigates  and  gunboats  ;  the  floating 
bridge  with  its  boom  and  chain,  which  had'  cost  months  to 
construct,  was  broken  through  by  nine  o'clock ;  when  Bur- 
goyne set  out  with  his  squadron  in  pursuit  of  the  flotilla. 

We  left  the  latter  making  its  retreat  on  the  preceding 
evening  toward  Skenesborongh.  The  lake  above  Ticonderoga 
becomes  so  narrow  that,  in  those  times,  it  was  frequently 
called  South  River.  Its  beautiful  waters  wound  among  moun- 
tains covered  with  primeval  forests.  The  bateaux,  deeply 
laden,  made  their  way  slowly  in  a  lengthened  line ;  sometimes 
under  the  shadows  of  the  mountains,  sometimes  in  the  gleam 
of  moonlight.  The  rear-guard  of  armed  galleys  followed  at 
wary  distance.  No  immediate  pursuit,  however,  was  appre- 
hended. The  floating  bridge  was  considered  an  effectual  im- 
pediment to  the  enemy's  fleet.  Gayety,  therefore,  prevailed 
among  the  fugitives.  They  exulted  in  the  secrecy  and  dex- 
terity with  which  they  had  managed  their  retreat,  and  amused 
themselves  with  the  idea  of  what  would  be  the  astonishment 
of  the  enemy  at  daybreak.     The  officers  regaled  merrily  on  the 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  325 

stores  saved  from  Ticonderoga,  and  knocking  off  the  necks 
of  bottles  of  wine,  drank  a  pleasant  reveille  to  General  Bur- 
goyne. 

About  three  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  of  the  succeeding  day, 
the  heavily  laden  bateaux  arrived  at  Skenesborough.  The 
disembarkation  had  scarcely  commenced  when  the  thundering 
of  artillery  was  heard  from  below.  Could  the  enemy  be  at 
hand  ?  It  was  even  so.  The  British  gunboats  having  pushed 
on  in  advance  of  the  frigates,  had  overtaken  and  were  firing 
upon  the  galleys.  The  latter  defended  themselves  for  a  while, 
but  at  length  two  struck,  and  three  were  blown  up.  The  fugi- 
tives from  them  brought  word  that  the  British  ships  not  being 
able  to  come  up,  troops  and  Indians  were  landing  from  them 
and  scrambling  up  the  hills  ;  intending  to  get  in  the  rear  of  the 
fort  and  cut  off  all  retreat. 

All  now  was  consternation  and  confusion.  The  bateaux, 
the  storehouses,  the  fort,  the  mill  were  all  set  on  fire,  and  a 
general  flight  took  place  toward  Fort  Anne,  about  twelve 
miles  distant.  Some  made  their  way  in  boats  up  Wood  Creek, 
a  winding  stream.  The  main  body,  under  Colonel  Long,  re- 
treated by  a  narrow  defile  cut  through  the  woods  ;  harassed 
all  night  by  alarms  that  the  Indians  were  close  in  pursuit. 
Both  parties  reached  Fort  Anne  by  daybreak.  It  was  a  small 
picketed  fort,  near  the  junction  of  Wood  Creek  and  East 
Creek,  about  sixteen  miles  from  Fort  Edward.  General 
Schuyler  arrived  at  the  latter  place  on  the  following  day.  The 
number  of  troops  with  him  was  inconsiderable,  but,  hearing 
of  Colonel  Long's  situation,  he  immediately  sent  him  a  small 
re-enforcement,  with  provisions  and  ammunition,  and  urged 
him  to  maintain  his  post  resolutely. 

On  the  same  day  Colonel  Long's  scouts  brought  in  word  that 
there  were  British  red  coats  approaching.  They  were  in  fact  a 
regiment  under  Lieutenant-Colonel  Hill,  detached  from  Skenes- 
borough by  Burgoyne  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives.  Long  sallied 
forth  to  meet  them  ;  posting  himself  at  a  rocky  defile,  where 
there  was  a  narrow  pathway  along  the  border  of  Wood  Creek. 
As  the  enem3T  advanced  he  opened  a  heavy  fire  upon  them  in 
front,  while  a  part  of  his  troops  crossing  and  recrossing  the 
creek,  and  availing  themselves  of  their  knowledge  of  the 
ground,  kept  up  a  shifting  attack  from  the  woods  in  flank  and 
rear.  Apprehensive  of  being  surrounded,  the  British  took  post 
upon  a  high  hill  to  their  right,  where  they  were  warmly  be- 
sieged for  nearly  two  hours,  and,  according  to  their  own  ac- 
count, would  certainly  have  been  forced  had  not  some  of  their 


326  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Indian  allies  arrived  and  set  up  the  much-dreaded  war-whoop. 
It  was  answered  with  three  cheers  by  the  British  upon  the  hill. 
This  changed  the  fortune  of  the  day.  The  Americans  had 
nearly  expended  their  ammunition,  and  had  not  enough  left  to 
cope  with  this  new  enemy.  They  retreated,  therefore,  to  Fort 
Anne,  carrying  with  them  a  number  of  prisoners,  among  whom 
were  a  captain  and  surgeon.  Supposing  the  troops  under 
Colonel  Hill  an  advance  guard  of  Burgoyne's  army,  they  set  fire 
to  the  fort  and  pushed  on  to  Fort  Edward ;  where  they  gave 
the  alarm  that  the  main  force  of  the  enemy  was  close  after 
them,  and  that  no  one  knew  what  had  become  of  General  St. 
Clair  and  the  troops  who  had  retreated  with  him.  We  shall 
now  clear  up  the  mystery  of  his  movements. 

His  retreat  through  the  woods  from  Mount  Independence 
continued  the  first  day  until  night,  when  he  arrived  at  Castle- 
ton,  thirty  miles  from  Ticonderoga.  His  rear-guard  halted 
about  six  miles  short,  at  Hubbard  ton,  to  await  the  arrival 
of  stragglers.  It  was  composed  of  three  regiments,  under 
Colonels  Seth  Warner,  Francis  and  Hale ;  in  all  about  thir- 
teen hundred  men. 

Early  the  next  morning,  a  sultry  morning  of  July,  while  they 
were  taking  their  breakfast,  they  were  startled  by  the  report  of 
fire-arms.  Their  sentries  had  discharged  their  muskets,  and 
came  running  in  with  word  that  the  enemy  were  at  hand. 

It  was  General  Eraser,  with  his  advance  of  eight  hundred 
and  fifty  men,  who  had  pressed  forward  in  the  latter  part  of 
the  night,  and  now  attacked  the  Americans  with  great  spirit, 
notwithstanding  their  superiority  in  numbers  ;  in  fact,  he  ex- 
pected to  be  promptly  re-enforced  by  Riedesel  and  his  Germans. 
The  Americans  met  the  British  with  great  spirit ;  but  at  the 
very  commencement  of  the  action,  Colonel  Hale,  with  a  de- 
tachment placed  under  his  command  to  protect  the  rear,  gave 
way,  leaving  Warner  and  Francis  with  but  seven  hundred  men 
to  bear  the  brunt  of  the  battle.  These  posted  themselves  be- 
hind logs  and  trees  in  "  backwood  "  style,  whence  they  kept  up 
a  destructive  fire  and  were  evidently  gaining  the  advantage, 
when  General  Riedesel  came  pressing  into  the  action  with  his 
German  troops  ;  drums  beating  and  colors  flying.  There  was 
now  an  impetuous  charge  with  the  bayonet.  Colonel  Francis 
was  among  the  first  who  fell,  gallantly  fighting  at  the  head  of 
his  men.  The  Americans,  thinking  the  whole  German  force 
<ipon  them,  gave  way  and  fled,  leaving  the  ground  covered  with 
iheir  dead  and  wounded.  Many  others  who  had  been  wounded 
perished  in  the  woods,  where  they  had    taken  refuge.     Their 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  327 

whole  loss  in  killed,  wounded  and  taken,  was  upward  of  three 
hundred ;  that  of  the  enemy  one  hundred  and  eighty-three. 
Several  officers  were  lost  on  both  sides.  Among  those  wounded 
of  the  British  was  Major  Ackland  of  the  grenadiers,  of  whose 
further  fortunes  in  the  war  we  shall  have  to  speak  hereafter. 

The  noise  of  the  firing  when  the  action  commenced  had 
reached  General  St.  Clair  at  Castleton.  He  immediately  sent 
orders  to  two  militia  regiments  which  were  in  his  rear,  and 
within  two  miles  of  the  battle  ground,  to  hasten  to  the  assist- 
ance of  his  rear-guard.  They  refused  to  obey,  and  hurried 
forward  to  Castleton.  At  this  juncture  St.  Clair  received  in- 
formation of  Burgoyne's  arrival  at  Skenesborough,  and  the 
destruction  of  the  American  works  there :  fearing  to  be  inter- 
cepted at  Fort  Anne,  he  immediately  changed  his  route,  struck 
into  the  woods  on  his  left,  and  directed  his  march  to  Rutland, 
leaving  word  for  Warner  to  follow  him.  The  latter  overtook 
him  two  days  afterward,  with  his  shattered  force  reduced  to 
ninety  men.  As  to  Colonel  Hale,  who  had  pressed  toward 
Castleton  at  the  beginning  of  the  action,  he  and  his  men  were 
overtaken  the  same  day  b}r  the  enemy,  and  the  whole  party 
captured,  without  making  any  fight.  It  has  been  alleged  in  his 
excuse,  with  apparent  justice,  that  he  and  a  large  portion  of 
his  men  were  in  feeble  health,  and  unfit  for  action  ;  for  his  own 
part,  he  died  while  yet  a  prisoner,  and  never  had  the  oppor- 
tunity which  he  sought,  to  vindicate  himself  before  a  court- 
martial. 

On  the  12th  St.  Clair  reached  Fort  Edward,  his  troops  haggard 
and  exhausted  by  their  long  retreat  through  the  woods.  Such 
is  the  story  of  the  catastrophe  at  Fort  Ticonderoga,  which 
caused  so  much  surprise  and  concern  to  Washington,  and  of 
the  seven  days'  mysterious  disappearance  of  St.  Clair,  which 
kept  every  one  in  the  most  painful  suspense. 

The  loss  of  artillery,  ammunition,  provisions  and  stores,  in 
consequence  of  the  evacuation  of  these  northern  posts,  was 
prodigious ;  but  the  worst  effect  was  the  consternation  spread 
throughout  the  country.  A  panic  prevailed  at  Albany,  the  peo- 
ple running  about  as  if  distracted,  sending  off  their  goods  and 
furniture.1  The  great  barriers  of  the  North,  it  was  said,  were 
broken  through,  and  there  was  nothing  to  check  the  triumphant 
career  of  the  enemy. 

The  invading  army,  both  officers  and  men,  according  to  a 
British  writer  of  the  time,  "were  highly  elated  with  their  for- 

1  MS.  Letter  of  Richard  Varick  to  Schuyler. 


328  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

tune,  and  deemed  that  and  their  prowess  to  be  irresistible. 
They  regarded  their  enemy  with  the  greatest  contempt,  and 
considered  their  own  toils  to  be  nearly  at  an  end,  and  Albany 
already  in  their  hands." 

In  England,  too,  according  to  the  same  author,  the  joy  and 
exultation  were  extreme  ;  not  only  at  court,  but  with  all  those 
who  hoped  or  wished  the  unqualified  subjugation  and  uncondi- 
tional submission  of  the  colonies.  "  The  loss  in  reputation  was 
greater  to  the  Americans,"  adds  he,  "  and  capable  of  more  fatal 
consequences,  than  that  of  ground,  of  posts,  of  artillery,  or 
of  men.  All  the  contemptuous  and  most  degrading  charges 
which  had  been  made  by  their  enemies,  of  their  wanting  the  res- 
olution and  abilities  of  men,  even  in  defence  of  what  was  dear 
to  them,  were  now  repeated  and  believed."  .  .  .  "It  was 
not  difficult  to  diffuse  an  opinion  that  the  war,  in  effect,  was 
over,  and  that  any  further  resistance  would  render  the  terms  of 
their  submission  worse.  Such,"  he  concludes,  "  were  some  of 
the  immediate  effects  of  the  loss  of  those  grand  keys  of  North 
America,  Ticonderoga  and  the  lakes."  l 


CHAPTER  XLV. 

CAPTURE    OF   GENERAL    PRESCOTT PROFFERED  IN    EXCHANGE    FOR 

LEE  RE-ENFORCEMENTS  TO  SCHUYLER  ARNOLD   SENT  TO  THE 

NORTH EASTERN    MILITIA   TO    REPAIR  TO    SARATOGA FURTHER 

RE-ENFORCEMENTS GENERALS    LINCOLN     AND     ARNOLD    RECOM- 
MENDED FOR  PARTICULAR  services — Washington's  measures 

AND      SUGGESTIONS     FOR     THE     NORTHERN     CAMPAIGN  —  BRITISH 

FLEET  PUTS  TO    SEA CONJECTURES    AS  TO  ITS    DESTINATION A 

FEIGNED    LETTER  —  APPEARANCE     AND    DISAPPEARANCE    OF    THE 

FLEET ORDERS      AND      COUNTER     ORDERS     OF      WASHINGTON 

ENCAMPS     AT    GERMANTOWN ANXIETY    FOR    THE    SECURITY     OF 

THE     HIGHLANDS GEORGE     CLINTON     ON     GUARD  —  CALL     ON 

CONNECTICUT. 

A  spirited  exploit  to  the  eastward  was  performed  during  the 
prevalence  of  adverse  news  from  the  North.  General  Prescott 
had  command  of  the  British  forces  in  Rhode  Island.  His  harsh 
treatment  of  Colonel  Ethan  Allen,  and  his  haughty  and  arro- 
gant conduct  on  various  occasions,  had  rendered  him  peculiarly 

1  Hist.  Civil  War  in  America,  vol.  i.  p.  283. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  329 

odious  to  the  Americans.  Lieutenant-Colonel  Barton,  who  was 
stationed  with  a  force  of  Rhode  Island  militia  on  the  mainland, 
received  word  that  Prescott  was  quartered  at  a  country  house  near 
the  western  shore  of  the  island,  about  four  miles  from  Newport, 
totally  unconscious  of  danger,  though  in  a  very  exposed  situa- 
tion. He  determined,  if  possible,  to  surprise  and  capture  him. 
Forty  resolute  men  joined  him  in  the  enterprise.  Embarking  at 
night  in  two  boats  at  Warwick  Neck,  they  pulled  quietly  across 
the  bay  with  muffled  oars,  undiscovered  by  the  ships-of-war  and 
guard-boats ;  landed  in  silence ;  eluded  the  vigilance  of  the 
guard  stationed  near  the  house  ;  captured  the  sentry  at  the  door, 
and  surprised  the  general  in  his  bed.  His  aide-de-camp  leaped 
from  the  window,  but  was  likewise  taken.  Colonel  Barton 
returned  with  equal  silence  and  address,  and  arrived  safe  at 
Warwick  with  his  prisoners.  A  sword  was  voted  to  him  by 
Congress,  and  he  received  a  colonel's  commission  in  the  regular 
army. 

Washington  hailed  the  capture  of  Prescott  as  a  peculiarly 
fortunate  circumstance,  furnishing  him  with  an  equivalent  for 
General  Lee.  He  accordingly  wrote  to  Sir  William  Howe,  pro- 
posing the  exchange.  "This  proposition,"  writes  he,  "being 
agreeable  to  the  letter  and  spirit  of  the  agreement  subsisting 
between  us,  will,  I  hope  have  your  approbation.  I  am  the  more 
induced  to  expect  it,  as  it  will  not  only  remove  one  ground  of 
controversy  between  us,  but  in  its  consequences  effect  the  ex- 
changes of  Lieutenant-Colonel  Campbell  and  the  Hessian  offi- 
cers, for  a  like  number  of  ours  of  equal  rank  in  your  posses- 
sion." 

No  immediate  reply  was  received  to  this  letter,  Sir  William 
Howe  being  at  sea ;  in  the  mean  time  Prescott  remained  in 
durance.  "I  would  have  him  genteelly  accommodated,  but 
strongly  guarded,"  writes  Washington.  "I  would  not  admit 
him  to  parole,  as  General  Howe  has  not  thought  proper  to  grant 
General  Lee  that  indulgence."  l 

Washington  continued  his  anxious  exertions  to  counteract  the 
operations  of  the  enemy ;  forwarding  artillery  and  ammunition 
to  Schuyler,  with  all  the  camp  furniture  that  could  be  spared 
from  his  own  encampment  and  from  Peekskill.  A  part  of 
Nixon's  brigade  was  all  the  re-enforcement  he  could  afford  in 
his  present  situation.  "To  weaken  this  army  more  than  is 
prudent,"  writes  he,  "  would  perhaps  bring  destruction  upon  it, 
and  I  look  upon  the  keeping  it  upon  a  respectable  footing  as  the 

1  Letter  to  Governor  Trumbull.    Correspondence  of  the  Revolution,  vol.  i.    Sparks. 


380  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

only  means  of  preventing  a  junction  of  Howe's  and  Burgoyne's 
armies,  which,  if  effected,  may  have  the  most  fatal  conse- 
quences." 

Schuyler  had  earnestly  desired  the  assistance  of  an  active 
officer  well  acquainted  with  the  country.  Washington  sent  him 
Arnold.  "I  need  not,"  writes  he,  "enlarge  upon  his  well- 
known  activity,  conduct  and  bravery.  The  proofs  he  has  given 
of  all  these  have  gained  him  the  confidence  of  the  public  and  of 
the  army,  the  Eastern  troops  in  particular." 

The  question  of  rank,  about  which  Arnold  was  so  tenacious, 
was  yet  unsettled,  and  though,  had  his  promotion  been  regular, 
he  would  have  been  superior  in  command  to  General  St.  Clair, 
he  assured  Washington  that,  on  the  present  occasion,  his  claim 
should  create  no  dispute. 

Schuyler,  in  the  mean  time,  aided  by  Kosciuszko  the  Pole,  who 
was  engineer  in  his  department,  had  selected  two  positions  on 
Moses  Creek,  four  miles  below  Fort  Edward  ;  where  the  troops 
which  had  retreated  from  Ticonderoga,  and  part  of  the  militia, 
were  throwing  up  works. 

To  impede  the  advance  of  the  enemy,  he  had  caused  trees  to 
be  felled  into  Wood  Creek,  so  as  to  render  it  unnavigable,  and 
the  roads  between  Fort  Edward  and  Fort  Anne  to  be  broken  up  ; 
the  cattle  in  that  direction  to  be  brought  away,  and  the  forage 
destroyed.  He  had  drawn  off  the  garrison  from  Fort  George, 
who  left  the  buildings  in  flames.  "  Strengthened  by  that  garri- 
son, who  are  in  good  health,"  writes  he,  "  and  if  the  militia,  who 
are  here,  or  an  equal  number,  can  be  prevailed  on  to  stay,  and 
the  enemy  give  me  a  few  days  more,  which  I  think  they  will  be 
obliged  to  do,  I  shall  not  be  apprehensive  that  they  will  be  able 
to  force  the  posts  I  am  about  to  occupy." 
-  Washington  cheered  on  his  faithful  coadjutor.  His  repty  to 
Schuyler  (July  22)  was  full  of  that  confident  hope,  founded  on 
sagacious  forecast,  with  which  he  was  prone  to  animate  his 
generals  in  times  of  doubt  and  difficulty.  "  Though  our  affairs 
for  some  days  past  have  worn  a  dark  and  gloomy  aspect,  I  yet 
look  forward  to  a  fortunate  and  happy  change.  I  trust  General 
Burgoyne's  army  will  meet  sooner  or  later  an  effectual  check, 
and,  as  I  suggested  before,  that  the  success  he  has  had  will 
precipitate  his  ruin.  From  your  accounts,  he  appears  to  be 
pursuing  that  line  of  conduct,  which,  of  all  others,  is  most 
favorable  to  us  ;  I  mean  acting  in  detachment.  This  conduct 
will  certainly  give  room  for  enterprise  on  our  part,  and  expose 
his  parties  to  great  hazard.  Could  we  be  so  happy  as  to  cut 
one  of  them  off,  supposing  it  should  not  exceed  four,  five,  or  six 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  331 

hundred  men,  it  would  inspirit  the  people,  and  do  away  much 
of  their  present  anxiety.  In  such  an  event  they  would  lose 
sight  of  past  misfortunes,  and,  urged  at  the  same  time  b}-  a 
regard  to  their  own  security,  they  would  fly  to  arms  and  afford 
every  aid  in  their  power." 

While  he  thus  suggested  bold  enterprises,  he  cautioned 
Schuyler  not  to  repose  too  much  confidence  in  the  works  he  was 
projecting,  so  as  to  collect  in  them  a  large  quantity  of  stores. 
"  I  begin  to  consider  lines  as  a  kind  of  trap  ;  "  writes  he,  "  and 
not  to  answer  the  valuable  purposes  expected  from  them,  unless 
they  are  in  passes  which  cannot  be  avoided  by  the  enemy." 

In  circulars  addressed  to  the  brigadier-generals  of  militia  in 
the  western  parts  of  Massachusetts  and  Connecticut,  he  warned 
them  that  the  evacuation  of  Ticonderoga  had  opened  a  door  by 
which  the  enemy,  unless  vigorously  opposed,  might  penetrate 
the  northern  part  of  the  State  of  New  York,  and  the  western 
parts  of  New  Hampshire  and  Massachusetts,  and,  forming  a 
junction  with  General  Howe,  cut  off  the  communication  between 
the  Eastern  and  Northern  States.  "It  cannot  be  supposed," 
adds  he,  "  that  the  small  number  of  Continental  troops  assembled 
at  Fort  Edward,  is  alone  sufficient  to  check  the  progress  of  the 
enemy.  To  the  militia,  therefore,  must  we  look  for  support  in 
this  time  of  trial ;  and  I  trust  that  you  will,  immediately  upon 
receipt  of  this,  if  you  have  not  done  it  already,  march  with  at 
least  one-third  of  the  militia  under  your  command,  and  ren- 
dezvous at  Saratoga,  unless  directed  to  some  other  place  by 
General  Schuyler  or  General  Arnold." 

Washington  now  ordered  that  all  the  vessels  and  river 
craft,  not  required  at  Albany,  should  be  sent  down  to  New 
Windsor  and  Fishkill,  and  kept  in  readiness  ;  for  he  knew  not 
how  soon  the  movements  of  General  Howe  might  render  it  sud- 
denly necessary  to  transport  part  of  his  forces  up  the  Hudson. 

Further  letters  from  Schuyler  urged  the  increasing  exigencies 
of  his  situation.  It  was  harvest  time.  The  militia,  impatient 
at  being  detained  from  their  rural  labors,  were  leaving  him  in 
great  numbers.  In  a  council  of  general  officers,  it  had  been 
thought  advisable  to  give  leave  of  absence  to  half,  lest  the 
whole  should  depart.  He  feared  those  who  remained  would  do 
so  but  a  few  days.  The  enemy  were  steadily  employed  cutting 
a  road  toward  him  from  Skenesborough.  From  the  number  of 
horse  they  were  reported  to  have,  and  to  expect,  they  might 
intend  to  bring  their  provisions  on  horseback.  If  so,  they 
would  be  able  to  move  with  expedition.  In  this  position  of 
affairs,  he  urged  to  be  re-enforced  as  speedily  as  possible. 


332  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Washington,  in  reply,  informed  him  that  he  had  ordered 
a  further  re-enforcement  of  General  Glover's  brigade,  which 
was  all  he  could  possibly  furnish  in  his  own  exigencies.  He 
trusted  affairs  with  Schuyler  would  soon  wear  a  more  smiling 
aspect,  that  the  Eastern  States,  who  were  so  deeply  concerned 
in  the  matter,  would  exert  themselves,  by  effectual  succors, 
to  enable  him  to  check  the  progress  of  the  enemy,  and  repel  a 
danger  by  which  they  were  immediately  threatened.  From  the 
information  he  had  received,  he  supposed  the  force  of  the 
enemy  to  be  little  more  than  five  thousand.  "  They  seem,'* 
said  he,  "to  be  unprovided  with  wagons  to  transport  th<» 
immense  quantity  of  baggage  and  warlike  apparatus,  without 
which  they  cannot  pretend  to  penetrate  the  country.  You 
mention  their  having  a  great  number  of  horses,  but  they  must 
nevertheless  require  a  considerable  number  of  wagons,  as  there 
are  many  things  which  cannot  be  transported  on  horses.  They 
can  never  think  of  advancing  without  securing  their  rear,  and 
the  force  with  which  they  can  act  against  you  will  be  greatly 
reduced  by  detachments  necessary  for  that  purpose ;  and  as 
they  have  to  cut  out  their  passage,  and  to  remove  the  impedi- 
ments you  have  thrown  in  their  way,  before  they  can  proceed, 
this  circumstance,  with  the  encumbrance  they  must  feel  in  their 
baggage,  stores,  etc.,  will  inevitably  retard  their  march,  and 
give  you  leisure  and  opportunity  to  prepare  a  good  reception 
for  them.  ...  I  have  directed  General  Lincoln  to  repair  to 
you  as  speedily  as  the  state  of  his  health,  which  is  not  very 
perfect,  will  permit ;  this  gentleman  has  always  supported  the 
character  of  a  judicious,  brave,  active  officer,  and  he  is  exceed- 
ingly popular  in  the  State  of  Massachusetts,  to  which  he  be- 
longs ;  he  will  have  a  degree  of  influence  over  the  militia  which 
cannot  fail  of  being  highly  advantageous.  I  have  intended  him 
more  particularly  for  the  command  of  the  militia,  and  I  promise 
myself  it  will  have  a  powerful  tendency  to  make  them  turn  out 
with  more  cheerfulness,  and  to  inspire  them  with  perseverance 
to  remain  in  the  field,  and  with  fortitude  and  spirit  to  do  their 
duty  while  in  it."  l 

Washington  highly  approved  of  a  measure  suggested  by 
Schuyler,  of  stationing  a  body  of  troops  somewhere  about  the 
Hampshire  Grants  (Vermont),  so  as  to  be  in  the  rear  or  on 
the  flank  of  Burgoyne,  should  he  advance.  It  would  make  the 
latter,  he  said,  very  circumspect  in  his  advances,  if  it  did  not 
entirely  prevent  them.     It  would  keep  him  in  continual  anxiety 

1  Schuyler's  Letter  Book. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  333 

for  his  rear,  and  oblige  him  to  leave  the  posts  behind  him  much 
stronger  than  lie  would  otherwise  do.  He  advised  that  General 
Lincoln  should  have  the  command  of  the  corps  thus  posted, 
44  as  no  person  could  be  more  proper  for  it." 

He  recommended,  moreover,  that  in  case  the  enemy  should 
make  any  formidable  movement  in  the  neighborhood  of  Fort 
Schuyler  (Stanwix),  on  the  Mohawk  River,  General  Arnold, 
or  some  other  sensible,  spirited  officer,  should  be  sent  to  take 
charge  of  that  post,  keep  up  the  spirits  of  the  inhabitants, 
and  cultivate  and  improve  the  favorable  disposition  of  the 
Indians. 

The  reader  will  find  in  the  sequel  what  a  propitious  effect 
all  these  measures  had  upon  the  fortunes  of  the  Northern 
campaign,  and  with  what  admirable  foresight  Washington 
calculated  all  its  chances.  Due  credit  must  also  be  given  to 
the  sagacious  counsels  and  executive  energy  of  Schuyler ; 
who  suggested  some  of  the  best  moves  in  the  campaign,  and 
carried  them  vigorously  into  action.  Never  was  Washington 
more  ably  and  loyally  seconded  by  any  of  his  generals. 

But  now  the  attention  of  the  commander-in-chief  is  called  to 
the  seaboard.  On  the  23d  of  July,  the  fleet,  so  long  the  object 
of  watchful  solicitude,  actually  put  to  sea.  The  force  em- 
barked, according  to  subsequent  accounts,  consisted  of  thirty- 
six  British  and  Hessian  battalions,  including  the  light  infantry 
and  grenadiers,  with  a  powerful  artillery  ;  a  New  York  corps 
of  provincials,  or  royalists,  called  the  Queen's  Rangers,  and  a 
regiment  of  light  horse  ;  between  fifteen  and  eighteen  thousand 
men  in  all.  The  force  left  with  General  Sir  Henry  Clinton  for 
the  protection  of  New  York  consisted  of  seventeen  battalions, 
a  regiment  of  light  horse,  and  the  remainder  of  the  provincial 
corps.1 

The  destination  of  the  fleet  was  still  a  matter  of  conjecture. 
Just  after  it  had  sailed,  a  young  man  presented  himself  at  one 
of  General  Putnam's  outposts.  He  had  been  a  prisoner  in  New 
York,  he  said,  but  had  received  his  liberty  and  a  large  reward 
on  undertaking  to  be  the  bearer  of  a  letter  from  General  Howe 
to  Burgoyne.  This  letter  his  feelings  of  patriotism  prompted 
him  to  deliver  up  to  General  Putnam.  The  letter  was  immedi- 
ately transmitted  by  the  general  to  Washington.  It  was  in  the 
handwriting  of  Howe,  and  bore  his  signature.  In  it  he  in- 
formed Burgoyne,  that,  instead  of  any  designs  up  the  Hudson 
he  was  bound   to  the   east   against  Boston.     "  If,"    said   he, 

1  Civil  War  iu  America,  vol.  i.  p.  250. 


334  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

"  according  to  my  expectations,  we  may  succeed  in  getting 
possession  of  it,  I  shall,  without  loss  of  time,  proved  to  co^ 
operate  with  you  in  the  defeat  of  the  rebel  army  opposed  to  you. 
Clinton  is  sufficiently  strong  to  amuse  Washington  and  Putnam. 
I  am  now  making  demonstrations  to  the  southward,  which  I  think 
will  have  the  full  effect  in  carrying  our  plan  into  execution." 

Washington  at  once  pronounced  the  letter  a  feint.  "  No 
stronger  proof  could  be  given,"  said  he,  "that  Howe  is  not 
going  to  the  eastward.  The  letter  was  evidently  intended  to 
fall  into  our  hands.  If  there  were  not  too  great  a  risk  of  the 
dispersion  of  their  fleet,  I  should  think  their  putting  to  sea  a 
mere  manoeuvre  to  deceive,  and  the  North  River  still  their 
object.  I  am  persuaded,  more  than  ever,  that  Philadelphia  is 
the  place  of  destination." 

He  now  set  out  with  his  army  for  the  Delaware,  ordering 
Sullivan  and  Stirling  with  their  divisions  to  cross  the  Hudson 
from  Peekskill,  and  proceed  toward  Philadelphia.  Every  move- 
ment and  order  showed  his  doubt  and  perplexity,  and  the 
circumspection  with  which  he  had  to  proceed.  On  the  30th,  he 
writes  from  Coryell's  Ferry,  about  thirty  miles  from  Philadel- 
phia, to  General  Gates,  who  was  in  that  city:  "As  we  are 
yet  uncertain  as  to  the  real  destination  of  the  enenry,  though 
the  Delaware  seems  the  most  probable,  I  have  thought  it 
prudent  to  halt  the  army  at  this  place,  Howell's  Ferry,  and 
Trenton,  at  least  till  the  fleet  actually  enters  the  bay  aud  puts 
the  matter  beyond  a  doubt.  From  hence  we  can  be  on  the 
proper  ground  to  oppose  them  before  they  can  possibly  make 
their  arrangements  and  dispositions  for  an  attack.  .  .  .  That 
the  post  in  the  Highlands  may  not  be  left  too  much  exposed,  I 
have  ordered  General  Sullivan's  division  to  halt  at  Morristown, 
whence  it  will  march  southward  if  there  should  be  occasion,  or 
northward  upon  the  first  advice  that  the  enemy  should  be 
throwing  any  force  up  the  North  River.  General  Howe's  in 
a  manner  abandoning  General  Burgoyne,  is  so  unaccountable  a 
matter,  that,  till  I  am  fully  assured  it  is  so,  I  cannot  help  cast- 
ing my  eyes  continually  behind  me.  As  I  shall  pay  no  regard 
to  any  flying  reports  of  the  appearance  of  the  fleet,  I  shall 
expect  an  account  of  it  from  you,  the  moment  you  have  ascer- 
tained it  to  your  satisfaction." 

On  the  31st,  he  was  informed  that  the  enemy's  fleet  of  two 
hundred  and  twenty-eight  sail  had  arrived  the  day  previous  at 
the  Capes  of  Delaware.  He  instantly  wrote  to  Putnam  to 
hurry  on  two  brigades,  which  had  crossed  the  river,  and  to  let 
Schuyler  and  the  commanders  in  the  Eastern  States  know  that 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  335 

they  bad  nothing  to  fear  from  Howe,  and  might  bend  all  their 
forces,  Continental  and  militia,  against  Burgoyne.  In  the 
mean  time  he  moved  his  camp  to  Germantown,  about  six  miles 
from  Philadelphia,  to  be  at  hand  for  the  defence  of  that  city. 

The  very  next  day  came,  word,  by  express,  that  the  fleet  had 
again  sailed  out  of  the  Capes,  and  apparently  shaped  its  course 
eastward.  ' '  This  surprising  event  gives  me  the  greatest  anxiety,' ' 
writes  he  to  Putnam  (August  1),  "  and  unless  every  possible 
exertion  is  made,  may  be  productive  of  the  happiest  consequen- 
ces to  the  enemy  and  the  most  injurious  to  us.  .  .  .  The  im- 
portance of  preventing  Mr.  Howe's  getting  possession  of  the 
Highlands  by  a  coup  de  main,  is  infinite  to  America ;  and,  in 
the  present  situation  of  things,  every  effort  that  can  be  thought 
of  must  be  used.  The  probability  of  his  going  to  the  eastward 
is  exceedingly  small,  and  the  ill  effects  that  might  attend  such 
a  step  inconsiderable,  in  comparison  with  those  that  would  in- 
evitably attend  a  successful  stroke  on  the  Highlands." 

Under  this  impression  Washington  sent  orders  to  Sullivan  to 
hasten  back  with  his  division  and  the  two  brigades  which  had 
recently  left  Peekskill  and  to  recross  the  Hudson  to  that  post  as 
speedily  as  possible,  intending  to  forward  the  rest  of  the  army 
with  all  the  expedition  in  his  power.  He  wrote,  also,  to  Gen- 
eral George  Clinton,  to  re-enforce  Putnam  with  as  many  of  the 
New  York  militia  as  could  be  collected.  Clinton,  be  it  observed, 
had  just  been  installed  Governor  of  the  State  of  New  York  ; 
the  first  person  elevated  to  that  office  under  the  Constitution. 
He  still  continued  in  actual  command  of  the  militia  of  the  State, 
and  it  was  with  great  satisfaction  that  Washington  subsequently 
learned  he  had  determined  to  resume  the  command  of  Fort 
Montgomery  in  the  Highlands :  ' '  There  cannot  be  a  more 
proper  man,"  writes  he,  "on  every  account." 

Washington,  moreover,  requested  Putnam  to  send  an  express 
to  Governor  Trumbull,  urging  assistance  from  the  militia  of  his 
State  without  a  moment's  loss  of  time.  "  Connecticut  cannot 
be  in  more  danger  through  any  channel  than  this,  and  every 
motive  of  its  own  interest  and  the  general  good  demands  its 
utmost  endeavors  to  give  you  effectual  assistance.  Governor 
Trumbull  will,  I  trust,  be  sensible  of  this." 

And  here  we  take  occasion  to  observe,  that  there  could  be  no 
surer  reliance  for  aid  in  time  of  danger  than  the  patriotism  of 
Governor  Trumbull ;  nor  were  there  men  more  ready  to  obey  a 
sudden  appeal  to  arms  than  the  yeomanry  of  Connecticut ;  how- 
ever much  their  hearts  might  subsequently  yearn  toward  the 
farms  and  firesides  they  had  so  promptly  abandoned.     No  por- 


336  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

tion  of  the  Union  was  more  severely  tasked,  throughout  the 
Revolution,  for  military  services ;  and  Washington  avowed, 
when  the  great  struggle  was  over,  that,  "  if  all  the  States  had 
done  their  duty  as  well  as  the  little  State  of  Connecticut,  the 
war  would  have  been  ended  long  ago."  l 


CHAPTER  XLVI. 

GATES    ON    THE    ALERT   FOR  A    COMMAND  —  SCHUYLER    UNDERMINED 
IN    CONGRESS  —  PUT    ON   HIS    GUARD  —  COURTS  A  SCRUTINY,    BUT 

NOT    BEFORE  AN   EXPECTED   ENGAGEMENT SUMMONED  WITH  ST. 

CLAIR  TO  HEAD-QUARTERS GATES  APPOINTED  TO  THE  NORTHERN 

DEPARTMENT WASHINGTON'S  SPECULATIONS  ON    THE    SUCCESSES 

OF  BURGOYNE ILL-JUDGED   MEDDLINGS  OF  CONGRESS  WITH  THE 

COMMISSARIAT  —  COLONEL    TRUMBULL    RESIGNS  IN  CONSEQUENCE. 

We  have  cited  in  a  preceding  page  a  letter  from  Washington 
to  Gates  at  Philadelphia,  requiring  his  vigilant  attention  to  the 
movements  of  the  enemy's  fleet ;  that  ambitious  officer,  how- 
ever, was  engrossed  at  the  time  by  matters  more  important  to 
his  individual  interests.  The  command  of  the  Northern  depart- 
ment seemed  again  within  his  reach.  The  evacuation  of  Ticon- 
deroga  had  been  imputed  by  many  either  to  cowardice  or 
treachery  on  the  part  of  General  St.  Clair,  and  the  enemies  of 
Schuyler  had,  for  some  time  past,  been  endeavoring  to  involve 
him  in  the  disgrace  of  the  transaction.  It  is  true  he  was  absent 
from  the  fortress  at  the  time,  zealously  engaged,  as  we  have 
shown,  in  procuring  and  forwarding  re -enforcements  and  sup- 
plies ;  but  it  was  alleged  that  the  fort  had  been  evacuated  by  his 
order,  and  that,  while  there,  he  had  made  such  dispositions  as 
plainly  indicated  an  intention  to  deliver  it  to  the  enemy.  In  the 
eagerness  to  excite  popular  feeling  against  him,  old  slanders  were 
revived,  and  the  failure  of  the  invasion  of  Canada,  and  all  the 
subsequent  disasters  iu  that  quarter,  were  again  laid  to  his 
charge  as  commanding-general  of  the  Northern  department. 
"  In  short,"  writes  Schuyler  in  one  of  his  letters,  "  every  art  is 
made  use  of  to  destroy  that  confidence  which  it  is  so  essential 
the  army  should  have  in  its  general  officers,  and  this  too  by 
people  pretending  to  be  friends  to  the  country."  2 

These  charges,  which  for  some  time  existed  merely  in  popular 

1  Communicated  by  Professor  B.  Silliman. 

2  Schuyler  to  Governor  Trumbull.   Letter  Book. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  337 

clamor,  had  recently  been  taken  up  in  Congress,  and  a  strong 
demonstration  had  been  made  against  him  by  some  of  the  New 
England  delegates.  "  Your  enemies  in  this  quarter,"  writes  his 
friend,  the  Hon.  William  Duer  (July  29),  "are  leaving  no 
means  unessayed  to  blast  your  character,  and  to  impute  to  your 
appointment  in  that  department  a  loss  which,  rightly  investi- 
gated, can  be  imputed  to  very  different  causes. 

"  Be  not  surprised  if  you  should  be  desired  to  attend  Con- 
gress, to  give  an  account  of  the  loss  of  Ticouderoga.  With 
respect  to  the  result  of  the  inquiry  I  am  under  no  apprehen- 
sions. Like  gold  tried  in  the  lire,  I  trust  that  you,  my  dear 
friend,  will  be  found  more  pure  and  bright  than  ever.  .  .  . 
From  the  nature  of  your  department,  and  other  unavoidable 
causes,  you  have  not  had  an  opportunity,  during  the  course 
of  this  war,  of  evincing  that  spirit  which  /  and  your  more 
intimate  friends  know  you  to  possess ;  of  this  circumstance 
prejudice  takes  a  cruel  advantage,  and  malice  lends  an  easy  ear 
to  her  dictates.  A  hint  on  this  subject  is  sufficient.  You  will 
not,  I  am  sure,  see  this  place  till  your  conduct  gives  the  lie  to 
this  insinuation,  as  it  has  done  before  to  every  other  which  your 
enemies  have  so  industriously  circulated."1 

Schuyler,  in  reply,  expressed  the  most  ardent  wish  that  Con- 
gress would  order  him  to  attend  and  give  an  account  of  his 
conduct.  He  wished  his  friends  to  push  for  the  closest  scrutiny, 
confident  that  it  would  redound  to  his  honor.  "  I  would  not, 
however,  wish  the  scrutiny  to  take  place  immediately,"  adds  he, 
u  as  we  shall  probably  soon  have  an  engagement,  if  we  are  so 
re-enforced  with  militia  as  to  give  us  a  probable  chance  of  suc- 
cess. ...  Be  assured,  my  dear  friend,  if  a  general  engage- 
ment takes  place,  whatever  may  be  the  event,  you  will  not  have 
occasion  to  blush  for  your  friend."  2 

It  seemed  to  be  the  object  of  Mr.  Schuyler's  enemies  to  fore- 
stall his  having  such  a  chance  of  distinguishing  himself.  The 
business  was  pushed  in  Congress  more  urgently  than  even  Mr. 
Duer  had  anticipated.  Beside  the  allegations  against  him  in 
regard  to  Ticonderoga,  his  unpopularity  in  the  Eastern  States 
was  urged  as  a  sufficient  reason  for  discontinuing  him  in  his 
present  command,  as  the  troops  from  that  quarter  were  unwilling 
to  serve  under  him.  This  had  a  great  effect  in  the  present  time 
of  peril,  with  several  of  the  delegates  from  the  East,  who  dis- 
credited the  other  charges  against  him.  The  consequence  was, 
that  after  long  and  ardent  debates,  in  which  some  of  the  most 

1  Schuyler's  Papers.  2  Schuyler's  Letter  Book. 


338  LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON. 

eminent  delegates  from  New  York,  who  intimately  knew  hia 
worth,  stood  up  in  his  favor,  it  was  resolved  (August  1)  that 
both  General  Schuyler  and  General  St.  Clair  should  be  sum- 
moned to  head-quarters  to  account  for  the  misfortunes  in  the 
North,  and  that  Washington  should  be  directed  to  order  such 
general  officer  as  he  should  think  proper  to  succeed  General 
Schuyler  in  the  command  of  the  Northern  department. 

The  very  next  day  a  letter  was  addressed  to  Washington  by 
several  of  the  leading  Eastern  members,  men  of  unquestionable 
good  faith,  such  as  Samuel  and  John  Adams,  urging  the  appoint- 
ment of  Gates.  "No  man,  in  our  opinion,"  said  they,  "will  be 
more  likely  to  restore  harmony,  order  and  discipline,  and  retrieve 
our  affairs  in  that  quarter.  He  has,  on  experience,  acquired  the 
confidence  and  stands  high  in  the  esteem  of  the  Eastern  troops." 

Washington  excused  himself  from  making  any  nomination, 
alleging  that  the  Northern  department  had,  in  a  great  measure, 
been  considered  a  separate  one ;  that,  moreover,  the  situation 
of  the  department  was  delicate,  and  might  involve  interesting 
and  delicate  consequences.  The  nomination,  therefore,  was 
made  by  Congress  ;  the  Eastern  influence  prevailed,  and  Gates 
received  the  appointment,  so  long  the  object  of  his  aspirations, 
if  not  intrigues. 

Washington  deeply  regretted  the  removal  of  a  noble-hearted 
man,  with  whom  he  had  acted  so  harmoniously,  whose  exertions 
had  been  so  energetic  and  unwearied,  and  who  was  so  peculiarly 
fitted  for  the  varied  duties  of  the  department.  He  consoled 
himself,  however,  with  the  thought  that  the  excuse  of  want  of 
confidence  in  the  general  officers,  hitherto  alleged  by  the  Eastern 
States  for  withholding  re-enforcements,  would  be  obviated  by 
the  presence  of  this  man  of  their  choice. 

With  the  prevalent  wisdom  of  his  pen,  he  endeavored  to  allay 
the  distrusts  and  apprehensions  awakened  by  the  misfortune  at 
Ticonderoga,  which  he  considered  the  worst  consequence  of  that 
event.  u  If  the  matter  were  coolly  and  dispassionately  consid- 
ered," writes  he  to  the  council  of  safety  of  the  State  of  New 
York,  "  there  would  be  nothing  found  so  formidable  in  General 
Burgoyne  and  the  force  under  him,  with  all  his  successes,  to 
countenance  the  least  degree  of  despondency ;  and  experience 
would  show,  that  even  the  moderate  exertions  of  the  States  more 
immediately  interested,  would  be  sufficient  to  check  his  career, 
and,  perhaps,  convert  the  advantages  he  has  gained  to  his  ruin. 
...  If  I  do  not  give  so  effectual  aid  as  I  could  wish  to  the 
Northern  army,  it  is  not  from  want  of  inclination,  nor  from 
being  too  little  impressed  with  the  importance  of  doing  it ;  but 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  339 

because  the  state  of  affairs  in  this  quarter  will  not  possibly 
admit  of  it.  It  would  be  the  height  of  impolicy  to  weaken  our- 
selves too  much  here,  in  order  to  increase  our  strength  there  ; 
and  it  must  certainly  be  considered  more  difficult,  as  well  as  of 
greater  moment,  to  control  the  main  army  of  the  enemy,  than 
an  inferior,  and,  I  may  say,  dependent  one  ;  for  it  is  pretty 
obvious  that  if  General  Howe  can  be  kept  at  bay,  and  prevented 
from  effecting  his  purposes,  the  successes  of  General  Burgoyne, 
whatever  they  may  be,  must  be  partial  and  temporary." 

The  sagacity  and  foresight  of  this  policy  will  be  manifested 
by  after  events. 

On  the  same  day  on  which  the  above  letter  was  written,  he 
officially  announced  to  Gates  his  appointment,  and  desired 
him  to  proceed  immediately  to  the  place  of  his  destination  : 
wishing  him  success,  and  that  he  "might  speedily  be  able  to 
restore  the  face  of  affairs  in  that  quarter." 

About  this  time  took  effect  a  measure  of  Congress,  making 
a  complete  change  in  the  commissariat.  This  important  and 
complicated  department  had  hitherto  been  under  the  manage- 
ment of  one  commissary-general,  Colonel  Joseph  Trumbull  of 
Connecticut.  By  the  new  arrangement  there  were  to  be  two 
commissaries-general,  one  of  purchases,  the  other  of  issues  ; 
each  to  be  appointed  by  Congress.  They  were  to  have  sev- 
eral deputy  commissaries  under  them,  but  accountable  to  Con- 
gress, and  to  be  appointed  and  removed  by  that  body.  These, 
and  many  subordinate  arrangements,  had  been  adopted  in 
opposition  to  the  opinion  of  Washington,  and,  most  unfor- 
tunately, were  brought  into  operation  in  the  midst  of  this 
perplexed  and  critical  campaign.  _  • 

Their  first  effect  was  to  cause  the  resignation  of  Colonel 
Trumbull,  who  had  been  nominated  commissary  of  purchases ; 
and  the  entrance  into  office  of  a  number  of  inexperienced 
men.  The  ultimate  effect  was  to  paralyze  the  organization 
of  this  vital  department ;  to  cause  delay  and  confusion  in 
furnishing  and  forwarding  supplies ;  and  to  retard  and  embar- 
rass the  operations  of  the  different  armies  throughout  the  year. 
Washington  had  many  dangers  and  difficulties  to  harass  and 
perplex  him  throughout  this  complicated  campaign,  and  not 
among  the  least  maybe  classed  the  "stumblings  of  Congress." 

Note.  — _An  author,  eminent  for  his  historical  researches,  expresses  himself  at  a 
loss  to  explain  the  prejudice  existing  against  General  Schuyler  among  the  people  of 
the  New  England  States.  "There  was  not  an  individual  connected  with  the  Revolu- 
tion," observes  he,  "  concerning  whom  there  is  more  abundant  evidence  of  his  patriotism 
and  unwearied  services  in  the  cause  of  his  country." 


340  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

Wilkinnon,  at  that  time  a  devoted  follower  of  Gates,  and  likely  to  know  the  influ 
ences  that  operated  against  his  rival,  traces  this  prejudice  up  to  times  prior. to  the 
Revolutiou,  when  Schuyler  acted  as  commissioner  ou  the  part  of  New  York  iu 
settling  the  partition  line  between  that  colony  and  Massachusetts  Bay.  This  gave 
rise  to  the  feuds  and  controversies  concerning  the  Hampshire  Grants,  in  which,  ac- 
cording to  Wilkinson,  the  parties  were  distinguished  by  the  designations  of  Yankee 
aud  Yorker.  The  zealous  exertions  of  Schuyler  ou  behalf  of  New  York,  gained 
him  the  ill  will  of  the  Hampshire  grantees,  and  of  Eastern  men  of  the  first  rank  with 
whom  he  came  in  collision.  This  feeling  survived  the  controversy,  aud  existed  arao"» 
the  militia  from  those  parts.  On  the  other  hand,  Wilkinson  observes,  "It  was  Geueral 
Gates's  policy  to  favor  the  views  of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Hampshire  Grants,  which 
made  him  popular  with  these  people." 

Somewhat  of  the  prejudice  against  Schuyler  Wilkinson  ascribes  to  social  habits  aud 
manners,  "those  of  New  England  at  the  time  being  democratic  and  puritanical,  whilst 
in  New  York  they  were  courtly  aud  aristocratical."  Schuyler  was  a  man  of  the  world, 
and  of  society,  cultivated  and  well  bred;  he  was  an  eleve  too  of  Major-General  Brad 
street  in  the  seven  years'  war;  and  had  imbibed  notions  of  military  carriage  and  deco 
rum  iu  an  aristocratic  school;  all  this  rendered  him  impatient  at  times  of  the  deficiencies 
in  these  respects  among  the  raw  militia  officers,  and  made  the  latter  consider  him 
haughty  aud  reserved. 


CHAPTER    XLVIT. 

Washington's  perplexities  about  the  British  fleet  —  put 
nam  and  governor  clinton  put  on  the  alert  in  the  high- 
lands  morgan   and  his  riflemen  sent  to  the    north 

washington  at  philadelphia  —  his  first  interview  with 
lafayette — intelligence  about  the  fleet — explana- 
tions of  its  movements review  of  the  army lafayette 

mistakes    the   nature  of   his   commission his   alliance 

with.  washington march  of  the  army  through  phila- 
delphia   encampment  at  wilmington. 

For  several  days  Washington  remained  at  Germantown  in 
painful  uncertainty  about  the  British  fleet ;  whether  gone  to 
the  south  or  to  the  east.  The  intense  heat  of  the  weather 
made  him  unwilling  again  to  move  his  army,  already  exces- 
sively harassed  by  marchings  and  counter-marchings.  Con- 
cluding, at  length,  that  the  fleet  had  actually  gone  to  the  east, 
he  was  once  more  on  the  way  to  recross  the  Delaware,  when 
an  express  overtook  him  on  the  10th  of  August,  with  tidings 
that  three  days  before  it  had  been  seen  off  Sinepuxent  Inlet, 
about  sixteen  leagues  south  of  the  Capes  of  Delaware. 

Again  he  came  to  a  halt,  and  waited  for  further  intelligence. 
Danger  suggested  itself  from  a  different  quarter.  Might  it  not 
be  Howe's  plan,  by  thus  appearing  with  his  ships  at  different 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  841 

places,  to  lure  the  army  after  him,  and  thereby  leave  the  coun- 
try open  for  Sir  Henry  Clinton  with  the  troops  at  New  York 
to  form  a  junction  with  Burgoyne  ?  With  this  idea  Washing- 
ton wrote  forthwith  to  the  veteran  Putnam  to  be  on  the  alert ; 
collect  all  the  force  he  could  to  strengthen  his  post  at  Peeks- 
kill,  and  send  down  spies  to  ascertain  whether  Sir  Henry 
Clinton  was  actually  at  New  York,  and  what  troops  he  had 
there.  "If  he  has  the  number  of  men  with  him  that  is  re- 
ported," observes  Washington,  "  it  is  probably  with  the  inten- 
tion to  attack  you  from  below,  while  Burgoyne  comes  clown 
upon  you  from  above." 

The  old  general,  whose  boast  it  was  that  he  never  slept  but 
with  one  eye,  was  already  on  the  alert.  A  circumstance  had 
given  him  proof  positive  that  Sir  Henry  was  in  New  York,  and 
had  roused  his  military  ire.  A  spy,  sent  by  that  commander, 
had  been  detected  furtively  collecting  information  of  the  force 
and  condition  of  the  post  at  Peekskill,  and  had  undergone  a 
military  trial.  A  vessel  of  war  came  up  the  Hudson  in  all 
haste,  and  landed  a  flag  of  truce  at  Verplanck's  Point,  by 
which  a  message  was  transmitted  to  Putnam  from  Sir  Henry 
Clinton,  claiming  Edmund  Palmer  as  a  lieutenant  in  the  British 
service. 

The  reply  of  the  old  general  was  brief  but  emphatic. 


"Edmund  Palmer,  an  officer  in  the  enemy's  service,  was 
taken  as  a  spy  lurking  within  our  lines  ;  he  has  been  tried  as  a 
spy,  condemned  as  a  spy,  and  shall  be  executed  as  a  spy  ;  and 
the  flag  is  ordered  to  depart  immediately. 

"  ISRAEL  PUTNAM. 

"  P.S.  — He  has,  accordingly,  been  executed. " 

Governor  Clinton,  the  other  guardian  of  the  Highlands,  and 
actually  at  his  post  at  Fort  Montgomery,  was  equally  on  the 
alert.  He  had  faithfully  followed  Washington's  directions,  in 
ordering  out  militia  from  different  counties  to  re-enforce  his  own 
garrison  and  the  army  under  Schuyler.  "  I  never  knew  the 
militia  come  out  with  greater  alacrity,"  writes  he;  "but,  as 
many  of  them  have  yet  a  great  part  of  their  harvests  in  the 
field,  I  fear  it  will  be  difficult  to  detain  them  long,  unless  the 
enemy  will  make  some  movements  that  indicate  a  design  of 
coming  this  way  suddenly,  and  so  obvious  as  to  be  believed  by 
the  militia." 


342  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

At  the  same  time,  the  worthy  governor  expressed  his  surprise 
that  the  Northern  army  had  not  been  re-enforced  from  the  east- 
ward. "The  want  of  confidence  in  the  general  officers  to  the 
northward,"  adds  he,  "  is  the  specious  reason.  To  me  it  ap- 
pears a  very  weak  one.  Common  gratitude  to  a  sister  State,  as 
well  as  duty  to  the  continent  at  large,  conspire  in  calling  on  our 
eastern  neighbors  to  step  forth  on  this  occasion." 

One  measure  more  was  taken  by  Washington,  during  this 
interval,  in  aid  of  the  Northern  department.  The  Indians  who 
accompanied  Burgoyne  were  objects  of  great  dread  to  the 
American  troops,  especially  the  militia.  As  a  counterpoise  to 
them,  he  now  sent  up  Colonel  Morgan  with  five  hundred  rifle- 
men, to  fight  them  in  their  own  way.  "They  are  all  chosen 
men,"  said  he,  "selected  from  the  army  at  large,  and  well 
acquainted  with  the  use  of  rifles  and  with  that  mode  of  fighting. 
I  expect  the  most  eminent  services  from  them,  and  I  shall  be 
mistaken  if  their  presence  does  not  go  far  toward  producing  a 
general  desertion  among  the  savages."  It  was,  indeed,  an  arm 
of  strength,  which  he  could  but  ill  spare  from  his  own  army. 

Putnam  was  directed  to  have  sloops  ready  to  transport  them 
up  the  Hudson,  and  Gates  was  informed  of  their  being  on  the 
way,  and  about  what  time  he  might  expect  them,  as  well  as  two 
regiments  from  Peekskill,  under  Colonels  Van  Courtlandt  and 
Livingston. 

"  With  these  re-enforcements,  besides  the  militia  under  Gen- 
eral Lincoln,"  writes  Washington  to  Gates,  "I  am  in  hopes 
you  will  find  yourself  at  least  equal  to  stop  the  progress  of 
Mr.  Burgoyne,  and,  by  cutting  off  his  supplies  of  provisions, 
to  render  his  situation  very  ineligible."  Washington  was  thus, 
in  a  manner,  canying  on  two  games  at  once,  with  Howe  on  the 
seaboard  and  with  Burgoyne  on  the  upper  waters  of  the  Hudson, 
and  endeavoring  by  skilful  movements  to  give  check  to  both. 
It  was  an  arduous  and  complicated  task,  especially  with  his 
scanty  and  fluctuating  means,  and  the  wide  extent  of  country 
and  great  distances  over  which  he  had  to  move  his  men. 

His  measures  to  throw  a  force  in  the  rear  of  Burgoyne  were 
now.  in  a  fair  way  of  being  carried  into  effect.  Lincoln  was  at 
Bennington.  Stark  had  joined  him  with  a  body  of  New  Hamp- 
shire militia,  and  a  corps  of  Massachusetts  militia  was  arriving. 
"  Such  a  force  in  his  rear,"  observed  Washington,  "  will  oblige 
Burgoyne  to  leave  such  strong  posts  behind  as  must  make  his 
main  body  very  weak,  and  extremely  capable  of  being  repulsed 
by  the  force  we  have  in  front." 

During  his  encampment   in  the  neighborhood  of   Philadel- 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  343 

phia,  Washington  was  repeatedly  at  that  city,  making  himself 
acquainted  with  the  military  capabilities  of  the  place  and  its 
surrounding  country,  and  directing  the  construction  of  fortifica- 
tions on  the  river.  In  one  of  these  visits  he  became  acquainted 
with  the  young  Marquis  de  Lafayette,  who  had  recently  arrived 
from  France,  in  company  with  a  number  of  French,  Polish,  and 
German  officers,  among  whom  was  the  Baron  de  Kalb.  The 
marquis  was  not  quite  twenty  years  of  age,  yet  had  already 
been  married  nearly  three  years  to  a  lady  of  rank  and  fortune. 
Full  of  the  romance  of  liberty,  he  had  torn  himself  from  his 
youthful  bride,  turned  his  back  upon  the  gayeties  and  splendors 
of  a  court,  and  in  defiance  of  impediments  and  difficulties  multi- 
plied in  his  path,  had  made  his  way  to  America  to  join  its  hazard- 
ous fortunes. 

He  sent  in  his  letters  of  recommendation  to  Mr.  Lovell, 
Chairman  of  the  Committee  of  Foreign  Affairs  ;  and  applied  the 
next  day  at  the  door  of  Congress  to  know  his  success.  Mr. 
Lovell  came  forth,  and  gave  him  but  little  encouragement ;  Con- 
gress, in  fact,  was  embarrassed  by  the  number  of  foreign  appli- 
cations, many  without  merit.  Lafayette  immediately  sent  in 
the  following  note:  "  After  my  sacrifices,  I  have  the  right  to 
ask  two  favors  ;  one  is  to  serve  at  my  own  expense  ;  the  other, 
to  commence  by  serving  as  a  volunteer."  1 

This  simple  appeal  had  its  effect :  it  called  attention  to  his 
peculiar  case,  and  Congress  resolved  on  the  31st  of  July,  that 
in  consideration  of  his  zeal,  his  illustrious  family  and  connec- 
tions he  should  have  the  rank  of  major-general  in  the  army  of 
the  United  States. 

It  was  at  a  public  dinner,  where  a  number  of  members  of 
Congress  were  present,  that  Lafayette  first  saw  Washington. 
He  immediately  knew  him,  he  said,  from  the  officers  who  sur- 
rounded him,  by  his  commanding  air  and  person.  When  the 
party  was  breaking  up,  Washington  took  him  aside,  compli- 
mented him  in  a  gracious  manner  on  his  disinterested  zeal  and 
the  generosity  of  his  conduct,  and  invited  him  to  make  head- 
quarters his  home.  "  I  cannot  promise  you  the  luxuries  of  a 
court,"  said  he,  "  but  as  you  have  become  an  American  soldier, 
you  will,  doubtless,  accommodate  yourself  to  the  fare  of  an 
American  army." 

Many  days  had  now  elapsed  without  further  tidings  of  the 
fleet.  What  had  become  of  it?  Had  Howe  gone  against 
Charleston?     If  so,  the  distance  was   too  great   to   think   of 


1Memoiiesdu  General  Lafayette,  torn.  i.  p.  19. 


344  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

following  him.  Before  the  army,  debilitated  and  wasted  by  a 
long  march,  under  a  summer  sun,  in  an  unhealthy  climate, 
could  reach  there,  he  might  accomplish  every  purpose  he  had  in 
view,  and  re-embark  his  troops  to  turn  his  arms  against  Phila- 
delphia, or  any  other  point,  without  the  army  being  at  hand  to 
oppose  him. 

What,  under  these  uncertainties,  was  to  be  done?  remain 
inactive,  in  the  remote  probability  of  Howe's  returning  this 
way  ;  or  proceed  to  the  Hudson  with  a  view  either  to  oppose 
Burgoyne,  or  make  an  attempt  upon  New  York  ?  A  successful 
stroke  with  respect  to  either,  might  make  up  for  an}'  losses  sus- 
tained in  the  South.  The  latter  was  unanimously  determined 
in  a  council  of  war,  in  which  the  Marquis  Lafayette  took  part. 
As  it  was,  however,  a  movement  that  might  involve  the  most 
important  consequences,  Washington  sent  his  aide-de-camp, 
Colonel  Alexander  Hamilton,  with  a  letter  to  the  President  of 
Congress,  requesting  the  opinion  of  that  body.  Congress 
approved  the  decision  of  the  council,  and  the  army  was  about 
to  be  put  in  march,  when  all  these  tormenting  uncertainties  were 
brought  to  an  end  by  intelligence  that  the  fleet  had  actually 
entered  the  Chesapeake,  and  anchored  at  Swan  Point,  at  least 
two  hundred  miles  within  the  capes.  u  By  General  Howe's 
coming  so  far  up  the  Chesapeake,"  writes  Washington,  "he 
must  mean  to  reach  Philadelphia  by  that  route,  though  to  be  sure 
it  is  a  strange  one." 

The  mysteiy  of  these  various  appearances  and  vanishings, 
which  had  caused  so  much  wonder  and  perplexity,  is  easily 
explained.  Shortly  before  putting  to  sea  with  the  ships-of-war, 
Howe  had  sent  a  number  of  transports,  and  a  ship  cut  down  as 
a  floating  battery,  up  the  Hudson,  which  had  induced  Washing- 
ton to  despatch  troops  to  the  Highlands.  After  putting  to  sea, 
the  fleet  was  a  week  in  reaching  the  Capes  of  Delaware.  When 
there,  the  commanders  were  deterred  from  entering  the  river  by 
reports  of  measures  taken  to  obstruct  its  navigation.  It  was 
then  determined  to  make  for  Chesapeake  Bay,  and  approach, 
in  that  way,  as  near  as  possible  to  Philadelphia.  Contrary 
winds,  however,  kept  them  for  a  long  time  from  getting  into 
the  bay. 

Lafayette,  in  his  memoirs,  describes  a  review  of  Washington's 
army  which  he  witnessed  about  this  time.  "  Eleven  thousand 
men,  but  tolerabl}'  armed,  and  still  worse  clad,  presented,"  he 
said,  "  a  singular  spectacle  ;  in  this  parti-colored  and  often 
naked  state,  the  best  dresses  were  hunting  shirts  of  brown  linen 
Their  tactics  were  equally  irregular.     They  were  arranged  with 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  345 

out  regard  to  size,  excepting  that  the  smallest  men  were  the 
front  rank ;  with  all  this,  there  were  good-looking  soldiers  con- 
ducted by  zealous  officers." 

"  We  ought  to  feel  embarrassed,"  said  Washington  to  him, 
"  in  presenting  ourselves  before  an  officer  just  from  the  French 
army." 

"It  is  to  learn,  and  not  to  instruct,  that  I  come  here,"  was 
Lafayette's  apt  and  modest  reply ;  and  it  gained  him  immediate 
popularity. 

The  marquis,  however,  had  misconceived  the  nature  of  his 
appointment ;  his  commission  was  merely  honorary,  but  he  had 
supposed  it  given  with  a  view  to  the  command  of  a  division  of 
the  army.  This  misconception  on  his  part  caused  Wash- 
ington some  embarrassment.  The  marquis,  with  his  charac- 
teristic vivacity  and  ardor,  was  eager  for  immediate  employ. 
He  admitted  that  he  was  young  and  inexperienced,  but  always 
accompanied  the  admission  with  the  assurance  that,  so  soon  as 
Washington  should  think  him  fit  for  the  command  of  a  division, 
he  would  be  ready  to  enter  upon  the  duties  of  it,  and,  in  the 
mean  time,  offered  his  services  for  a  smaller  command.  "  What 
the  designs  of  Congress  respecting  this  gentleman  are,  and 
what  line  of  conduct  I  am  to  pursue  to  comply  with  their  design 
and  his  expectations,"  writes  Washington,  UI  know  not,  and 
beg  to  be  instructed." 

"The  numberless  applications  for  employment  by  foreigners 
under  their  respective  appointments,"  continues  he,  "  add  no 
small  embarrassment  to  a  command,  which,  without  it,  is  abun- 
dantly perplexed  by  the  different  tempers  I  have  to  do  with,  and 
the  different  modes  which  the  respective  States  have  pursued  in 
nominating  and  arranging  their  officers  ;  the  combination  of  all 
which  is  but  too  just  a  representation  of  a  great  chaos,  from 
lohence  we  are  endeavoring,  how  successfully  time  only  can  show, 
to  draw  some  regularity  and  order. ' ' *  How  truly  is  here 
depicted  one  of  the  great  difficulties  of  his  command,  continu- 
ally tasking  his  equity  and  equanimity.  In  the  present  instance 
it  was  intimated  to  Washington,  that  he  was  not  bound  by  the 
tenor  of  Lafayette's  commission  to  give  him  a  command  ;  but 
was  at  liberty  to  follow  his  own  judgment  in  the  matter.  This 
still  left  him  in  a  delicate  situation  with  respect  to  the  marquis, 
whose  prepossessing  manners  and  self-sacrificing  zeal  inspired 
regard  ;  but  whose  extreme  youth  and  inexperience  necessitated 
caution.     Lafayette,  however,  from  the  first  attached  himself  to 

«  Washington  to  Beuj.  Harrison.    Sparks,  v.  35. 


346  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Washington  with  an  affectionate  reverence,  the  sincerity  of  which 
could  not  be  mistaken,  and  soon  won  his  way  into  a  heart,  which, 
with  all  its  apparent  coldness,  was  naturally  confiding,  and 
required  sympathy  and  friendship ;  and  it  is  a  picture  well 
worthy  to  be  hung  up  in  history  —  this  cordial  and  enduring 
alliance  of  the  calm,  dignified,  sedate  Washington,  mature  in 
years  and  wisdom,  and  the  young,  buoyant,  enthusiastic 
Lafayette. 

The  several  divisions  of  the, army  had  been  summoned  to  the 
immediate  neighborhood  of  Philadelphia,  and  the  militia  of 
Pennsylvania,  Delaware,  and  the  northern  parts  of  Virginia 
were  called  out.  Many  of  the  militia,  with  Colonel  Proctor's 
corps  of  artillery,  had  been  ordered  to  rendezvous  at  Chester  on 
the  Delaware,  about  twelve  miles  below  Philadelphia ;  and  by 
Washington's  orders,  General  Wayne  left  his  brigade  under 
the  next  in  command,  and  repaired  to  Chester,  to  arrange  the 
troops  assembling  there. 

As  there  had  been  much  disaffection  to  the  cause  evinced  in 
Philadelphia,  Washington,  in  order  to  encourage  its  friends  and 
dishearten  its  enemies,  marched  with  the  whole  army  through 
the  city,  down  Front  and  up  Chestnut  Street.  Great  pains  were 
taken  to  make  the  display  as  imposing  as  possible.  All  were 
charged  to  keep  to  their  ranks,  carry  their  arms  well,  and  step 
in  time  to  the  music  of  the  drums  and  fifes,  collected  in  the 
centre  of  each  brigade.  "  Though  indifferently  dressed,"  says 
a  spectator,  "  they  held  well-burnished  arms,  and  carried  them 
like  soldiers,  and  looked,  in  short,  as  if  they  might  have  faced 
an  equal  number  with  a  reasonable  prospect  of  success."  To 
give  them  something  of  a  uniform  appearance,  they  had  sprigs 
of  green  in  their  hats. 

Washington  rode  at  the  head  of  the  troops  attended  by  his 
numerous  staff,  with  the  Marquis  Lafayette  by  his  side.  The 
long  column  of  the  army,  broken  into  divisions  and  brigades, 
the  pioneers  with  their  axes,  the  squadrons  of  horse,  the 
extended  trains  of  artillery,  the  tramp  of  steed,  the  bray  of 
trumpet,  and  the  spirit-stirring  sound  of  drum  and  fife,  all  had 
an  imposing  effect  on  a  peaceful  city  unused  to  the  sight  of  mar- 
shalled armies.  The  disaffected,  who  had  been  taught  to  believe 
the  American  forces  much  less  than  they  were  in  reality,  were 
astonished  as  they  gazed  on  the  lengthening  procession  of  a  host, 
which,  to  their  unpractised  eyes,  appeared  innumerable ;  while 
the  whigs,  gaining  fresh  hope  and  animation  from  the  sight, 
cheered  the  patriot  squadrons  as  they  passed. 

Having  marched  through  Philadelphia,  the  army  continued  on 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  347 

to  Wilmington,  at  the  confluence  of  Christiana  Creek  and  the 
Brandywine,  where  Washington  set  up  his  head-quarters,  his 
troops  being  encamped  on  the  neighboring  heights. 

We  will  now  revert  to  the  other  object  of  Washington's  care 
and  solicitude,  the  invading  army  of  Burgoyne  in  the  North ; 
and  will  see  how  far  his  precautionary  measures  were  effective. 


CHAPTER  XLVIII. 

BURGOYNE     AT     SKENES BOROUGH  PREPARES     TO     MOVE    TOWARD 

THE     HUDSON MAJOR     SKENE     THE     ROYALIST SLOW     MARCH 

TO    FORT    ANNE SCHUYLER    AT    FORT    MILLER PAINTED   WAR- 
RIORS   LANGLADE ST.   LUC  HONOR   OF   THE    TOMAHAWK 

TRAGICAL   HISTORY  OF    MISS    McCREA ITS    RESULTS BURGOYNE 

ADVANCES     TO     FORT     EDWARD  SCHUYLER    AT    STILLWATER 

JOINED     BY     LINCOLN  BURGOYNE     DESERTED     BY     HIS     INDIAN 

ALLIES. 

In  a  preceding  chapter  we  left  Burgoyne,  early  in  July,  at 
Skenesborough,  of  which  he  had  just  gained  possession.  He 
remained  there  nearly  three  weeks,  awaiting  the  arrival  of  the 
residue  of  his  troops,  with  tents,  baggage  and  provisions,  and 
preparing  for  his  grand  move  toward  the  Hudson  River.  Many 
royalists  flocked  to  his  standard.  One  of  the  most  important 
was  Major  Skene,  from  whom  the  place  was  named,  being  its 
founder,  and  the  owner  of  much  land  in  its  neighborhood.  He 
had  served  in  the  French  war,  but  retired  on  half  pay ;  bought 
"soldiers'  grants"  of  land  lying  within  this  township,  at  a 
trifling  price,  had  their  titles  secured  by  royal  patent,  and  thus 
made  a  fortune.  Burgoyne  considered  him  a  valuable  adjunct 
and  counsellor,  and  frequently  took  advice  from  him  in  his 
campaign  through  this  part  of  the  country. 

The  progress  of  the  army  toward  the  Hudson  was  slow  and 
difficult,  in  consequence  of  the  impediments  which  Schuyler 
had  multiplied  in  his  way  during  his  long  halt  at  Skenes- 
borough. Bridges  broken  down  had  to  be  rebuilt ;  great  trees 
to  be  removed  which  had  been  felled  across  the  roads  and  into 
Wood  Creek,  which  stream  was  completely  choked.  It  was 
not  until  the  latter  part  of  July  that  Burgoyne  reached  Fort 
Anne.  At  his  approach,  General  Schuyler  retired  from  Fort 
Edward  and  took  post  at  Fort  Miller,  a  few  miles  lower  down 
the  Hudson. 


348  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

The  Indian  allies  who  had  hitherto  accompanied  the  British 
army,  had  been  more  troublesome  than  useful.  Neither  Bur- 
goyne  nor  his  officers  understood  their  language,  but  were 
obliged  to  communicate  with  them  through  Canadian  inter- 
preters ;  too  often  designing  knaves,  who  played  false  to  both 
parties.  The  Indians,  too,  were  of  the  tribes  of  Lower  Canada, 
corrupted  and  debased  by  intercourse  with  white  men.  It  had 
been  found  difficult  to  draw  them  from  the  plunder  of  Ticon- 
deroga,  or  to  restrain  their  murderous  propensities. 

A  party  had  recently  arrived  of  a  different  stamp.  Braves 
of  the  Ottawa  and  other  tribes  from  the  upper  country  ;  painted 
and  decorated  with  savage  magnificence,  and  bearing  trophies 
of  former  triumphs.  They  were,  in  fact,  according  to  Bur- 
goyne,  the  very  Indians  who  had  aided  the  French  in  the  defeat 
of  Braddock,  and  were  under  the  conduct  of  two  French  leaders  ; 
one,  named  Langlade,  had  command  of  them  on  that  very 
occasion  ;  the  other,  named  St.  Luc,  is  described  by  Burgoyne 
as  a  Canadian  gentleman  of  honor  and  abilities,  and  one  of  the 
best  partisans  of  the  French  in  the  war  of  1756. 

Burgoyne  trusted  to  his  newly  arrived  Indians  to  give  a  check 
to  the  operations  of  Schuyler,  knowing  the  terror  they  inspired 
throughout  the  country.  He  thought  also  to  employ  them  in  a 
wild  foray  to  the  Connecticut  River,  to  force  a  supply  of  pro- 
visions, intercept  re-enforcements  to  the  American  army,  and 
confirm  the  jealousy  which  he  had,  in  many  ways,  endeavored 
to  excite  in  the  New  England  provinces.  He  was  naturally  a 
humane  man,  and  disliked  Indian  allies,  but  these  had  hitherto 
served  in  company  with  civilized  troops,  and  he  trusted  to  the 
influence  possessed  over  them  by  St.  Luc  and  Langlade,  to  keep 
them  within  the  usages  of  war.  A  circumstance  occurred,  how- 
ever, which  showed  how  little  the  "wild  honor"  of  these 
warriors  of  the  tomahawk  is  to  be  depended  upon. 

In  General  Eraser' s  division  was  a  young  officer,  Lieutenant 
David  Jones,  an  American  loyalist.  His  family  had  their 
home  in  the  vicinity  of  Fort  Edward  before  the  Revolution.  A 
mutual  attachment  had  taken  place  between  the  youth  and  a 
beautiful  girl,  Jane  McCrea.  She  was  the  daughter  of  a  Scotch 
Presbyterian  clergyman  of  the  Jerseys,  some  time  deceased, 
and  resided  with  her  brother  on  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  a 
few  miles  below  Fort  Edward.  The  lovers  were  engaged  to  be 
married,  when  the  breaking  out  of  the  war  severed  families 
and  disturbed  all  the  relations  of  life.  The  Joneses  were  roy- 
alists ;  the  brother  of  Miss  McCrea  was  a  stanch  whig.  The 
former  removed  to  Canada,  where  David  Jones  was  among  the 


LIFE  OF    WASHINGTON.  349 

most  respectable  of  those  who  joined  the  royal  standard,  and 
received  a  lieutenant's  commission. 

The  attachment  between  the  lovers  continued,  and  it  is 
probable  that  a  correspondence  was  kept  up  between  them. 
Lieutenant  Jones  was  now  in  Eraser's  camp  ;  in  his  old  neigh- 
borhood. Miss  McCrea  was  on  a  visit  to  a  widow  lady,  Mrs. 
O'Niel,  residing  at  Fort  Edward.  The  approach  of  Burgoyne's 
army  had  spread  an  alarm  through  the  country;  the  inhabit- 
ants  were  flying  from  their  homes.  The  brother  of  Miss  Mc- 
Crea determined  to  remove  to  Albany,  and  sent  for  his  sister  to 
return  home  and  make  ready  to  accompany  him.  She  hesitated 
to  obey.  He  sent  a  more  urgent  message,  representing  the 
danger  of  lingering  near  the  fort,  which  must  inevitably  fall 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Still  she  lingered.  The  lady 
with  whom  she  was  a  guest  was  a  royalist,  a  friend  of  General 
Eraser;  her  roof  would  be  respected.  Even  should  Fort  Ed- 
ward be  captured,  what  had  Jane  to  fear?  Her  lover  was  in 
the  British  camp  ;  the  capture  of  the  fort  would  reunite  them. 

Her  brother's  messages  now  became  peremptory.  She  pie- 
pared,  reluctantly,  to  obey,  and  was  to  embark  in  a  large  bateau 
which  was  to  convey  several  families  down  the  river.  The  very 
morning  when  the  embarkation  was  to  take  place,  the  neigh- 
borhood was  a  scene  of  terror.  A  marauding  party  of  Indians, 
sent  out  by  Burgoyne  to  annoy  General  Schuyler,  were  harassing 
the  country.  Several  of  them  burst  into  the  house  of  Mrs. 
O'Niel,  sacked  and  plundered  it,  and  carried  off  her  and  Miss 
McCrea  prisoners.  In  her  fright  the  latter  promised  the  sav- 
ages a  large  reward,  if  they  would  spare  her  life  and  take  her 
in  safety  to  the  British  camp.  It  was  a  fatal  promise.  Halting 
at  a  spring,  a  quarrel  arose  among  the  savages,  inflamed  most 
probably  with  drink,  as  to  whose  prize  she  was,  and  who  was 
entitled  to  the  reward.  The  dispute  became  furious,  and  one, 
in  a  paroxysm  of  rage,  killed  her  on  the  spot.  He  completed 
the  savage  act  by  bearing  off  her  scalp  as  a  trophy. 

General  Burgoyne  was  struck  with  horror  when  he  heard  of 
this  bloody  deed.  What  at  first  heightened  the  atrocity  was  a 
report  that  the  Indians  had  been  sent  by  Lieutenant  Jones  to 
bring  Miss  McCrea  to  the  camp.  This  he  positively  denied, 
and  his  denial  was  believed.  Burgoyne  summoned  a  council 
of  the  Indian  chiefs,  in  which  he  insisted  that  the  murderer  of 
Miss  McCrea  should  be  given  up  to  receive  the  reward  of  his 
crime.  The  demand  produced  a  violent  agitation.  The  culprit 
was  a  great  warrior,  a  chief,  and  the  "wild  honor"  of  his 
brother  sachems  was  roused  in  his  behalf.     St.  Luc  took  Bur- 


350  LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON. 

goyne  aside,  and  entreated  him  not  to  push  the  matter  to 
extremities  ;  assuring  him  that,  from  what  was  passing  among 
the  chiefs,  he  was  sure  they  and  their  warriors  would  all  aban- 
don the  army,  should  the  delinquent  be  executed.  The  British 
officers  also  interfered,  representing  the  clanger  that  might 
accrue  should  the  Indians  return  through  Canada,  with  their 
savage  resentments  awakened,  or,  what  was  worse,  should  they 
go  over  to  the  Americans. 

Burgoyne  was  thus  reluctantly  brought  to  spare  the  offender, 
but  thenceforth  made  it  a  rule  that  no  party  of  Indians  should 
be  permitted  to  go  forth  on  a  foray  unless  under  the  conduct  of 
a  British  officer,  or  some  other  competent  person,  who  should 
be  responsible  for  their  behavior. 

The  mischief  to  the  British  cause,  however,  had  been  effected. 
The  murder  of  Miss  McCrea  resounded  throughout  the  land, 
counteracting  all  the  benefit  anticipated  from  the  terror  of 
Indian  hostilities.  Those  people  of  the  frontiers,  who  had 
hitherto  remained  quiet,  now  flew  to  arms  to  defend  their  fami- 
lies and  firesides.  In  their  exasperation  they  looked  beyond 
the  savages  to  their  employers.  They  abhorred  an  army,  which, 
professing  to  be  civilized,  could  league  itself  with  such  barba- 
rians ;  and  they  execrated  a  government,  which,  pretending  to 
reclaim  them  as  subjects,  could  let  loose  such  fiends  to  desolate 
their  homes. 

The  blood  of  this  unfortunate  girl,  therefore,  was  not  shed  in 
vain.  Armies  sprang  up  from  it.  Her  name  passed  as  a  note 
of  alarm,  along  the  banks  of  the  Hudson  ;  it  was  a  rallying 
word  among  the  Green  Mountains  of  Vermont,  and  brought 
down  all  their  hardy  yeomanry.1 

As  Burgoyne  advanced  to  Fort  Edward,  Schuyler  fell  still 
further  back,  and  took  post  at  Saratoga,  or  rather  Stillwater, 
about  thirty  miles  from  Albany.  He  had  been  joined  by 
Major-General  Lincoln,  who,  according  to  Washington's  direc- 
tions, had  hastened  to  his  assistance.  In  pursuance  of  Wash- 
ington's plans,  Lincoln  proceeded  to  Manchester  in  Vermont, 
to  take  command  of  the  militia  forces  collecting  at  that  point. 

1  The  sad  story  of  Miss  McCrea,  like  many  other  incidents  of  the  Revolution,  has 
been  related  in  such  a  variety  of  ways,  and  so  wrought  up  by  tradition,  that  it  is  difficult 
now  to  get  at  the  simple  truth.  Some  of  the  above  circumstances  were  derived  from  a 
niece  of  Miss  McCrea,  whom  the  author  met  upward  of  fifty  years  since,  at  her  residence 
on  the  banks  of  the  St.  Lawrence.  A  stone,  with  her  name  cut  on  it,  still  marks  the 
grave  of  Miss  McCrea  near  the  ruins  of  Fort  Edward;  and  a  tree  is  pointed  out  near 
which  she  was  murdered.  Lieutenant  Jones  is  said  to  have  been  completely  broken  in 
spirit  by  the  shock  of  her  death.  Procuring  her  scalp,  with  its  long  silken  tresses,  he 
brooded  over  it  in  anguish,  and  preserved  it  as  a  sad,  but  precious  relic.  Disgusted  with 
the  service,  he  threw  up  his  commission,  and  retired  to  Canada;  never  marrying,  but 
living  to  be  au  old  man;  taciturn  and  melancholy,  and  haunted  by  painful  recollections. 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  351 

His  presence  inspired  new  confidence  in  the  country  people, 
who  were  abandoning  their  homes,  leaving  their  crops  ungath- 
ered,  and  taking  refuge  with  their  families  in  the  lower  towns. 
He  found  about  five  hundred  militia  assembled  at  Manchester, 
under  Colonel  Seth  Warner ;  others  were  coming  on  from  New 
Hampshire  and  Massachusetts,  to  protect  their  uncovered  fron- 
tier. His  letters  dated  the  4th  of  August,  expressed  the  expec- 
tation of  being,  in  a  few  days,  at  the  head  of  at  least  two 
thousand  men.  With  these,  according  to  Washington's  plan, 
he  was  to  hang  on  the  flank  and  rear  of  Burgoyne's  army, 
cramp  its  movements,  and  watch  for  an  opportunity  to  strike 
a  blow. 

Burgoyne  was  now  at  Fort  Edward.  "The  enthusiasm  of 
the  army,  as  well  as  of  the  general,  upon  their  arrival  on  the 
Hudson  River,  which  had  been  so  long  the  object  of  their  hopes 
and  wishes,  may  be  better  conceived  than  described,"  says  a 
British  writer  of  the  day.  The  enthusiasm  of  the  general  was 
soon  checked,  however,  by  symptoms  of  ill-humor  among  his 
Indian  allies.  They  resented  his  conduct  in  regard  to  the  affair 
of  Miss  McCrea,  and  were  impatient  under  the  restraint  to 
which  they  were  subjected.  He  suspected  the  Canadian  inter- 
preters of  fomenting  this  discontent ;  they  being  accustomed  to 
profit  by  the  rapine  of  the  Indians.  At  the  earnest  request  of 
St.  Luc,  in  whom  he  still  had  confidence,  he  called  a  council  of 
the  chiefs ;  when,  to  his  astonishment,  the  tribe  for  whom  that 
gentleman  acted  as  interpreter,  declared  their  intention  of 
returning  home,  and  demanded  his  concurrence  and  assistance. 

Burgoyne  was  greatly  embarrassed.  Should  he  acquiesce,  it 
would  be  to  relinquish  the  aid  of  a  force  obtained  at  an  immense 
expense,  esteemed  in  England  of  great  importance,  and  which 
really  was  serviceable  in  furnishing  scouts  and  outposts  ;  yet  he 
saw  that  a  cordial  reconciliation  with  them  could  only  be 
effected  by  revoking  his  prohibitions,  and  indulging  their  pro- 
pensities to  blood  and  rapine. 

To  his  credit  be  it  recorded,  he  adhered  to  what  was  right, 
and  rejected  what  might  be  deemed  expedient.  He  refused 
their  proposition,  and  persisted  in  the  restraints  he  had 
imposed  upon  them,  but  appealed  to  the  wild  honor,  of  which 
he  yet  considered  them  capable,  by  urging  the  ties  of  faith,  of 
generosity,  of  every  thing  that  has  an  influence  with  civilized 
man.  His  speech  appeared  to  have  a  good  effect.  Some  of  the 
remote  tribes  made  zealous  professions  of  loyalty  and  adhesion. 
Others,  of  Lower  Canada,  only  asked  furloughs  for  parties  to 
return  home  and  gather  in  their  harvests.     These  were  readily 


352  LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON. 

grunted,  and  perfect  harmony  seemed  restored.  The  next  day, 
however,  the  chivalry  of  the  wilderness  deserted  by  scores, 
laden  with  such  spoil  as  they  had  collected  in  their  maraudings. 
These  desertions  continued  from  day  to  day,  until  there 
remained  in  the  camp  scarce  a  vestige  of  the  savage  warriors 
that  had  joined  the  army  at  Skenesborough. 


CHAPTER  XLIX. 

difficulties  of  burgoyne  —  plans  and  expedition  to  ben- 
nington—  st.  leger  before  fort  stanwix general  her- 
kimer at  oriskany  —  high  words  with  his  officers  —  a 

dogged   march an   ambuscade battle   of   oriskany  — 

johnson's  greens  —  death  of  herkimer — spirited   sortie 
of   colonel   willett — sir  john   johnson   driven   to  the 

river flight   of   the   indians sacking   of  sir  john's 

camp  —  colonel  gansevoort  maintains  his  post  —  colonel 
willett   sent   in   quest   of   aid arrives   at   schuyler's 

CAMP. 

New  difficulties  beset  Burgoyne  at  Fort  Edward.  The  horses 
which  had  been  contracted  for  in  Canada,  for  draft,  burden  and 
saddle,  arrived  slowly  and  scantily  ;  having  to  come  a  long- 
distance through  the  wilderness.  Artillery  and  munitions,  too, 
of  all  kinds,  had  to  be  brought  from  Ticonderoga  by  the  way  of 
Lake  George.  These,  with  a  vast  number 'of  boats  for  freight, 
or  to  form  bridges,  it  was  necessary  to  transport  over  the  carry- 
ing places  between  the  lakes  ;  and  by  land  from  Fort  George 
to  Fort  Edward.  Unfortunately,  the  army  had  not  the  requisite 
supply  of  horses  and  oxen.  So  far  from  being  able  to  bring 
forward  provisions  for  a  march,  it  was  with  difficulty  enough 
could  be  furnished  to  feed  the  army  from  day  to  day. 

While  thus  situated,  Burgoyne  received  intelligence  that  the 
part  of  his  army  which  he  had  detached  from  Canada  under 
Colonel  St.  Leger,  to  proceed  by  Lake  Ontario  and  Oswego  and 
make  a  diversion  on  the  Mohawk,  had  penetrated  to  that  river, 
and  were  actually  investing  Fort  Stanwix,  the  stronghold  of 
that  part  of  the  country. 

To  carry  out  the  original  plan  of  his  campaign,  it  now 
behooved  him  to  make  a  rapid  move  down  the  Hudson,  so  as 
to  be  at  hand  to  co-operate  with  St.  Leger  on  his  approach  to 
Albany.     But  how  was  he  to  do  this,  deficient  as  he  was  in 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  353 

horses  and  vehicles  for  transportation  ?  In  this  dilemma  Colonei 
(late  major)  Skene,  the  royalist  of  Skenesborough,  to  whom, 
from  his  knowledge  of  all  this  region,  he  had  of  late  resorted 
for  counsel,  informed  him  that  at  Bennington,  about  twenty-four 
miles  east  of  the  Hudson,  the  Americans  had  a  great  depot  of 
horses,  carriages,  and  supplies  of  all  kinds,  intended  for  their 
Northern  arm}'.  This  place,  he  added,  might  easily  be  sur- 
prised, being  guarded  by  only  a  small  militia  force. 

An  expedition  was  immediately  set  on  foot ;  not  only  to  sur- 
prise this  place,  but  to  scour  the  country  from  Rockingham  to 
Otter  Creek  ;  go  down  the  Connecticut  as  far  as  Brattleborough, 
and  return  by  the  great  road  to  Albany,  there  to  meet  Bur- 
goyne.  They  were  to  make  prisoners  or  all  officers,  civil  and 
military,  whom  they  might  meet,  acting  under  Congress  ;  to 
tax  the  towns  where  they  halted  with  every  thing  they  stood  in 
need  of,  and  bring  off  all  horses  lit  for  the  dragoons,  or  for 
battalion  service,  with  as  many  saddles  and  bridles  as  could  be 
found. 

They  were  everywhere  to  give  out  that  this  was  the  vanguard 
of  the  British  army,  which  would  soon  follow  on  its  way  to 
Boston,  and  would  be  joined  by  the  army  from  Rhode  Island. 
Before  relating  the  events  of  this  expedition,  we  will  turn  to 
notice  those  of  the  detachment  under  St.  Leger,  with  which 
it  was  intended  to  co-operate,  and  which  was  investing  Fort 
Schuyler. 

This  fort,  built  in  1756,  on  the  site  of  an  old  French  fortifi- 
cation, and  formerly  called  Fort  Stanwix,  from  a  British  general 
of  that  name,  was  situated  on  the  right  bank  of  the  Mohawk 
River,  at  the  head  of  its  navigation,  and  commanding  the 
carrying  place  between  it  and  Wood  Creek,  whence  the  boats 
passed  to  the  Oneida  Lake,  the  Oswego  River,  and  Lake 
Ontario.  It  was  thus  a  key  to  the  intercourse  between  Upper 
Canada  and  the  valley  of  the  Mohawk.  The  fort  was  square, 
with  four  bastions,  and  was  originally  a  place  of  strength  ; 
having  bomb-proof  magazines,  a  deep  moat  and  drawbridge,  a 
sally-port,  and  covered  way.  In  the  long  interval  of  peace 
subsequent  to  the  French  war  it  had  fallen  to  decay.  Recently 
it  had  been  repaired  by  order  of  General  Schuyler,  and  had 
received  his  name.  It  was  garrisoned  by  seven  hundred  and 
fifty  Continental  troops  from  New  York  and  Massachusetts, 
and  was  under  the  command  of  Colonel  Gansevoort  of  the  New 
York  line,  a  stout-hearted  officer  of  Dutch  descent,  who  had 
served  under  General  Montgomery  in  Canada. 

It  was  a  motley  force  which  appeared  before  it ;   British, 


354  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Hessian,  Royalist,  Canadian  and  Indian,  about  seventeen  hun- 
dred in  all.  Among  thern  were  St.  Leger's  rangers  and  Sir 
John  Johnson's  royalist  corps,  called  his  Greens.  Many  of  the 
latter  had  followed  Sir  John  into  Canada  from  the  valley  of 
the  Mohawk,  and  were  now  returned  to  bring  the  horrors  of  war 
among  their  former  neighbors.  The  Indians,  their  worthy 
allies,  were  led  by  the  famous  Brant. 

On  the  3d  of  August,  St.  Leger  sent  in  a  flag  with  a  sum- 
mons to  surrender ;  accompanied  by  a  proclamation  in  style 
and  spirit  similar  to  that  recently  issued  by  Burgoyne,  and 
intended  to  operate  on  the  garrison.  Both  his  summons  and 
his  proclamation  were  disregarded.  He  now  set  his  troops  to 
work  to  fortify  his  camp  and  clear  obstructions  from  Wood 
Creek  and  the  roads,  for  the  transportation  of  artillery  and  pro- 
visions, and  sent  out  -scouting  parties  of  Indians  in  all  direc- 
tions, to  cut  off  all  communication  of  the  garrison  with  the 
surrounding  country.  A  few  shells  were  thrown  into  the  fort. 
The  chief  annoyance  of  the  garrison  was  from  the  Indians 
tiring  with  their  rifles  from  behind  trees  on  those  busied  in 
repairing  the  parapets.  At  night  they  seemed  completely  to  sur- 
round the  fort,  filling  the  woods  with  their  yells  and  howlings. 

On  the  6th  of  August,  three  men  made  their  way  into  the 
fort  through  a  swamp,  which  the  enemy  had  deemed  impass- 
able. They  "brought  the  cheering  intelligence  that  General 
Herkimer,  the  veteran  commander  of  the  militia  of  Tryon 
County,  was  at  Oriskany,  about  eight  miles  distant,  with  upward 
of  eight  hundred  men.  The  people  of  that  country  were  many 
of  them  of  German  origin ;  some  of  them  Germans  by  birth. 
Herkimer  was  among  the  former ;  a  large  and  powerful  man, 
about  sixty-five  years  of  age.  He  requested  Colonel  Ganse- 
voort,  through  his  two  messengers,  to  fire  three  signal-guns  on 
receiving  word  of  his  vicinage  ;  upon  hearing  which,  he  would 
endeavor  to  force  his  way  to  the  fort,  depending  upon  the 
co-operation  of  the  garrison. 

The  messengers  had  been  despatched  by  Herkimer  on  the 
evening  of  the  5th,  and  he  had  calculated  that  they  would 
reach  the  fort  at  a  very  early  hour  in  the  morning.  Through 
some  delay,  they  did  not  reach  it  until  between  ten  and  eleven 
o'clock.  Gansevoort  instantly  complied  with  the  message. 
Three  signal-guns  were  fired,  and  Colonel  Willett,  of  the  New 
York  Continentals,  with  two  hundred  and  fifty  men  and  an  iron 
three-pounder,  was  detached  to  make  a  diversion,  by  attacking 
that  part  of  the  enemy's  camp  occupied  by  Johnson  and  bus 
royalists. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  855 

The  delay  of  the  messengers  in  the  night,  however,  discon- 
certed the  plan  of  Herkimer.  He  marshalled  his  troops  by 
daybreak  and  waited  for  the  signal-guns.  Hour  after  hour 
elapsed,  but  no  gun  was  heard.  His  officers  became  impatient 
of  delay,  and  urged  an  immediate  march.  Herkimer  represented 
that  they  were  too  weak  to  force  their  way  to  the  fort  without 
re-enforcements,  or  without  being  sure  of  co-operation  from  the 
garrison,  and  was  still  for  awaiting  the  preconcerted  signals. 
High  words  ensued  between  him  and  two  of  his  officers.  He 
had  a  brother  and  other  relatives  among  the  enemy,  and  hence 
there  were  some  doubts  of  his  fidelity  ;  though  they  subsequently 
proved  to  be  unmerited.  Colonels  Cox  and  Paris  were  particu- 
larly urgent  for  an  advance,  and  suspicious  of  the  motives  for 
holding  back.  Paris  was  a  prominent  man  in  Try  on  County,  and 
member  of  the  committee  of  safety,  and  in  compliance  with  the 
wishes  of  that  committee,  accompanied  Herkimer  as  his  volun- 
teer aide.  Losing  his  temper  in  the  dispute,  he  accused  the 
latter  of  being  either  a  tory  or  a  coward.  "  No,"  replied  the 
brave  old  man,  "  I  feel  toward  you  all  as  a  father,  and  will  not 
lead  you  into  a  scrape  from  which  I  cannot  extricate  you." 
His  discretion,  however,  was  overpowered  by  repeated  taunts, 
and  he  at  length,  about  nine  o'clock,  gave  the  word  to  march  ; 
intimating,  however,  that  those  who  were  the  most  eager  to 
advance,  would  be  the  first  to  run  away. 

The  march  was  rather  dogged  and  irregular.  There  was  ill- 
humor  between  the  general  and  his  officers.  Colonels  Paris  and 
Cox  advised  him  to  throw  out  a  reconnoitring  party  in  the 
advance,  but  he  disregarded  their  advice,  and,  perhaps  in  very 
opposition  to  it,  neglected  so  necessary  a  precaution.  About 
ten  o'clock  they  came  to  a  place  where  the  road  was  carried  on 
a  causeway  of  logs  across  a  deep  marshy  ravine,  between  high 
level  banks.  The  main  division  descended  into  the  ravine, 
followed  by  the  baggage- wagons.  They  had  scarcely  crossed 
it,  when  enemies  suddenly  sprang  up  in  front  and  on  either 
side,  with  deadly  volleys  of  musketry,  and  deafening  yells  and 
war-whoops.  In  fact,  St.  Leger,  apprised  by  his  scouts  of 
their  intended  approach,  had  sent  a  force  to  waylay  them.  This 
was  composed  of  a  division  of  Johnson's  Greens,  led  by  his 
brother-in-law,  Major  Watts ;  a  company  of  rangers  under 
Colonel  Butler,  a  refugee  from  this  neighborhood,  and  a  strong 
body  of  Indians  under  Brant.  The  troops  were  stationed  in 
front  just  beyond  the  ravine  ;  the  Indians  along  each  side  of  the 
road.  The  plan  of  the  ambuscade  was  to  let  the  van  of  the 
Americans  pass  the  ravine  and  advance  between  the  concealed 


356  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

parties,  when  the  attack  was  to  be  commenced  by  the  troops  in 
front,  after  which,  the  Indians  were  to  fall  on  the  Americans  in 
rear  and  cut  off  all  retreat. 

The  savages,  however,  could  not  restrain  their  natural  fero- 
city and  hold  back  as  ordered,  but  discharged  their  rifles  simul- 
taneously with  the  troops,  and  instantly  rushed  forward  with 
spears  and  tomahawks,  yelling  like  demons,  and  commencing  a 
dreadful  butchery.  The  rear-guard,  which  had  not  entered  the 
ravine,  retreated.  The  main  body,  though  thrown  into  con- 
fusion, defended  themselves  bravely.  One  of  those  severe 
conflicts  ensued,  common  in  Indian  warfare,  where  the  combat- 
ants take  post  with  their  rifles,  behind  rock  and  tree,  or  come 
to  deadly  struggle  with  knife  and  tomahawk. 

The  veteran  Herkimer  was  wounded  early  in  the  action.  A 
musket  ball  shattered  his  leg  just  below  the  knee,  killing  his 
horse  at  the  same  time.  He  made  his  men  place  him  on  his 
saddle  at  the  foot  of  a  large  beech  tree,  against  the  trunk  of 
which  he  leaned,  continuing  to  give  his  orders. 

The  regulars  attempted  to  charge  with  the  bayonet ;  but  the 
Americans  formed  themselves  in  circles  back  to  back,  and  re- 
pelled them.  A  heavy  storm  of  thunder  and  rain  caused  a  tem- 
porary lull  to  the  fight,  during  which  the  patriots  changed  their 
ground.  Some  of  them  stationed  themselves  in  pairs  behind 
trees ;  so  that  when  one  had  fired  the  other  could  cover  him 
until  he  had  reloaded  ;  for  the  savages  were  apt  to  rush  up  with 
knife  and  tomahawk  the  moment  a  man  had  discharged  his 
piece.  Johnson's  Greens  came  up  to  sustain  the  Indians,  who 
were  giving  way,  and  now  was  the  fiercest  part  of  the  fight.  Old 
neighbors  met  in  deadly  feud  ;  former  intimacy  gave  bitterness 
to  present  hate,  and  war  was  literally  carried  to  the  knife ;  for 
the  bodies  of  combatants  were  afterward  found  on  the  field  of 
battle,  grappled  in  death,  with  the  hand  still  grasping  the  knife 
plunged  in  a  neighbor's  heart.  The  very  savages  seemed  inspired 
with  unusual  ferocity  by  the  confusion  and  death  struggle  around 
them,  and  the  sight  of  their  prime  warriors  and  favorite  chiefs 
shot  down.  In  their  blind  fury  the}*  attacked  the  white  men 
indiscriminately,  friend  or  foe,  so  that  in  this  chance-medley 
fight  many  of  Sir  John's  Greens  were  slain  by  his  own  Indian 
allies. 

A  confusion  reigns  over  the  accounts  of  this  fight ;  in  which 
every  one  saw  little  but  what  occurred  in  his  immediate  vi- 
cinhVv.  The  Indians,  at  length,  having  lost  many  of  their 
bravest  warriors,  gave  the  retreating  cry,  Oonah  !  Oonah !  and 
fled  to  the  woods.     The  Greens  and  rangers,  hearing  a  firing 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  357 

in  the  direction  of  the  fort,  feared  an  attack  upon  their  camp, 
and  hastened  to  its  defence,  carrying  off  with  them  many 
prisoners.  The  Americans  did  not  pursue  them,  but  placing 
their  wounded  on  litters  made  of  branches  of  trees,  returned  to 
Oriskany.  Both  parties  have  claimed  the  victory  ;  but  it  does 
not  appear  that  either  was  entitled  to  it.  The  dead  of  both 
parties  lay  for  days  unburied  on  the  field  of  action,  and  a 
wounded  officer  of  the  enemy  (Major  Watts)  remained  there 
two  days  unrelieved,  until  found  by  an  Indian  scout.  It  would 
seem  as  if  each  party  gladly  abandoned  this  scene  of  one  of 
the  most  savage  conflicts  of  the  Revolution.  The  Americans 
had  two  hundred  killed,  and  a  number  wounded.  Several  of 
these  were  officers.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  is  thought  to  have 
been  equally  great  as  to  numbers ;  but  then  the  difference  in 
value  between  regulars  and  militia  !  the  former  often  the  refuse 
of  mankind,  mere  hirelings,  whereas  among  the  privates  of  the 
militia,  called  out  from  their  homes  to  defend  their  neighbor- 
hood, were  many  of  the  worthiest  and  most  valuable  of  the  yeo- 
manry. The  premature  haste  of  the  Indians  in  attacking,  had 
saved  the  Americans  from  being  completely  surrounded.  The 
rear-guard,  not  having  entered  the  defile,  turned  and  made  a 
rapid  retreat,  but  were  pursued  by  the  Indians,  and  suffered 
greatly  in  a  running  fight.  We  may  add  that  those  who  had 
been  most  urgent  with  General  Herkimer  for  this  movement, 
were  among  the  first  to  suffer  from  it.  Colonel  Cox  was  shot 
down  at  the  first  fire,  so  was  a  son  of  Colonel  Paris  ;  the  colonel 
himself  was  taken  prisoner,  and  fell  beneath  the  tomahawk  of 
the  famous  Red  Jacket. 

As  to  General  Herkimer,  he  was  conve}-ed  to  his  residence 
on  the  Mohawk  River,  and  died  nine  days  after  the  battle,  not 
so  much  from  his  wound  as  from  bad  surgery ;  sinking  grad- 
ually through  loss  of  blood  from  an  unskilful  amputation.  He 
died  like  a  philosopher  and  a  Christian,  smoking  his  pipe  and 
reading  his  Bible  to  the  last.  His  name  has  been  given  to  a 
county  in  that  part  of  the  State.1 

The  sortie  of  Colonel  Willett  had  been  spirited  and  success- 
ful. He  attacked  the  encampments  of  Sir  John  Johnson  and 
the  Indians,  which  were  contiguous,  and  strong  detachments  of 
which  were  absent  on  the  ambuscade.  Sir  John  and  his  men 
were  driven  to  the  river  ;  the  Indians  fled  to  the  woods.  Willett 
sacked  their  camps ;  loaded  wagons  with  camp  equipage,  cloth- 
ing, blankets,  and  stores  of  all  kinds,  seized  the  baggage  and 

1  Some  of  the  particulars  of  this  action  were  given  to  the  author  by  a  sou  of  Colonel 
Paris. 


358  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

papers  of  Sir  John  and  of  several  of  his  officers,  and  retreated 
safely  to  the  fort,  just  as  St.  Leger  was  coming  up  with  a  pow- 
erful re-enforcement.  Five  colors,  which  he  had  brought  away 
with  him  as  trophies,  were  displayed  under  the  flag  of  the  fort^ 
while  his  men  gave  three  cheers  from  the  ramparts. 

St.  Leger  now  endeavored  to  operate  on  the  fears  of  the  gar- 
rison. His  prisoners,  it  is  said,  were  compelled  to  write  a 
letter,  giving  dismal  accounts  of  the  affair  of  Oriskany,  and  of 
the  impossibilit}'  of  getting  any  succor  to  the  garrison  ;  of  the 
probability  that  Burgoyne  and  his  army  were  then  before 
Albany,  and  advising  surrender  to  prevent  inevitable  destruc- 
tion. It  is  probable  they  were  persuaded,  rather  than  com- 
pelled, to  write  the  letter,  which  took  its  tone  from  their  own 
depressed  feelings  and  the  misrepresentations  of  those  around 
them.  St.  Leger  accompanied  the  letter  with  warnings  that, 
should  the  garrison  persist  in  resistance,  he  would  not  be  able 
to  restrain  the  fury  of  the  savages ;  who,  though  held  in  check 
for  the  present,  threatened,  if  further  provoked,  to  revenge  the 
deaths  of  their  warriors  and  chiefs  by  slaughtering  the  garrison, 
and  laying  waste  the  whole  valley  of  the  Mohawk. 

All  this  failing  to  shake  the  resolution  of  Gansevoort,  St. 
Leger  next  issued  an  appeal  to  the  inhabitants  of  Try  on  County, 
signed  by  their  old  neighbors,  Sir  John  Johnson,  Colonel  Claus 
and  Colonel  Butler,  promising  pardon  and  protection  to  all  who 
should  submit  to  royal  authority,  and  urging  them  to  send  a 
deputation  of  their  principal  men  to  overcome  the  mulish  obsti- 
nacy of  the  garrison,  and  save  the  whole  surrounding  country 
from  Indian  ravage  and  massacre.  The  people  of  the  county, 
however,  were  as  little  to  be  moved  as  the  garrison. 

St.  Leger  now  began  to  lose  heart.  The  fort  proved  more 
capable  of  defence  than  he  had  anticipated.  His  artillery  was 
too  light,  and  the  ramparts,  being  of  sod,  were  not  easily 
battered.  He  was  obliged  reluctantly  to  resort  to  the  slow 
process  of  sapping  and  mining,  and  began  to  make  regular 
approaches. 

Gansevoort,  seeing  the  siege  was  likely  to  be  protracted,  re- 
solved to  send  to  General  Schuyler  for  succor.  Colonel  Willett 
volunteered  to  undertake  the  perilous  errand.  He  was  accom- 
panied by  Lieutenant  Stockwell,  an  excellent  woodsman,  who 
served  as  a  guide.  They  left  the  fort  on  the  10th,  after  dark, 
by  a  sally-port,  passed  by  the  British  sentinels  and  close  by  the 
Indian  camp,  without  being  discovered,  and  made  their  way 
through  bog  and  morass  and  pathless  forests,  and  all  kinds  of 
risks  and  hardships,  until  they  reached  the  German  Flats  on  the 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  359 

Mohawk.  Here  Willett  procured  a  couple  of  horses,  and  by 
dint  of  hoof  arrived  at  the  camp  of  General  Schuyler  at  Still- 
water. A  change  had  come  over  the  position  of  that  com- 
mander four  days  previous  to  the  arrival  of  Colonel  Willett,  as 
we  shall  relate  in  the  ensuing  chapter. 


CHAPTER  L. 

SCHUYLER   HEARS     OF    THE     AFFAIR   OF    ORISKANY APPLIES     FOR 

RE-ENFORCEMENTS HIS  APPEAL  TO   THE    PATRIOTISM   OF    STARK 

SCHUYLER  SUPERSEDED HIS  CONDUCT  THEREUPON RELIEF 

SENT   TO    FORT    STANWIX ARNOLD    VOLUNTEERS   TO  CONDUCT  IT 

CHANGE     OF      ENCAMPMENT PATRIOTIC     DETERMINATION     OF 

SCHUYLER DETACHMENT    OF    THE   ENEMY  AGAINST    BENNINGTON 

GERMANS    AND    THEIR    INDIAN    ALLIES BAUM,     THE    HESSIAN 

LEADER STARK    IN   THE    FIELD MUSTERING    OF     THE    MILITIA 

A    BELLIGERENT   PARSON BATTLE    OF     BENNINGTON BREY- 

MAN    TO     THE     RESCUE ROUTED RECEPTION     OF     THE     NEWS 

IN   THE   RIVAL    CAMPS  —  WASHINGTON   URGES   NEW   ENGLAND   TO 
FOLLOW   UP   THE    BLOW. 

Schuyler  was  in  Albany  in  the  early  part  of  August,  making 
stirring  appeals  in  every  direction  for  re-enforcements.  Bur- 
goyne  was  advancing  upon  him  ;  he  had  received  news  of  the 
disastrous  affair  of  Oriskany,  and  the  death  of  General  Her- 
kimer, and  Tryon  County  was  crying  to  him  for  assistance. 
One  of  his  appeals  was  to  the  veteran  John  Stark,  the  comrade 
of  Putnam  in  the  French  war  and  the  battle  of  Bunker's  Hill. 
He  had  his  farm  in  the  Hampshire  Grants,  and  his  name  was  a 
tower  of  strength  among  the  Green  Mountain  Boys.  But  Stark 
was  soured  with  government,  and  had  retired  from  service,  his 
name  having  been  omitted  in  the  list  of  promotions.  Hearing 
that  he  was  on  a  visit  to  Lincoln's  camp  at  Manchester, 
Schuyler  wrote  to  that  general,  "  Assure  General  Stark  that  I 
have  acquainted  Congress  of  his  situation,  and  that  I  trust  and 
entreat  he  will,  in  the  present  alarming  crisis,  waive  his  right ; 
the  greater  the  sacrifice  he  makes  to  his  feelings,  the  greater 
will  be  the  honor  due  to  him  for  not  having  suffered  any  consid- 
eration whatever  to  come  in  competition  with  the  weal  of  his 
country  :  entreat  him  to  march  immediately  to  our  army." 

Schuyler  had  instant  call  to  practise  the  very  virtue  he  was 
inculcating.     He  was  about  to  mount  his  horse  on  the  10th,  to 


360  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

return  to  the  camp  at  Stillwater,  when  a  despatch  from  Con- 
gress was  put  into  his  hand  containing  the  resolves  which 
recalled  "him  to  attend  a  court  of  inquiry  about  the  affair  of 
Ticonderoga,  and  requested  Washington  to  appoint  an  officer 
to  succeed  him. 

Schuyler  felt  deeply  the  indignity  of  being  thus  recalled  at  a 
time  when  an  engagement  was  apparently  at  hand,  but  endeav- 
ored to  console  himself  with  the  certainty  that  a  thorough 
investigation  of  his  conduct  would  prove  how  much  he  was 
entitled  to  the  thanks  of  his  country.  He  intimated  the  same 
in  his  reply  to  Congress ;  in  the  mean  time,  he  considered  it  his 
duty  to  remain  at  his  post  until  his  successor  should  arrive,  or 
some  officer  in  the  department  be  nominated  to  the  command. 
Returning,  therefore,  to  the  camp  at  Stillwater,  he  continued  to 
conduct  the  affairs  of  the  army  with  unremitting  zeal.  "  Until 
the  country  is  in  safety,"  said  he,  "  I  will  stifle  my  resent- 
ment. " 

His  first  care  was  to  send  relief  to  Gansevoort,  and  his  be- 
leaguered garrison.  Eight  hundred  men  were  all  that  he  could 
spare  from  his  army  in  its  present  threatened  state.  A  spirited 
and  effective  officer  was  wanted  to  lead  them.  Arnold  was  in 
camp,  recently  sent  on  as  an  efficient  coadjutor,  by  Washing- 
ton ;  he  was  in  a  state  of  exasperation  against  the  government, 
having  just  learned  that  the  question  of  rank  had  been  decided 
against  him  in  Congress.  Indeed,  he  would  have  retired  in- 
stantly from  the  service,  had  not  Schuyler  prevailed  on  him  to 
remain  until  the  impending  danger  was  over.  It  was  hardly  to 
be  expected  that  in  his  irritated  mood  he  would  accept  the  com- 
mand of  the  detachment,  if  offered  to  him.  Arnold,  however, 
was  a  combustible  character.  The  opportunity  of  an  exploit 
flashed  on  his  adventurous  spirit.  He  stepped  promptly  forward 
and  volunteered  to  lead  the  enterprise.  '*  No  public  nor  private 
injury  or  insult,"  said  he,  "  shall  prevail  on  me  to  forsake  the 
cause  of  my  injured  and  oppressed  country,  until  I  see  peace 
and  liberty  restored  to  her,  or  nobly  die  in  the  attempt. ' ' ! 

After  the  departure  of  this  detachment,  it  was  unanimously 
determined  in  a  council  of  war  of  Schuyler  and  his  general 
officers,  that  the  post  at  Stillwater  was  altogether  untenable 
with  their  actual  force ;  part  of  the  army,  therefore,  retired  to 
the  islands  at  the  fords  on  the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk  River, 
where  it  empties  into  the  Hudson,  and  a  brigade  was  posted 
above  the  Falls  of  the  Mohawk,  called  the  Cohoes,  to  prevent 

1  Letter  to  Gates.    Gates's  Papers. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  361 

the  enemy  from  crossing  there.  It  was  considered  a  strong 
position,  where  they  could  not  be  attacked  without  great  disad- 
vantage to  the  assailant. 

The  feelings  of  Schuyler  were  more  and  more  excited  as  the 
game  of  war  appeared  drawing  to  a  crisis.  u  I  am  resolved," 
writes  he  to  his  friend  Duane,  "  to  make  another  sacrifice  to  my 
country,  and  risk  the  censure  of  Congress  by  remaining  in  this 
quarter  after  I  am  relieved,  and  bringing  up  the  militia  to  the 
support  of  this  weak  army." 

As  yet  he  did  not  know  who  was  to  be  his  successor  in  the 
command.  A  letter  from  Duane  informed  him  that  General 
Gates  was  the  man. 

Still  the  noble  part  of  Schuyler's  nature  was  in  the  ascendant. 
"Your  fears  may  be  up,"  writes  he  in  reply,  "lest  the  ill- 
treatment  I  have  experienced  at  his  hands  should  so  far  get  the 
better  of  my  judgment  as  to  embarrass  him.  Do  not,  my  dear 
friend,  be  uneasy  on  that  account.  I  am  incapable  of  sacri- 
ficing my  country  to  a  resentment,  however  just ;  and  I  trust  I 
shall  give  an  example  of  what  a  good  citizen  ought  to  do  when 
he  is  in  my  situation." 

We  will  now  take  a  view  of  occurrences  on  the  right  and  left 
of  Burgo}-ne,  and  show  the  effect  of  Schuyler's  measures, 
poorly  seconded  as  they  were,  in  crippling  and  straitening  the 
invading  army.  And  first,  we  will  treat  of  the  expedition 
against  Bennington.  This  was  a  central  place,  whither  the  live 
stock  was  driven  from  various  parts  of  the  Hampshire  Grants, 
and  whence  the  American  army  derived  its  supplies.  It  was  a 
great  deposit,  also,  of  grain  of  various  kinds,  and  of  wheel  car- 
riages ;  the  usual  guard  was  militia,  varying  from  day  to  day. 
Bennington  was  to  be  surprised.  The  country  was  to  be  scoured 
from  Rockingham  to  Otter  Creek  in  quest  of  provisions  for  the 
army,  horses  and  oxen  for  draft,  and  horses  for  the  cavalry. 
All  public  magazines  were  to  be  sacked.  All  cattle  belonging 
to  royalists,  and  which  could  be  spared  by  their  owners,  were 
to  be  paid  for.  All  rebel  flocks  and  herds  were  to  be  driven 
away. 

Generals  Phillips  and  Riedesel  demurred  strongly  to  the  expe- 
dition, but  their  counsels  were  outweighed  by  those  of  Colonel 
Skene,  the  royalist.  He  knew,  he  said,  all  the  country  there- 
about. The  inhabitants  were  as  five  to  one  in  favor  of  the 
royal  cause,  and  would  be  prompt  to  turn  out  on  the  first  ap- 
pearance of  a  protecting  army.  He  was  to  accompany  the 
expedition,  and  much  was  expected  from  his  personal  influence 
and  authority. 


362  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Lieutenant-Colonel  Baum  was  to  command  the  detachment. 
He  had  under  him,  according  to  Burgoyne,  two  hundred  dis- 
mounted dragoons  of  the  regiment  of  Riedesel,  Captain  Fraser's 
marksmen,  which  were  the  only  British,  all  the  Canadian  volun- 
teers, a  party  of  the  provincials  who  perfectly  knew  the  coun- 
try, one  hundred  Indians,  and  two  light  pieces  of  cannon.  The 
whole  detachment  amounted  to  about  five  hundred  men.  The 
dragoons,  it  was  expected,  would  supply  themselves  with  horses 
in  the  course  of  the  foray  ;  and  a  skeleton  corps  of  royalists 
would  be  filled  up  by  recruits.  The  Germans  had  no  great  lik- 
ing for  the  Indians  as  fellow-campaigners  ;  especially  those  who 
had  come  from  Upper  Canada  under  St.  Luc.  "  These  savages 
are  heathens,  huge,  warlike  and  enterprising,  but  wicked  as 
Satan,"  writes  a  Hessian  officer.  "  Some  say  they  are  canni- 
bals, but  I  do  not  believe  it ;  though  in  their  fury  they  will  tear 
the  flesh  off  their  enemies  with  their  teeth.  They  have  a  martial 
air,  and  their  wild  ornaments  become  them."  *  St.  Luc,  who 
commanded  them,  had  been  a  terror  to  the  English  colonists  in 
the  French  war,  and  it  was  intimated  that  he  possessed  great 
treasures  of  "  old  English  scalps."  He  and  his  warriors, 
however,  had  disappeared  from  camp  since  the  affair  of  Miss 
McCrea.     The  present  were  Indians  from  Lower  Canada. 

The  choice  of  German  troops  fortius  foray  was  much  sneered 
at  by  the  British  officers.  "  A  corps  could  riot  have  been  found 
in  the  whole  army,"  said  they,  "  so  unfit  for  a  service  requir- 
ing rapidity  of  motion,  as  Riedesel's  dragoons.  The  very  hat 
and  sword  of  one  of  them  weighed  nearly  as  much  as  the  whole 
equipment  of  a  British  soldier.  The  worst  British  regiment  in 
the  service  would  march  two  miles  to  their  one." 

To  be  nearer  at  hand  in  case  assistance  should  be  required, 
Burgoyne  encamped  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson,  nearly 
opposite  Saratoga,  throwing  over  a  bridge  of  boats  by  which 
General  Fraser,  with  the  advanced  guard,  crossed  to  that  place. 
Colonel  Baum  set  out  from  camp  at  break  of  day,  on  the  13th 
of  August.  All  that  had  been  predicted  of  his  movements  was 
verified.  The  badness  of  the  road,  the  excessive  heat  of  the 
weather,  and  the  want  of  carriages  and  horses  were  alleged  in 
excuse  ;  but  slow  and  unapt  men  ever  meet  with  impediments.. 
Some  cattle,  carts  and  wagons  were  captured  at  Cambridge  ;  a 
few  horses  also  were  brought  in  ;  but  the  Indians  killed  or  drove 
off  all  that  fell  into  their  hands,  unless  they  were  paid  in  cash 
for  their  prizes.     "  The  country  people  of  these  parts,"  writes 

1  Schlozer's  Briefwechsel,  Th.  iii.  Heft  xvii. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  363 

the  Hessian  narrator,  "  came  in  crowds  to  Governor  Skene,  as 
he  was  called,  and  took  the  oath  of  allegiance  ;  but  even  these 
faithless  people,"  adds  he,  "were  subsequently  our  bitterest 
assailants." 

Baum  was  too  slow  a  man  to  take  a  place  by  surprise.  The 
people  of  Bennington  heard  of  his  approach  and  were  on  the 
alert.  The  veteran  Stark  was  there  with  eight  or  nine  hundred 
troops.  During  the  late  alarms  the  militia  of  the  State  had 
been  formed  into  two  brigades,  one  to  be  commanded  by  Gen- 
eral William  Whipple  ;  Stark  had  with  difficulty  been  prevailed 
upon  to  accept  the  command  of  the  other,  upon  the  express  con- 
dition that  he  should  not  be  obliged  to  join  the  main  army,  but 
should  be  left  to  his  own  discretion,  to  make  war  in  his  own  par- 
tisan style,  hovering  about  the  enemy  in  their  march  through  the 
country,  and  accountable  to  none  but  the  authorities  of  New 
Hampshire. 

General  Lincoln  had  informed  Stark  of  the  orders  of  General 
Schuyler,  that  all  the  militia  should  repair  to  Stillwater,  but  the 
veteran  refused  to  comply.  He  had  taken  up  arms,  he  said,  in 
a  moment  of  exigency,  to  defend  the  neighborhood,  which  would 
be  exposed  to  the  ravages  of  the  enemy,  should  he  leave  it,  and 
he  held  himself  accountable  solely  to  the  authorities  of  New 
Hampshire.  This  act  of  insubordination  might  have  involved 
the  doughty  but  somewhat  testy  old  general  in  subsequent  diffi- 
culty, had  not  his  sword  carved  out  an  ample  excuse  for  him. 

Having  heard  that  Indians  had  appeared  at  Cambridge, 
twelve  miles  to  the  north  of  Bennington,  on  the  loth,  he  sent 
out  two  hundred  men  under  Colonel  Gregg  in  quest  of  them.  In 
the  course  of  the  night  he  learned  that  they  were  mere  scouts  in 
advance  of  a  force  marching  upon  Bennington.  He  immedi- 
ately rallied  his  brigade,  called  out  the  militia  of  the  neighbor- 
hood, and  sent  off  for  Colonel  Seth  Warner  (the  quondam 
associate  of  Ethan  Allen)  and  his  regiment  of  militia,  who  were 
with  General  Lincoln  at  Manchester. 

Lincoln  instantly  detached  them,  and  Warner  and  his  men 
marched  all  night  through  drenching  rain,  arriving  at  Stark's 
camp  in  the  morning,  dripping  wet. 

Stark  left  them  at  Bennington  to  dry  and  rest  themselves,  and 
then  to  follow  on  ;  in  the  mean  time,  he  pushed  forward  with 
his  men  to  support  the  party  sent  out  the  preceding  day,  under 
Gregg,  in  quest  of  the  Indians.  He  met  them  about  five  miles 
off,  in  full  retreat,  Baum  and  his  force  a  mile  in  their  rear. 

Stark  halted  and  prepared  for  action.  Baum  also  halted  ; 
posted  himself  on  a  high  ground   at  a  bend  of  the  little  river 


864  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Walloomscoick,  and  began  to  intrench  himself.  Stark  fell  back 
a  mile,  to  wait  for  re-enforcements  and  draw  down  Baum  from 
his  strong  position.  A  skirmish  took  place  between  the  advance 
guards ;  thirty  of  Baum's  men  were  killed  and  two  Indian 
chiefs. 

An  incessant  rain  on  the  15th  prevented  an  attack  on 
Baum's  camp,  but  there  was  continual  skirmishing.  The 
colonel  strengthened  his  intrenchments,  and  finding  he  had 
a  larger  force  to  contend  with  than  he  had  anticipated,  sent  off 
in  all  haste  to  Burgoyne  for  re-enforcements.  Colonel  Breyman 
marched  off  immediately,  with  five  hundred  Hessian  grenadiers 
and  infantry  and  two  six-pouriders,  leaving  behind  him  his  tents, 
baggage,  and  standards.  He,  also,  found  the  roads  so  deep,  and 
the  horses  so  bad,  that  he  was  nearly  two  days  getting  four  and 
twenty  miles.  The  tactics  of  the  Hessians  were  against  them. 
"  So  foolishly  attached  were  they  to  forms  of  discipline,"  writes 
a  British  historian,  "that  in  marching  through  thickets  they 
stopped  ten  times  an  hour  to  dress  their  ranks."  It  was  here, 
in  fact,  that  they  most  dreaded  the  American  rifle.  "  In  the 
open  field,"  said  they,  u  the  rebels  are  not  much ;  but  they  are 
redoubtable  in  the  woods."  1 

In  the  mean  time  the  more  alert  and  active  Americans  had 
been  mustering  from  all  quarters  to  Stark's  assistance,  with  such 
weapons  as  the}^  had  at  hand.  During  the  night  of  the  15th, 
Colonel  Symonds  arrived  with  a  body  of  Berkshire  militia. 
Among  them  was  a  belligerent  parson,  full  of  fight,  Allen  by 
name,  possibly  of  the  bellicose  family  of  the  hero  of  Ticonde- 
roga.  "General,"  cried  he,  "the  people  of  Berkshire  have 
been  often  called  out  to  no  purpose  ;  if  3011  don't  give  them  a 
chance  to  fight  now  they  will  never  turn  out  again."  "You 
would  not  turn  out  now,  while  it  is  dark  and  raining,  would 
you?"  demanded  Stark.  "  Not  just  now,"  was  the  reply. 
"  Well,  if  the  Lord  should  once  more  give  us  sunshine,  and  I 
don't  give  you  fighting  enough,"  rejoined  the  veteran,  "I'll 
never  ask  you  to  turn  out  again." 

On  the  following  morning  the  sun  shone  bright,  and  Stark 
prepared  to  attack  Baum  in  his  intrenchments ;  though  he  had 
no  artillery,  and  his  men,  for  the  most  part,  had  only  their  ordi- 
nary brown  firelocks  without  bayonets.  Two  hundred  of  his 
men,  under  Colonel  Nichols,  were  detached  to  the  rear  of  the 
enemy's  left ;  three  hundred  under  Colonel  Herrick,  to  the  rear 
of  his  right ;  they  were  to  join  their  forces  and  attack  him  in  the 

1  Schlozer's  Briefwechsel. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  365 

rear,  while  Colonels  Hubbard  and  Stickney,  with  two  hundred 
men,  diverted  his  attention  in  front. 

Colonel  Skene  and  the  royalists,  when  they  saw  the  Americans 
issuing  out  of  the  woods  on  different  sides,  persuaded  themselves, 
and  endeavored  to  persuade  Baum,  that  these  were  the  loyal 
people  of  the  country  flocking  to  his  standard.  The  Indians 
were  the  first  to  discover  the  truth.  "The  woods  are  full  of 
Yankees,"  cried  they,  and  retreated  in  single  file  between  the 
troops  of  Nichols  and  Ilerrick,  yelling  like  demons  and  jingling 
cow  bells.  Several  of  them,  however,  were  killed  or  wounded 
as  they  thus  ran  the  gauntlet. 

At  the  first  sound  of  fire-arms,  Stark,  who  had  remained  with 
the  main  body  in  camp,  mounted  his  horse  and  gave  the  word, 
forward!  He  had  promised  his  men  the  plunder  of  the  British 
camp.  The  homely  speech  made  by  him  when  in  sight  of  the 
enemy,  has  often  been  cited.  "  Now,  my  men  !  There  are  the 
red  coats !  Before  night  they  must  be  ours,  or  Molly  Stark 
will  be  a  widow  !  " 

Baum  soon  found- himself  assailed  on.  every  side,  but  he 
defended  his  works  bravely.  His  two  pieces  of  artillery,  advan- 
tageously planted,  were  very  effective,  and  his  troops,  if  slow  in 
march,  were  steady  in  action.  For  two  hours  the  discharge  of 
tire-arms  was  said  to  have  been  like  the  constant  rattling  of  the 
drum.  Stark  in  his  despatches  compared  it  to  a  "  continued 
clap  of  thunder."  It  was  the  hottest  fight  he  had  ever  seen. 
He  inspired  his  men  with  his  own  impetuosity.  They  drove 
the  royalist  troops  upon  the  Hessians,  and  pressing  after  them 
stormed  the  works  with  irresistible  fury.  A  Hessian  eye-wit- 
ness declares  that  this  time  the  rebels  fought  with  desperation, 
pressing  within  eight  paces  of  the  loaded  cannon  to  take  surer 
aim  at  the  artillerists.  The  latter  were  slain  ;  the  cannon  cap- 
tured. The  royalists  and  Canadians  took  to  flight,  and  escaped 
to  the  woods.  The  Germans  still  kept  their  ground,  and  fought 
bravely  until  there  was  not  a  cartridge  left.  Baum  and  his 
dragoons  then  took  to  their  broadswords  and  the  infantry  to 
their  bayonets,  and  endeavored  to  cut  their  way  to  a  road  in  the 
woods,  but  in  vain  ;  many  were  killed,  more  wounded,  Baum 
among  the  number,  and  all  who  survived  were  taken  prisoners.1 

The  victors  now  dispersed,  some  to  collect  booty,  some  to 
attend  to  the  wounded,  some  to  guard  the  prisoners,  and  some 
to  seek  refreshment,  being  exhausted  by  hunger  and  fatigue. 
At  this  critical  juncture,  Breyman's  tardy  re-enforcement  came, 

*  Briefe  hub  Amerika.    Schlozer'a  Brief  wechsel,  Th.  iii.  Heft  xiii. 


366  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

making  its  way  heavily  and  slowly  to  the  scene  of  action,  joined 
by  many  of  the  enemy  who  had  lied.  Attempts  were  made  to  rally 
the  militia  ;  but  they  were  in  complete  confusion.  Nothing  would 
have  saved  them  from  defeat,  had  not  Colonel  Seth  Warner's 
corps  fortunately  arrived  from  Bennington,  fresh  from  repose, 
and  advanced  to  meet  the  enemy,  while  the  others  regained 
their  ranks.  It  was  four  o'clock  in  the  afternoon  when  this 
second  action  commenced.  It  was  fought  from  wood  to  wood 
and  hill  to  hill,  for  several  miles,  until  sunset.  The  last  stand 
of  the  enemy  was  at  Van  Sc.haick's  mill,  where,  having  expended 
all  their  ammunition,  of  which  each  man  had  forty  rounds,  they 
gave  way,  and  retreated,  under  favor  of  the  night,  leaving  two 
lield-pieces  and  all  their  baggage  in  the  hands  of  the  Americans. 
Stark  ceased  to  pursue  them,  lest  in  the  darkness  his  men 
should  fire  upon  each  other.  "  Another  hour  of  daylight,"  said 
he  in  his  report,  "  and  I  should  have  captured  the  whole  bod}r." 
The  veteran  had  had  a  horse  shot  under  him,  but  escaped  without 
wound  or  bruise. 

Four  brass  field-pieces,  nine  hundred  dragoon  swords,  a 
thousand  stand  of  arms,  and  four  ammunition  wagons  were  the 
spoils  of  this  victory.  Thirty-two  officers,  five  hundred  and 
sixty-four  privates,  including  Canadians  and  loyalists,  were 
taken  prisoners.  The  number  of  slain  was  very  considerable,  but 
could  not  be  ascertained,  many  having  fallen  in  the  woods. 
The  brave  but  unfortunate  Baum  did  not  long  survive.  The 
Americans  had  one  hundred  killed  and  wounded. 

Burgoyne  was  awakened  in  his  camp  toward  daylight  of  the 
17th,  by  tidings  that  Colonel  Baum  had  surrendered.  Next 
came  word  that  Colonel  Breyman  wad  engaged  in  severe  and 
doubtful  conflict.  The  whole  army  was  aroused,  and  were 
preparing  to  hasten  to  his  assistance,  when  one  report  after 
another  gave  assurance  that  he  was  on  his  way  back  in  safety. 
The  main  body,  therefore,  remained  in  camp  at  the  Batten  kiln  ; 
but  Burgoyne  forded  that  stream  with  the  47th  regiment  and 
pushed  forward  until  4  o'clock,  when  he  met  Breyman  and  his 
troops,  weary  and  haggard  with  hard  fighting  and  hard  march- 
ing, in  hot  weather.  In  the  evening  all  returned  to  their  old 
encampments.1 

General  Schuyler  was  encamped  on  Van  Schaick's  Island  at 
the  mouth  of  the  Mohawk  River,  when  a  letter  from  General 
Lincoln,  dated  Bennington,  August  18,  informed  him  of  u  the 
capital  blow  given  the  enem}'  by  General  Stark."     "I  trust," 

1  Schliizer's  Brief wcchsel,  Th.  iii.  Heft  xiii. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  367 

replies  he,  August  19,  "  that  the  severity  with  which  they 
have  been  handled  will  retard  General  Burgoyne's  progress. 
Part  of  his  force  was  yesterday  afternoon  about  three  miles  and 
a  half  above  Stillwater.  If  the  enemy  have  entirely  left  that 
part  of  the  country  you  are  in,  I  think  it  would  be  advisable  for 
you  to  move  toward  Hudson  River  tending  toward  Stillwater." 

"Governor  Clinton,"  writes  he  to  Stark  on  the  same  day, 
14  is  coming  up  with  a  body  of  militia,  and  I  trust  that  after 
what  the  enemy  have  experienced  from  you,  their  progress  will 
be  retarded,  and  that  we  shall  see  them  driven  out  of  this  part 
of  the  country." 

He  now  hoped  to  hear  that  Arnold  had  raised  the  siege  of 
Fort  Stanwix.  "If  that  takes  place,"  said  he,  "it  will  be 
possible  to  engage  two  or  three  hundred  Indians  to  join  this 
army,  and  Congress  may  rest  assured  that  my  best  endeavors 
shall  not  be  wanting  to  accomplish  it."  Tidings  of  the  affair 
of  Bennington  reached  Washington,  just  before  he  moved  his 
camp  from  the  neighborhood  of  Philadelphia  to  Wilmington, 
and  it  relieved  his  mind  from  a  world  of  anxious  perplexity. 
In  a  letter  to  Putnam  he  writes,  "As  there  is  not  now  the  least 
danger  of  General  Howe's  going  to  New  England,  I  hope  the 
whole  force  of  that  country  will  turn  out,  and  by  following  the 
great  stroke  struck  by  General  Stark  near  Bennington,  entirely 
crush  General  Burgoyne,  who,  by  his  letter  to  Colonel  Baum, 
seems  to  be  in  want  of  almost  every  thing." 

We  will  now  give  the  fate  of  Burgoyne's  detachment,  under 
St.  Leger,  sent  to  capture  Fort  Stanwix,  and  ravage  the  valley 
of  the  Mohawk. 


CHAPTER   LI. 

stratagem  of  arnold  to  relieve  fort  stanwix yan  yost  cuy- 

ler the  siege   pressed- — indians  intractable success 

of  Arnold's  stratagem — harassed  retreat  of  st.  leger 

moral  effect  of  the  two  blows  given  to  the  enemy 

brightening  prospects  in  the  american  camp arrival  of 

gates magnanimous   conduct  of   schuyler poorly  re- 
quited  by   gates correspondence    between    gates    and 

burgoyne  concerning  the  murder  of  miss  m^crea. 

Arnold's  march  to  the  relief  of  Fort  Stanwix  was  slower  than 
suited  his  ardent  and  impatient  spirit.  He  was  detained  in  the 
valley  of  the  Mohawk  by  bad  roads,  by  the  necessity  of  waiting 


368  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

for  baggage  and  ammunition  wagons,  and  for  militia  recruits 
who  turned  out  reluctantly.  He  sent  missives  to  >  Colonel 
Gansevoort,  assuring  him  that  he  would  relieve  him  in  the 
course  of  a  few  days.  "  Be  under  no  kind  of  apprehension," 
writes  he.  "I  know  the  strength  of  the  enemy,  and  how  to 
aeal  with  them." 

Tu  fact,  conscious  of  the  smallness  of  his  force,  he  had 
resorted  to  stratagem,  sending  emissaries  ahead  to  spread  exag- 
gerated reports  of  the  number  of  his  troops,  so  as  to  work  ou 
the  fears  of  the  enemy's  Indian  allies  and  induce  them  to  desert. 
The  most  important  of  these  emissaries  was  one  Yan  Yost  Cuy- 
ler,  an  eccentric  half-witted  fellow,  known  throughout  the  coun- 
try as  a  rank  tory.  He  had  been  convicted  as  a  spy,  and  only 
spared  from  the  halter  on  the  condition  that  he  would  go  into 
St.  Leger's  camp,  and  spread  alarming  reports  among  the 
Indians,  by  whom  he  was  well  known.  To  insure  a  faithful 
discharge  of  his  mission,  Arnold  detained  his  brother  as  a 
hostage. 

On  his  way  up  the  Mohawk  Valley,  Arnold  was  joined  by  a 
New  York  regiment,  under  Colonel  James  Livingston,  sent  by 
Gates  to  re-enforce  him.  On  arriving  at  the  German  Flats  he 
received  an  express  from  Colonel  Gansevoort,  informing  him 
that  he  was  still  besieged,  but  in  high  spirits  and  under  no 
apprehensions.  In  a  letter  to  Gates,  written  from  the  German 
Flats  (August  21),  Arnold  says,  "I  leave  this  place  this 
morning  with  twelve  hundred  Continental  troops  and  a  handful 
of  militia  for  Fort  Schuyler,  still  besieged  by  a  number  equal  to 
ours.  You  will  hear  of  my  being  victorious  —  or  no  more.  As 
soon  as  the  safety  of  this  part  of  the  country  will  permit,  I  will 
fly  to  your  assistance."  1 

All  this  while  St.  Leger  was  advancing  his  parallels  and 
pressing  the  siege ;  while  provisions  and  ammunition  were 
rapidly  decreasing  within  the  fort.  St.  Leger's  Indian  allies, 
however,  were  growing  sullen  and  intractable.  This  slow 
kind  of  warfare,  this  war  with  the  spade,  they  were  unaccus- 
tomed to,  and  they  by  no  means  relished  it.  Besides,  they 
had  been  led  to  expect  easy  times,  little  fighting,  many  scalps, 
and  much  plunder ;  whereas  they  had  fought  hard,  lost  many 
of  their  best  chiefs,  been  checked  in  their  cruelty,  and  gained 
no  booty. 

At  this  juncture,  scouts  brought  word  that  a  force  one  thou- 
sand strong  was  marching  to  the  relief  of  the  fort.     Eager  to 

1  Gates's  Papers. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  869 

put  his  savages  in  action,  St.  Legcr  in  a  council  of  war  offered 
to  their  chiefs  to  place  himself  at  their  head,  with  three  hundred 
of  his  best  troops,  and  meet  the  enemy  as  they  advanced.  It 
was  agreed,  and  they  sallied  forth  together  to  choose  a  fighting 
ground.  By  this  time  rumors  stole  into  the  camp  doubling  the 
number  of  the  approaching  enemy.  Burgoyne's  whole  army 
were  said  to  have  been  defeated.  Lastly  came  Yan  Yost  Cuy- 
ler,  with  his  coat  full  of  bullet  holes,  giving  out  that  he  had 
escaped  from  the  hands  of  the  Americans,  and  had  been  fired 
upon  by  them.  His  story  was  believed,  for  his  wounded  coat 
corroborated  it,  and  he  was  known  to  be  a  royalist.  Mingling 
among  his  old  acquaintances,  the  Indians,  he  assured  them  that 
the  Americans  were  close  at  hand  and  "  numerous  as  the  leaves 
on  the  trees.' ' 

Arnold's  stratagem  succeeded.  The  Indians,  fickle  as  the 
winds,  began  to  desert.  Sir  John  Johnson  and  Colonels  Claus 
and  Butler  endeavored  in  vain  to  reassure  and  retain  them.  In 
a  little  while  two  hundred  had  decamped,  and  the  rest  threatened 
to  do  so  likewise,  unless  St.  Leger  retreated. 

The  unfortunate  colonel  found  too  late  what  little  reliance  was 
to  be  placed  upon  Indian  allies.  He  determined  on  the  22d  to 
send  off  his  sick,  his  wounded,  and  his  artillery  by  Wood  Creek 
that  very  night,  and  to  protect  them  by  the  line  of  march.  The 
Indians,  however,  goaded  on  by  Arnold's  emissaries,  insisted 
on  instant  retreat.  St.  Leger  still  refused  to  depart  before 
nightfall.  The  savages  now  became  ungovernable.  They 
seized  upon  liquor  of  the  officers  about  to  be  embarked,  and 
getting  intoxicated,  behaved  like  very  fiends. 

In  a  word,  St.  Leger  was  obliged  to  decamp  about  noon,  in 
such  hurry  and  confusion  that  he  left  his  tents  standing,  and 
his  artillery,  with  most  of  his  baggage,  ammunition  and  stores, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Americans. 

A  detachment  from  the  garrison  pursued  and  harassed  him 
for  a  time  ;  but  his  greatest  annoyance  was  from  his  Indian 
allies,  who  plundered  the  boats  which  conveyed  such  baggage 
as  had  been  brought  off ;  murdered  all  stragglers  who  lagged  in 
the  rear,  and  amused  themselves  by  giving  false  alarms  to  keep 
up  the  panic  of  the  soldiery  ;  who  would  throw  away  muskets, 
knapsacks,  and  every  thing  that  impeded  their  flight. 

It  was  not  until  he  reached  Onondaga  Falls  that  St.  Leger 
discovered,  by  a  letter  from  Burgoyne,  and  floating  reports 
brought  by  the  bearer,  that  he  had  been  the  dupe  of  a  ruse  de 
guerre,  and  that  at  the  time  the  advancing  foe  were  reported  to  be 
close  upon  his  haunches,  they  were  not  within  forty  miles  of  him 


370  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

Such  was  the  second  blow  to  Burgoyne's  invading  army  ;  but 
before  the  news  of  it  reached  that  doomed  commander,  he  had 
already  been  half  paratyzed  by  the  disaster  at  Bennington. 

The  moral  effect  of  these  two  blows  was  such  as  Washington 
had  predicted.  Fortune,  so  long  adverse,  seemed  at  length 
to  have  taken  a  favorable  turn.  People  were  roused  from  their 
despondency.  There  was  a  sudden  exaltation  throughout  the 
country.  The  savages  had  disappeared  in  their  native  forests. 
The  German  veterans,  so  much  vaunted  and  dreaded,  had  been 
vanquished  by  militia,  and  British  artillery  captured  by  men, 
some  of  whom  had  never  seen  a  cannon. 

Means  were  now  augmenting  in  Schuyler's  hand.  Colonels 
Livingston  and  Pierre  van  Courtlandt,  forwarded  by  Putnam, 
were  arrived.  Governor  Clinton  was  daily  expected  with  New 
York  militia  from  the  Highlands.  The  arrival  of  Arnold  was 
anticipated  with  troops  and  artillery,  and  Lincoln  with  the  New 
England  militia.  At  this  propitious  moment,  when  every  thing 
was  ready  for  the  sickle  to  be  put  into  the  harvest,  General 
Gates  arrived  in  the  camp. 

Schuyler  received  him  with  the  noble  courtesy  to  which  he 
pledged  himself.  After  acquainting  him  with  all  the  affairs  of 
the  department,  the  measures  he  had  taken  and  those  he  had 
projected,  he  informed  him  of  his  having  signified  to  Congress 
his  intention  to  remain  in  that  quarter  for  the  present,  and  ren- 
der every  service  in  his  power ;  and  he  entreated  Gates  to  call 
upon  him  for  counsel  and  assistance  whenever  he  thought  proper. 

Gates  was  in  high  spirits.  His  letters  to  Washington  show 
how  completely  he  was  aware  that  an  easy  path  of  victory 
had  been  opened  for  him.  "  Upon  my  leaving  Philadelphia," 
writes  he,  "the  prospect  this  way  appeared  most  gloomy, 
but  the  severe  checks  the  enemy  have  met  with  at  Bennington 
and  Tryon  County,  have  given  a  more  pleasing  view  of  pub- 
lic affairs.  Particular  accounts  of  the  signal  victory  gained 
by  General  Stark,  and  of  the  severe  blow  General  Herkimer 
gave  Sir  John  Johnson  and  the  scalpers  under  his  command, 
have  been  transmitted  to  your  Excellency  by  General  Schuy- 
ler. I  anxiously  expect  the  arrival  of  an  express  from  Gen- 
eral Arnold,  with  an  account  of  the  total  defeat  of  the 
enemy  in  that  quarter. 

"  I  cannot  sufficiently  thank  your  Excellency  for  sending 
Colonel  Morgan's  corps  to  this  army.  They  will  be  of  the 
greatest  service  to  it ;  for,  until  the  late  success  this  way,  I 
am  told  the  army  were  quite  panic-struck  by  the  Indians, 
and  their  tory  and  Canadian  assassins  in  Indian  dress." 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  371 

Governor  Clinton  was  immediately  expected  in  camp,  and  he 
intended  to  consult  with  him  and  General  Lincoln  upon  the 
best  plan  to  distress,  and,  he  hoped,  finally  to  defeat  the  enemy. 
"  We  shall,  no  doubt,"  writes  he,  "  unanimously  agree  in  sen- 
timent with  your  Excellency,  to  keep  Generals  Lincoln  and 
Stark  upon  the  flank  and  rear  of  the  enemy,  while  the  main 
body  opposes  them  in  front." 

Not  a  word  does  he  say  of  consulting  Schuyler,  who, 
more  than  any  one  else,  was  acquainted  with  the  department 
and  its  concerns,  who  was  in  constant  correspondence  with 
Washington,  and  had  co-operated  with  him  in  effecting  the 
measures  which  had  produced  the  present  promising  situation 
of  affairs.  So  far  was  he  from  responding  to  Schuyler's 
magnanimity,  and  profiting  by  his  nobly  offered  counsel  and 
assistance,  that  he  did  not  even  ask  him  to  be  present  at  his 
first  council  of  war,  although  he  invited  up  General  Ten  Broeck 
of  the  militia  from  Albany  to  attend  it. 

His  conduct  in  this  respect  provoked  a  caustic  remark  from 
the  celebrated  Gouverneur  Morris.  "  The  commander-in-chief 
of  the  Northern  department,"  said  he,  "may,  if  he  please, 
neglect  to  ask  or  disdain  to  receive  advice,  but  those  who  know 
him,  will,  I  am  sure,  be  convinced  that  he  wants  it." 

Gates  opened  hostilities  against  Burgoyne  with  the  pen.  He 
had  received  a  letter  from  that  commander,  complaining  of  the 
harsh  treatment  experienced  by  the  royalists  captured  at  Ben- 
nington. "  Duty  and  principle,"  writes  Burgoyne,  "  made  me 
a  public  enenvy  to  the  Americans  who  have  taken  up  arms  ;  but 
I  seek  to  be  a  generous  one  ;  nor  have  I  the  shadow  of  resent- 
ment against  any  individual  who  does  not  induce  it  by  acts 
derogatory  to  those  maxims  upon  which  all  men  of  honor  think 
alike." 

There  was  nothing  in  this  that  was  not  borne  out  by  the  con- 
duct and  character  of  Burgoyne ;  but  Gates  seized  upon  the 
occasion  to  assail  that  commander  in  no  measured  terms  in  re- 
gard to  his  Indian  allies. 

14  That  the  savages,"  said  he,  "  should  in  their  warfare  man- 
gle the  unhappy  prisoners  who  fall  into  their  hands,  is  neither 
new  or  extraordinary  ;  but  that  the  famous  General  Burgoyne, 
in  whom  the  fine  gentleman  is  united  with  the  scholar,  should 
hire  the  savages  of  America  to  scalp  Europeans :  nay  more, 
that  he  should  pay  a  price  for  each  scalp  so  barbarously  taken, 
is  more  than  will  be  believed  in  Europe,  until  authenticated 
facts  shall  in  every  gazette  confirm  the  horrid  tale." 

After  this  prelude,  he  went  on  to  state  the  murder  of  Miss 


372  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

McCrea,  alleging  that  her  murderer  was  employed  by  Burgoyne. 
"Two  parents,"  added  he,  "with  their  six  children,  were 
treated  with  the  same  inhumanity  while  quietly  resting  in  their 
once  happy  and  peaceful  dwelling.  Upward  of  one  hundred  men, 
women  and  children,  have  perished  by  the  hands  of  the  ruf- 
fians, to  whom  it  is  asserted  you  have  paid  the  price  of  blood." 

Gates  showed  his  letter  to  General  Lincoln  and  Colonel 
Wilkinson,  who  demurred  to  its  personality ;  but  he  evidently 
conceived  it  an  achievement  of  the  pen,  and  spurned  their 
criticism.1 

Burgoyne,  in  a  manly  reply,  declared  that  he  would  have 
disdaiued  to  justify  himself  from  such  rhapsodies  of  fiction  and 
calumn}T,  but  that  his  silence  might  be  construed  into  an  ad- 
mission of  their  truth,  and  lead  to  acts  of  retaliation.  He  pro- 
nounced all  the  intelligence  cited  respecting  the  cruelties  of 
the  Indians  to  be  false,  with  the  exception  of  the  case  of  Miss 
McCrea.  This  he  put  in  its  true  light,  adding,  that  it  had  been 
as  sincerely  lamented  and  abhorred  by  him,  as  it  could  be  by 
the  tenderest  of  her  friends.  "I  would  not,"  declared  he, 
"be  conscious  of  the  acts  you  presume  to  impute  to  me,  for 
the  whole  continent  of  America  ;  though  the  wealth  of  worlds 
was  in  its  bowels,  and  a  paradise  upon  its  surface." 

We  have  already  shown  what  was  the  real  conduct  of  Bur- 
goyne in  this  deplorable  affair,  and  General  Gates  could  and 
should  have  ascertained  it,  before  "he  presumed  to  impute" 
to  a  gallant  antagonist  and  a  humane  and  cultivated  gentle- 
man, such  base  and  barbarous  policy.  It  was  the  government 
under  which  Burgoyne  served  that  was  chargeable  with  the 
murderous  acts  of  the  savages.  He  is  rather  to  be  pitied  for 
being  obliged  to  employ  such  hell-hounds,  whom  he  endeavored 
in  vain  to  hold  in  check.  Great  Britain  reaped  the  reward  of 
her  policy  in  the  odium  which  it  cast  upon  her  cause,  and  the 
determined  and  successful  opposition  which  it  provoked  in  the 
American  bosom. 

We  will  now  shift  the  scene  to  Washington's  camp  at  Wil- 
mington, where  we  left  him  watching  the  operations  of  the 
British  fleet,  and  preparing  to  oppose  the  army  under  Sir 
William  Howe  in  its  designs  upon  Philadelphia. 

1  After  General  Gates  had  written  his  letter  to  Burgoyne,  he  called  General  Lincoln 
and  myself  into  his  apartment,  read  it  to  us,  and  requested  our  opinion  of  it,  which 
we  declined  giving;  but  being  pressed  by  him,  with  diffidence  we  concurred  in  judg- 
ment, that  he  had  been  too  personal ;  to  which  the  old  gentleman  replied  with  his  char- 
acteristic bluntness,  "  By  G — !  I  don't  believe  either  of  you  can  mend  it;  "  —  and  thus 
the  consultation  terminated.  —  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  vol.  i.  231. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  873 


CHAPTER   LIL 

LANDING    OF    HOWE'S    ARMY  ON  ELK  RIVER  —  MEASURES  TO   CHECK 

IT EXPOSED     SITUATION    OF    WASHINGTON    IN    RECONNOITRING 

ALARM      OF      THE      COUNTRY PROCLAMATION      OF      HOWE 

ARRIVAL  OF  SULLIVAN FOREIGN  OFFICERS  IN  CAMP  —  DEBORRE 

CONWAY FLEURY COUNT      PULASKI FIRST     APPEARANCE 

in   the   army   of    "  light-horse    harry  "    of    virginia 

Washington's   appeal   to  the   army  —  movements   of    the 

rival  forces  —  battle  of  the   brandywine retreat   of 

the  americans halt   in   chester scenes    in   philadel- 
phia  during  the    battle congress   orders   out   militia 

clothes    washington    with    extraordinary    powers 

removes  to  lancaster rewards  to  foreign  officers. 

On  the  25th  of  August,  the  British  army  under  General  Howe 
began  to  land  from  the  fleet  in  Elk  River,  at  the  bottom  of 
Chesapeake  Bay.  The  place  where  they  landed  was  about  six 
miles  below  the  Head  of  Elk  (now  Elkton),  a  small  town,  the 
capital  of  Cecil  County.  This  was  seventy  miles  from  Phila- 
delphia ;  ten  miles  further  from  that  city  than  they  had  been 
when  encamped  at  Brunswick.  The  intervening  country,  too, 
was  less  open  than  the  Jerseys,  and  cut  up  by  deep  streams. 
Sir  William  had  chosen  this  circuitous  route  in  the  expectation 
of  finding  friends  among  the  people  of  Cecil  County,  and  of  the 
lower  counties  of  Pennsylvania ;  many  of  whom  were  Quakers 
and  non-combatants,  and  many  persons  disaffected  to  the  pa- 
triot cause. 

Early  in  the  evening,  Washington  received  intelligence  that 
the  enemy  were  landing.  There  was  a  quantity  of  public  and 
private  stores  at  the  Head  of  Elk,  which  he  feared  would  fall 
into  their  hands  if  they  moved  quickly.  Every  attempt  was  to 
be  made  to  check  them.  The  divisions  of  Generals  Greene  and 
Stephen  were  within  a  few  miles  of  Wilmington  ;  orders  were 
sent  for  them  to  march  thither  immediately.  The  two  other 
divisions,  which  had  halted  at  Chester  to  refresh,  were  to  hurry 
forward.  Major-General  Armstrong,  the  same  who  had  sur- 
prised the  Indian  village  of  Kittaning  in  the  French  war,  and 
who  now  commanded  the  Pennsylvania  militia,  was  urged  to 
send  down,  in  the  cool  of  the  night,  all  the  men  he  could  mus- 
ter, properly  armed.  "  The  first  attempt  of  the  enemy,"  writes 
Washington,  "  will  be  with  light  parties  to  seize  horses,  caiv 


374  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

riages  and  cattle,  and  we  must  endeavor  to  check  them  at 
the  outset." 

General  Rodney,  therefore,  who  commanded  the  Delaware 
militia,  was  ordered  to  throw  out  scouts  and  patrols  toward 
the  enemy,  to  watch  their  motions ;  and  to  move  near  them 
with  his  troops,  as  soon  as  he  should  be  re-enforced  by  the 
Maryland  militia. 

Light  troops  were  sent  out  early  in  the  morning  to  hover 
about  and  harass  the  invaders.  Washington  himself,  accompa- 
nied by  General  Greene  and  the  Marquis  de  Lafayette  and  their 
aides,  rode  forth  to  reconnoitre  the  country  in  the  neighborhood 
of  the  enemy,  and  determine  how  to  dispose  of  his  forces  when 
they  should  be  collected.  The  only  eminences  near  Elk  were 
Iron  Hill  and  Gray's  Hill ;  the  latter  within  two  miles  of  the 
enemy.  It  was  difficult,  however,  to  get  a  good  view  of  their 
encampment,  and  judge  of  the  number  that  had  landed.  Hours 
were  passed  in  riding  from  place  to  place  reconnoitring,  and  tak- 
ing a  military  survey  of  the  surrounding  country.  At  length  a 
severe  storm  drove  the  party  to  take  shelter  in  a  farm-house. 
Night  came  on  dark  and  stormy.  Washington  showed  no  dis- 
position to  depart.  His  companions  became  alarmed  for  his 
safety  ;  there  was  risk  of  his  being  surprised,  being  so  near  the 
enemy's  camp.  He  was  not  to  be  moved  either  by  advice 
or  entreaties,  but  remained  all  night  under  the  farmer's  roof. 
When  he  left  the  house  at  daybreak,  however,  says  Lafayette, 
he  acknowledged  his  imprudence,  and  that  the  most  insignifi- 
cant traitor  might  have  caused  his  ruin. 

Indeed,  he  ran  a  similar  risk  to  that  which  in  the  previous 
year  had  produced  General  Lee's  catastrophe. 

The  country  was  in  a  great  state  of  alarm.  The  inhabitants 
were  hurrying  off  their  most  valuable  effects,  so  that  it  was 
difficult  to  procure  cattle  and  vehicles  to  remove  the  public 
stores.  The  want  of  horses,  and  the  annoyances  given  by  the 
American  light  troops,  however,  kept  Howe  from  advancing 
promptly,  and  gave  time  for  the  greater  part  of  the  stores  to 
be  saved. 

To  allay  the  public  alarm,  Howe  issued  a  proclamation  on 
the  27th,  promising  the  strictest  regularity  and  order  on  the  part 
of  his  army ;  with  security  of  person  and  property  to  all  who 
remained  quietly  at  home,  and  pardon  to  those  under  arms, 
who  should  promptly  return  to  their  obedience.  The  procla- 
mation had  a  quieting  effect,  especially  among  the  loyalists, 
who  abounded  in  these  parts. 

The  divisions  of  Generals  Greene  and  Stephen  were  now  sta- 


c=mBritish 


DILWQUTH 


PLAN  OF  THE  BATTLE  OF  BRANDYWINE. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  375 

tioned  several  miles  in  advance  of  Wilmington,  behind  White 
Clay  Creek,  about  ten  miles  from  the  Head  of  Elk.  General 
Smallwood  and  Colonel  Gist  had  been  directed  by  Congress  to 
take  command  of  the  militia  of  Maryland,  who  were  gathering 
on  the  western  shore,  and  Washington  sent  them  orders  to 
co-operate  with  General  Rodney  and  get  in  the  rear  of  the 
enemy. 

Washington  now  felt  the  want  of  Morgan  and  his  riflemen, 
whom  he  had  sent  to  assist  the  Northern  army  ;  to  supply  their 
place,  he  formed  a  corps  of  light  troops,  by  drafting  a  hundred 
men  from  each  brigade.  The  command  was  given  to  Major- 
General  Maxwell,  who  was  to  hover  about  the  enemy  and  give 
them  continual  annoyance. 

The  army  about  this  time  was  increased  by  the  arrival  of 
General  Sullivan  and  his  division  of  three  thousand  men.  He 
had  recently,  while  encamped  at  Hanover  in  Jersey,  made  a 
gallant  attempt  to  surprise  and  capture  a  corps  of  one  thou- 
sand provincials  stationed  on  Staten  Island,  at  a  distance  from 
the  fortified  camp,  and  opposite  the  Jersey  shore.  The  attempt 
was  partially  successful ;  a  number  of  the  provincials  were 
captured  ;  but  the  regulars  came  to  the  rescue.  Sullivan  had 
not  brought  sufficient  boats  to  secure  a  retreat.  His  rear- 
guard was  captured  while  waiting  for  the  return  of  the  boats, 
yet  not  without  a  sharp  resistance.  There  was  loss  on  both 
sides,  but  the  Americans  suffered  most.  Congress  had  directed 
Washington  to  appoint  a  court  of  inquiry  to  investigate  the 
matter  ;  in  the  mean  time,  Sullivan,  whose  gallantry  remained 
undoubted,  continued  in  command. 

There  were  now  in  camp  several  of  those  officers  and  gentle- 
men from  various  parts  of  Europe  who  had  recently  pressed 
into  the  service,  and  the  suitable  employment  of  whom  had 
been  a  source  of  much  perplexity  to  Washington.  General 
Deborre,  the  French  veteran  of  thirty  years'  service,  com- 
manded a  brigade  in  Sullivan's  division.  Brigadier-General 
Conway,  the  Gallicized  Hibernian,  was  in  the  division  of  Lord 
Stirling.  Beside  these,  there  was  Louis  Fleury,  a  French  gen- 
tleman of  noble  descent,  who  had  been  educated  as  an  engineer, 
and  had  come  out  at  the  opening  of  the  Revolution  to  offer  his 
services.  Washington  had  obtained  for  him  a  captain's  com- 
mission. Another  officer  of  distinguished  merit,  was  the  Count 
Pulaski,  a  Pole,  recommended  by  Dr.  Franklin,  as  an  officer 
famous  throughout  Europe  for  his  bravery  and  conduct  in 
defence  of  the  liberties  of  his  country  against  Russia,  Austria, 
and  Prussia.     In  fact,  he  had  been  commander-in-chief  of  the 


876  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

forces  of  the  insurgents.  He  served  at  present  as  a  volunteer 
in  the  light  horse,  and  as  that  department  was  still  without  a 
head,  and  the  cavalry  was  a  main  object  of  attention  among  the 
military  of  Poland,  Washington  suggested  to  Congress  the 
expediency  of  giving  him  the  command  of  it.  "This  gentle- 
man, we  are  told,"  writes  Washington,  "has  been,  like  us, 
engaged  in  defending  the  liberty  and  independence  of  his  coun- 
try, and  has  sacrificed  his  fortune  to  his  zeal  for  those  objects. 
He  derives  from  hence  a  title  to  our  respect,  that  ought  to 
operate  in  his  favor  as  far  as  the  good  of  the  service  will 
permit." 

At  this  time  Henry  Lee  of  Virginia,  of  military  renown, 
makes  his  first  appearance.  He  was  in  the  twenty-second  year 
of  his  age,  and  in  the  preceding  year  had  commanded  a  com- 
pany of  Virginia  volunteers.  He  had  recently  signalized  himself 
in  scouting  parties,  harassing  the  enemy's  pickets.  Washington, 
in  a  letter  to  the  President  of  Congress  (August  30) ,  writes : 
"This  minute  twenty-four  British  prisoners  arrived,  taken 
yesterday  by  Captain  Lee  of  the  lighthorse."  His  adventur- 
ous exploits  soon  won  him  notoriety,  and  the  popular  appellation 
of  "  Light- horse  Harry."  He  was  favorably  noticed  by  Wash- 
ington throughout  the  war.  Perhaps  there  was  something 
beside  his  bold,  dashing  spirit,  which  won  him  this  favor. 
There  may  have  been  early  recollections  connected  with  it.  Lee 
was  the  son  of  the  lady  who  first  touched  Washington's  heart  in 
his  school- boy  days,  the  one  about  whom  he  wrote  rhymes  at 
Mount  Vernon  and  Greenway  Court  —  his  "  lowland  beauty." 

Several  days  were  now  passed  by  the  commander-in-chief 
almost  continually  in  the  saddle,  reconnoitring  the  roads  and 
passes,  and  making  himself  acquainted  with  the  surrounding 
country  ;  which  was  very  much  intersected  by  rivers  and  small 
streams,  running  chiefly  from  north-west  to  south-east.  He  had 
now  made  up  his  mind  to  risk  a  battle  in  the  open  field.  It  is 
true  his  troops  were  inferior  to  those  of  the  enemy  in  number, 
equipments,  and  discipline.  Hitherto,  according  to  Lafayette, 
"  they  had  fought  combats,  but  not  battles."  Still  those  com- 
bats had  given  them  experience ;  and  though  many  of  them 
were  militia,  or  raw  recruits,  yet  the  divisions  of  the  army  had 
acquired  a  facility  at  moving  in  large  masses,  and  were  consid- 
erably improved  in  military  tactics.  At  any  rate,  it  would  never 
do  to  let  Philadelphia,  at  that  time  the  capital  of  the  States, 
fall  without  a  blow.  There  was  a  carping  spirit  abroad ;  a 
disposition  to  cavil  and  find  fault,  which  was  prevalent  in  Phila- 
delphia, and  creeping  into  Congress  ;  something  of  the  nature 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  877 

of  what  had  been  indulged  respecting  General  Schuyler  and  the 
army  of  the  North.  Public  impatience  called  for  a  battle ;  it 
was  expected  even  by  Europe  ;  his  own  valiant  spirit  required 
it;  though  hitherto  he  had  been  held  in  check  by  superior 
considerations- of  expediency,  and  by  the  controlling  interference 
of  Congress,  Congress  itself  now  spurred  him  on,  and  he  gave 
way  to  the  native  ardor  of  his  character. 

The  British  army  having  effected  a  landing,  in  which,  by  the 
way,  it  had  experienced  but  little  molestation,  was  formed  into 
two  divisions.  One,  under  Sir  William  Howe,  was  stationed  at 
Elkton,  with  its  advanced  guard  at  Gray's  Hill,  about  two  miles 
off.  The  other  division,  under  General  Knyphausen,  was  on 
the  opposite  side  of  the  ferry,  at  Cecil  Court  House.  On  the 
third  of  September  the  enemy  advanced  in  considerable  force, 
with  three  field-pieces,  moving  with  great  caution,  as  the  coun- 
try was  difficult,  woody,  and  not  well  known  to  them.  About 
three  mile.s  in  front  of  White  Clay  Creek,  their  vanguard  was 
encountered  by  General  Maxwell  and  his  light  troops,  and  a 
severe  skirmish  took  place.  The  fire  of  the  American  sharp- 
shooters and  riflemen,  as  usual,  was  very  effective ;  but  being 
inferior  in  number,  and  having  no  artillery,  Maxwell  was 
compelled  to  retreat  across  White  Clay  Creek,  with  the  loss  of 
about  forty  killed  and  wounded.  The  loss  of  the  enemy  was 
supposed  to  be  much  greater. 

The  main  body  of  the  American  army  was  now  encamped  on 
the  east  side  of  Red  Clay  Creek,  on  the  road  leading  from 
Elkton  to  Philadelphia.  The  light  infantry  were  in  the  advance, 
at  White  Clay  Creek.  The  armies  were  from  eight  to  ten  miles 
apart.  In  this  position,  Washington  determined  to  await  the 
threatened  attack. 

On  the  5th  of  September  he  made  a  stirring  appeal  to  the 
army,  in  his  general  orders,  stating  the  object  of  the  enemy, 
the  capture  of  Philadelphia.  They  had  tried  it  before,  from  the 
Jerseys,  and  had  failed.  He  trusted  they  would  be  again  dis- 
appointed. In  their  present  attempt  their  all  was  at  stake. 
The  whole  would  be  hazarded  in  a  single  battle.  If  defeated 
in  that,  they  were  totally  undone,  and  the  war  would  be  at  an 
end.  Now  then  was  the  time  for  the  most  strenuous  exertions. 
One  bold  stroke  would  free  the  land  from  rapine,  devastation, 
and  brutal  outrage.  "  Two  years,"  said  he,  "  have  we  main- 
tained the  war,  and  struggled  with  difficulties  innumerable,  but 
the  prospect  has  brightened.  Now  is  the  time  to  reap  the  fruit 
of  all  our  toils  and  dangers ;  if  we  behave  like  men  this  third 
campaign  will  be  our  last."     Washington's  numerical  force  at 


378  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

this  time  was  about  fifteen  thousand  men,  but  from  sickness 
and  other  causes  the  effective  force,  militia  included,  did  not 
exceed  eleven  thousand,  and  most  of  these  indifferently  armed 
and  equipped.  The  strength  of  the  British  was  computed  at 
eighteen  thousand  men,  but,  it  is  thought,  not  more  than  fifteen 
thousand  were  brought  into  action. 

On  the  8th,  the  enemy  advanced  in  two  columns ;  one  ap- 
peared preparing  to  attack  the  Americans  in  front,  while  the 
other  extended  its  left  up  the  west  side  of  the  creek,  halting 
.'it  Milltown,  somewhat  to  the  right  of  the  American  position. 
Washington  now  suspected  an  intention  on  the  part  of  Sir 
William  Howe  to  march  by  his  right,  suddenly  pass  the  Brandy- 
wine,  gain  the  heights  north  of  that  stream,  and  cut  him  off 
from  Philadelphia.  He  summoned  a  council  of  war,  therefore, 
that  evening,  in  which  it  was  determined  immediately  to  change 
their  position,  and  move  to  the  river  in  question.  B37  two  o'clock 
in  the  morning,  the  army  was  under  march,  and  by  the  next 
evening  was  encamped  on  the  high  grounds  in  the  rear  of  the 
Brandywine.  The  enemy  on  the  same  evening  moved  to  Ken- 
net  Square,  about  seven  miles  from  the  American  position. 

The  Brandywine  Creek,  as  it  is  called,  commences  with  two 
branches,  called  the  East  and  West  branches,  which  unite  in 
one  stream,  flowing  from  west  to  east  about  twenty-two  miles, 
and  emptying  itself  into  the  Delaware  about  twenty-five  miles 
below  Philadelphia.  It  has  several  fords  ;  one  called  Chadd's 
Ford,  was  at  that  time  the  most  practicable,  and  in  the  direct 
route  from  the  enemy's  camp  to  Philadelphia.  As  the  principal 
attack  was  expected  here,  Washington  made  it  the  centre  of  his 
position,  where  he  stationed  the  main  body  of  his  army,  com- 
posed of  Wayne's,  Weedon's,  and  Muhlenberg's  brigades,  with 
the  light  infantry  under  Maxwell.  An  eminence  immediately 
above  the  ford  had  been  intrenched  in  the  night,  and  was  oc- 
cupied by  Wayne  and  Proctor's  artillery.  Weedon's  and  Muh- 
lenberg's brigades,  which  were  Virginian  troops,  and  formed 
General  Greene's  division,  were  posted  in  the  rear  on  the  heights, 
as  a  reserve  to  aid  either  wing  of  the  army.  With  these  Wash- 
ington took  his  stand.  Maxwell's  light  infantry  were  thrown 
in  the  advance,  south  of  the  Brandywine,  and  posted  on  high 
ground  each  side  of  the  road  leading  to  the  ford. 

The  right  wing  of  the  army  commanded  by  Sullivan,  and 
composed  of  his  division  and  those  of  Stephen  and  Stirling, 
extended  up  the  Brandywine  two  miles  beyond  Washington's 
position.  Its  light  troops  and  vedettes  were  distributed  quite 
up  to  the  forks.     A  few  detachments  of  ill-organized  and  un- 


LIFE   OF   WASHINGTON.  379 

disciplined  cavalry,  extended  across  the  creek  on  the  extreme 
right.  The  left  wing,  composed  of  the  Pennsylvania  militia, 
under  Major- General  Armstrong,  was  stationed  about  a  mile 
and  a  half  below  the  main  body,  to  protect  the  lower  fords, 
where  the  least  danger  was  apprehended.  The  Brandy  wine, 
which  ran  in  front  of  the  whole  line,  was  now  the  only  obstacle, 
if  such  it  might  be  called,  between  the  two  armies.  Early  on 
the  morning  of  the  11th,  a  great  column  of  troops  was  descried 
advancing  on  the  road  leading  to  Chadd's  Ford.  A  skirt  of 
woods  concealed  its  force,  but  it  was  supposed  to  be  the  main 
body  of  the  enemy  ;  if  so,  a  great  conflict  was  at  hand. 

The  Americans  were  immediately  drawn  out  in  order  of  battle. 
Washington  rode  along  the  front  of  the  ranks,  and  was  every- 
where received  with  acclamations.  A  sharp  firing  of  small  arms 
soon  told  that  Maxwell's  light  infantry  were  engaged  with  the 
vanguard  of  the  enemy.  The  skirmishing  was  kept  up  for  some 
time  with  spirit,  when  Maxwell  was  driven  across  the  Brandy- 
wine  below  the  ford.  The  enemy,  who  had  advanced  but  slowly, 
did  not  attempt  to  follow,  but  halted  on  commanding  ground, 
and  appeared  to  reconnoitre  the  American  position  with  a  view 
to  an  attack.  Heavy  cannonading  commenced  on  both  sides, 
about  ten  o'clock.  The  enemy  made  repeated  dispositions  to 
force  the  ford,  which  brought  on  as  frequent  skirmishes  on  both 
sides  of  the  river,  for  detachments  of  the  light  troops  occasion- 
ally crossed  over.  One  of  these  skirmishes  was  more  than  usually 
severe :  the  British'  flank-guard  was  closely  pressed,  a  captain 
and  ten  or  fifteen  men  were  killed,  and  the  guard  was  put  to 
flight ;  but  a  large  force  came  to  their  assistance,  and  the 
Americans  were  again  driven  across  the  stream.  All  this  while, 
there  was  the  noise  and  uproar  of  a  battle ;  but  little  of  the 
reality.  The  enemy  made  a  great  thundering  of  cannon,  but 
no  vigorous  onset,  and  Colonel  Harrison,  Washington's  "old 
secretary,"  seeing  this  cautious  and  dilatory  conduct  on  their 
part,  wrote  a  hurried  note  to  Congress,  expressing  his  confi- 
dent belief  that  the  enemy  would  be  repulsed. 

Toward  noon  came  an  express  from  Sullivan,  with  a  note 
received  from  a  scouting  party,  reporting  that  General  Howe, 
with  a  large  body  of  troops  and  a  park  of  artillery,  was  pushing 
tip  the  Lancaster  road,  doubtless  to  cross  at  the  upper  fords 
and  turn  the  right  flank  of  the  American  position. 

Startled  by  the  information,  Washington  instantly  sent  off 
Colonel  Theodoric  Bland,  with  a  party  of  horse,  to  reconnoitre 
above  the  forks  and  ascertain  the  truth  of  the  report.  In  the 
mean  time,  he  resolved  to  cross  the  ford,  attack  the  division  in 


380  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

front  of  him  with  his  whole  force,  and  rout  it  before  the  other 
could  arrive.  He  gave  orders  for  both  wings  to  co-operate, 
when,  as  Sullivan  was  preparing  to  cross,  Major  Spicer  of  the 
militia  rode  up,  just  from  the  forks,  and  assured  him  there  was 
no  enemy  in  that  quarter.  Sullivan  instantly  transmitted  the 
intelligence  to  Washington,  whereupon  the  movement  was  sus- 
pended until  positive  information  could  be  obtained.  After  a 
time  came  a  man  of  the  neighborhood,  Thomas  Cheyney  by 
name,  spurring  in  all  haste,  the  mare  he  rode  in  foam,  and 
himself  out  of  breath.  Dashing  up  to  the  commander-in-chief, 
he  informed  him  that  he  must  instantly  move,  or  he  would  be 
surrounded.  He  had  come  upon  the  enemy  unawares ;  had 
been  pursued  and  fired  upon,  but  the  fleetness  of  his  mare 
had  saved  him.  The  main  body  of  the  British  was  coming- 
down  on  the  east  side  of  the  stream,  and  was  near  at  hand. 
Washington  replied,  that,  from  information  just  received,  it 
could  not  be  so.  "You  are  mistaken,  general,"  replied  the 
other  vehemently  ;  "  my  life  for  it,  you  are  mistaken."  Then 
reiterating  the  fact  with  an  oath,  and  making  a  draft  of  the 
road  in  the  sand,  "  put  me  under  guard,"  added  he,  "  until  you 
find  my  story  true." 

Another  despatch  from  Sullivan  corroborated  it.  Colonel 
Bland,  whom  Washington  had  sent  to  reconnoitre  above  the 
forks,  had  seen  the  enemy  two  miles  in  the  rear  of  Sullivan's 
right,  marching  down  at  a  rapid  rate,  while  a  cloud  of  dust 
showed  that  there  were  more  troops  behind  them. 

In  fact,  the  old  Long  Island  stratagem  had  been  played  over 
again.  Knyphausen  with  a  small  division  had  engrossed  the 
attention  of  the  Americans  by  a  feigned  attack  at  Chadd'« 
Ford,  kept  up  with  great  noise  and  prolonged  by  skirmishes ; 
while  the  main  body  of  the  army  under  Cornwallis,  led  by  ex- 
perienced guides,  had  made  a  circuit  of  seventeen  miles,  crossed 
the  two  forks  of  the  Braudywine,  and  arrived  in  the  neighbor- 
hood of  Birmingham  meeting-house,  two  miles  to  the  right  of 
Sullivan.  It  was  a  capital  stratagem,  secretly  and  successfully 
conducted. 

Finding  that  Cornwallis  had  thus  gained  the  rear  of  the 
arnry,  Washington  sent  orders  to  Sullivan  to  oppose  him  with 
the  whole  right  wing,  each  brigade  attacking  as  soon  as  it 
arrived  upon  the  ground.  Wayne,  in  the  mean  time,  was 
to  keep  Knyphausen  at  bay  at  the  ford,  and  Greene,  with 
the  reserve,  to  hold  himself  ready  to  give  aid  wherever  re- 
quired.        ♦ 

Lafayette,    as   a  volunteer,    had    hitherto   accompanied   the 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  881 

commander-in-chief,  but  now,  seeing  there  was  likely  to  be 
warm  work  with  the  right  wing,  he  obtained  permission  to 
join  Sullivan  ;  and  spurred  off  with  his  aide-de-camp  to  the 
scene  of  action.  From  his  narrative,  we  gather  some  of  the 
subsequent  details. 

Sullivan,  on  receiving  Washington's  orders,  advanced  with 
his  own,  Stephen's  and  Stirling's  divisions,  and  began  to  form 
a  line  in  front  of  an  open  piece  of  wood.  The  time  which 
had  been  expended  in  transmitting  intelligence,  receiving  or- 
ders, and  marching,  had  enabled  Cornwallis  to  choose  his 
ground  and  prepare  for  action.  Still  more  time  was  given  him 
from  the  apprehension  of  the  three  generals,  upon  consultation, 
of  being  out-flanked  upon  the  right ;  and  that  the  gap  between 
Sullivan's  and  Stephen's  divisions  was  too  wide,  and  should 
be  closed  up.  Orders  were  accordingly  given  for  the  whole  line 
to  move  to  the  right ;  and  while  in  execution,  Cornwallis  ad- 
vanced rapidly  with  his  troops  in  the  finest  order,  and  opened 
a  brisk  fire  of  musketry  and  artillery.  The  Americans  made 
an  obstinate  resistance,  but  being  taken  at  a  disadvantage,  the 
right  and  left  wings  were  broken  and  driven  into  the  woods. 
The  centre  stood  firm  for  a  while,  but  being  exposed  to  the 
whole  fire  of  the  enemy,  gave  way  at  length  also.  The  British, 
in  following  up  their  advantage,  got  entangled  in  the  wood.  It 
was  here  that  Lafayette  received  his  wound.  He  had  thrown 
himself  from  his  horse  and  was  endeavoring  to  rally  the  troops, 
when  he  was  shot  through  the  leg  with  a  musket  ball,  and  had 
to  be  assisted  into  the  saddle  b}r  his  aide-de-camp. 

The  Americans  rallied  on  a  height  to  the  north  of  Dilworth, 
and  made  a  still  more  spirited  resistance  than  at  first,  but  were 
again  dislodged  and  obliged  to  retreat  with  a  heavy  loss. 

While  this  was  occurring  with  the  right  wing,  Knyphausen, 
as  soon  as  he  learned  from  the  heavy  firing  that  Cornwallis  was 
engaged,  made  a  push  to  force  his  way  across  Chadd's  Ford  in 
earnest.  He  was  vigorously  opposed  by  Wayne  with  Proctor's 
artillery,  aided  by  Maxwell  and  his  infantry.  Greene  was  pre- 
paring to  second  him  with  the  reserve,  when  he  was  summoned 
by  Washington  to  the  support  of  the  right  wing ;  which  the 
commander-in-chief  had  found  in  imminent  peril. 

Greene  advanced  to  the  relief  with  such  celerity,  that  it  is 
said,  on  good  authority,  his  division  accomplished  the  march, 
or  rather  run,  of  five  miles,  in  less  than  fifty  minutes.  He 
arrived  too  late  to  save  the  battle,  but  in  time  to  protect  the 
broken  masses  of  the  left  wing,  which  he  met  in  full  flight. 
Opening  his  ranks  from  time  to  time   for   the   fugitives,  and 


382  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

closing  them  the  moment  they  had  passed,  he  covered  their 
retreat  by  a  sharp  and  well-directed  fire  from  his  field-pieces. 
His  grand  stand  was  made  at  a  place  about  a  mile  beyond 
Dil worth,  which,  in  reconnoitring  the  neighborhood,  Wash- 
ington had  pointed  out  to  him,  as  well  calculated  for  a 
second  position,  should  the  army  be  driven  out  of  the  first ; 
and  here  he  was  overtaken  by  Colonel  Pinckney,  an  aide-de- 
camp of  the  commander-in-chief,  ordering  him  to  occupy' this 
position  and  protect  the  retreat  of  the  army.  The  orders 
were  implicitly  obeyed.  Weedon's  brigade  was  drawn  up  in 
a  narrow  defile,  flanked  on  both  sides  by  woods,  and  perfectly 
commanding  the  road  ;  while  Greene,  with  Muhlenberg's  bri- 
gade, passing  to  the  right  took  his  station  on  the  road.  The 
British  came  on  impetuously,  expecting  but  faint  opposition. 
They  met  with  a  desperate  resistance  and  were  repeatedly 
driven  back.  It  was  the  bloody  conflict  of  the  bayonet ; 
deadly  on  either  side,  and  lasting  for  a  considerable  time. 
Weedon's  brigade  on  the  left  maintained  its  stand  also  with 
great  obstinacy,  and  the  check  given  to  the  enemy  by  these 
two  brigades,  allowed  time  for  the  broken  troops  to  retreat. 
Weedon's  was  at  length  compelled  by  superior  numbers  to 
seek  the  protection  of  the  other  brigade,  which  he  did  in  good 
order,  and  Greene  gradually  drew  off  the  whole  division  in 
face  of  the  enemy,  who,  checked  by  this  vigorous  resistance, 
and  seeing  the  day  far  spent,  gave  up  all  further  pursuit. 

The  brave  stand  made  by  these  brigades  had,  likewise,  been 
a  great  protection  to  Wayne.  He  had  for  a  long  time  with- 
stood the  attacks  of  the  enemy  at  Chadd's  Ford,  until  the 
approach  on  the  right  of  some  of  the  enemy's  troops,  who 
had  been  entangled  in  the  woods,  showed  him  that  the  right 
wing  had  been  routed.  He  now  gave  up  the  defence  of  his 
post,  and  retreated  by  the  Chester  road.  Knyphausen's  troops 
were  too  fatigued  to  pursue  him ;  and  the  others  had  been 
kept  back,  as  we  have  shown,  by  Greene's  division.  So  ended 
the  varied  conflict  of  the  day. 

Lafayette  gives  an  animated  picture  of  the  general  retreat, 
in  which  he  became  entangled.  He  had  endeavored  to  rejoin 
Washington,  but  loss  of  blood  compelled  him  to  stop  and 
have  his  wound  bandaged.  While  thus  engaged,  he  came 
near  being  captured.  All  around  him  was  headlong  terror  and 
confusion.  Chester  road,  the  common  retreat  of  the  broken 
fragments  of  the  army,  from  every  quarter,  was  crowded 
with  fugitives,  with  cannon,  with  baggage  cars,  all  hurrying 
forward  pell-mell,  and  obstructing  each  other ;  while  the  thun- 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  383 

dering  of  cannon,  and  volleying  of  musketry  by  the  contend- 
ing parties  in  the  rear  added  to  the  confusion  and  panic  of 
the  flight. 

The  dust,  the  uproar,  and  the  growing  darkness,  threw  every 
thing  into  chaos  ;  there  was  nothing  but  a  headlong  struggle 
forward.  At  Chester,  however,  twelve  miles  from  the  field 
of  battle,  there  was  a  deep  stream  with  a  bridge,  over  which 
the  fugitives  would  have  to  pass.  Here  Lafayette  set  a  guard 
to  prevent  their  further  flight.  The  commander-in-chief  ar- 
riving soon  after  with  Greene  and  his  gallant  division,  some 
degree  of  order  was  restored,  and  the  whole  army  took  its  post 
behind  Chester  for  the  night. 

The  scene  of  this  battle,  which  decided  the  fate  of  Phila- 
delphia, was  within  six  and  twenty  miles  of  that  city,  and 
each  discharge  of  cannon  could  be  heard  there.  The  two 
parties  of  the  inhabitants,  whig  and  tory,  were  to  be  seen  in 
separate  groups  in  the  squares  and  public  places,  waiting  the 
event  in  anxious  silence.  At  length  a  courier  arrived.  His 
tidings  spread  consternation  among  the  friends  of  liberty. 
Many  left  their  homes ;  entire  families  abandoned  every  thing 
in  terror  and  despair,  and  took  refuge  in  the  mountains. 
Congress,  that  same  evening,  determined  to  quit  the  city  and 
repair  to  Lancaster,  whence  they  subsequently  removed  to 
Yorktown.  Before  leaving  Philadelphia,  however,  they  sum- 
moned the  militia  of  Pennsylvania,  and  the  adjoining  States, 
to  join  the  main  army  without  delay  ;  and  ordered  clown  fifteen 
hundred  Continental  troops  from  Putnam's  command  on  the 
Hudson.  They  also  clothed  Washington  with  power  to  sus- 
pend officers  for  misbehavior ;  to  fill  up  all  vacancies  under 
the  rank  of  brigadiers ;  to  take  all  provisions,  and  other 
articles  necessary  for  the  use  of  the  army,  paying  or  giving 
certificates  for  the  same ;  and  to  remove,  or  secure  for  the 
benefit  of  the  owners,  all  goods  and  effects  which  might  other- 
wise fall  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy  and  be  serviceable  to 
them.  These  extraordinary  powers  were  limited  to  the  cir- 
cumference of  seventy  miles  round  head-quarters,  and  were  to 
continue  in  force  sixty  days,  unless  sooner  revoked  by  Congress. 

It  may  be  as  well  here  to  notice  in  advance,  the  conduct  of 
Congress  toward  some  of  the  foreigners  who  had  mingled  in 
this  battle.  Count  Pulaski,  the  Polish  nobleman,  heretofore 
mentioned,  who  acted  with  great  spirit  as  a  volunteer  in  the 
light  horse,  riding  up  wfthin  pistol  shot  of  the  enemy  to  recon- 
noitre, was  given  a  command  of  cavalry  with  the  rank  of  brig- 
adier-general.    Captain  Louis  Fleury,  also,  who  had  acquitted 


384  .  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

himself  with  gallantry,  and  rendered  essential  aid  in  rallying 
the  troops,  having  had  a  horse  killed  under  him,  was  presented 
by  Congress  with  another,  as  a  testimonial  of  their  sense  of  his 
merit.  Lafayette  speaks,  in  his  memoirs,  of  the  brilliant 
manner  in  which  General  Conway,  the  chevalier  of  St.  Louis, 
acquitted  himself  at  the  head  of  eight  hundred  men,  in  the 
encounter  with  the  troops  of  Cornwallis  near  Birmingham 
meeting-house.  The  veteran  Deborre  was  not  equally  fortu- 
nate in  gaining  distinction  on  this  occasion.  In  the  awkward 
change  of  position  in  the  line  when  in  front  of  the  enemy,  he 
had  been  the  first  to  move,  and  without  waiting  for  orders. 
The  consequence  was,  his  brigade  fell  into  confusion,  and  was 
put  to  flight.  He  endeavored  to  rally  it,  and  was  wounded  in 
the  attempt ;  but  his  efforts  were  in  vain.  Congress  ordered  a 
court  of  inquiry  on  his  conduct,  whereupon  he  resigned  his  com- 
mission, and  returned  to  France,  complaining  bitterly  of  his 
hard  treatment.  "  It  was  not  his  fault,"  he  said,  "  if  American 
troops  would  run  away." 


CHAPTER   Lin. 

GENERAL  HOWE  NEGLECTS  TO  PURSUE  HIS  ADVANTAGE  —  WASH- 
INGTON RETREATS  TO  GERMANTOWN RECROSSES  THE  SCHUYL- 
KILL   AND    PREPARES     FOR     ANOTHER    ACTION PREVENTED     BY 

STORMS      OF      RAIN  RETREATS      TO      FRENCH      CREEK WAYNE 

DETACHED     TO     FALL     ON     THE     ENEMY'S     REAR  HIS     PICKETS 

SURPRISED  MASSACRE     OF    WAYNE* S     MEN  MANOEUVRES     OF 

HOWE     ON     THE     SCHUYLKILL  WASHINGTON      SENDS     FOR     RE- 
ENFORCEMENTS HOWE    MARCHES    INTO    PHILADELPHIA. 

Notwithstanding  the  rout  and  precipitate  retreat  of  the 
American  army,  Sir 'William  Howe  did  not  press  the  pursuit, 
but  passed  the  night  on  the  field  of  battle,  and  remained  the 
two  following  da}Ts  at  Dil worth,  sending  out  detachments  to 
take  post  at  Concord  and  Chester,  and  seize  on  Wilmington, 
whither  the  sick  and  wounded  were  conveyed.  "  Had  the 
enemy  marched  directly  to  Derby,"  observes  Lafayette,  "  the 
American  army  would  have  been  cut  up  and  destroyed ;  they 
lost  a  precious  night,  and  it  is  perhaps  the  greatest  fault  in  a 
war  in  which  they  have  committed  many."  ' 

1  Memoirs,  torn  i.  p.  28, 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  385 

Washington,  as  usual,  profited  by  the  inactivity  of  Howe ; 
quietly  retreating  through  Derby  (on  the  12th)  across  the 
Schuylkill  to  Germantown,  within  a  short  distance  of  Philadel- 
phia, where  he  gave  his  troops  a  day's  repose.  Finding  them 
in  good  spirits,  and  in  nowise  disheartened  by  the  recent  affair, 
which  they  seemed  to  consider  a  check  rather  than  a  defeat,  he 
resolved  to  seek  the  enemy  again  and  give  him  battle.  As  pre- 
liminary measures,  he  left  some  of  the  Pennsylvania  militia  in 
Philadelphia  to  guard  the  city  ;  others  under  General  Armstrong 
were  posted  at  the  various  passes  of  the  Schuylkill,  with  orders 
to  throw  up  works ;  the  floating  bridge  on  the  lower  road  was 
to  be  unmoored,  and  the  boats  collected  and  taken  across  the 
river. 

Having  taken  these  precautions  against  any  hostile  movement 
by  the  lower  road,  Washington  recrossed  the  Schuylkill  on  the 
14th,  and  advanced  along  the  Lancaster  road,  with  the  intention 
of  turning  the  left  flank  of  the  enemy.  Howe,  apprised  of  his 
•intention,  made  a  similar  disposition  to  outflank  him.  The  two 
armies  came  in  sight  of  each  other,  near  the  Warren  Tavern, 
twenty-three  miles  from  Philadelphia,  and  were  on  the  point  of 
engaging,  but  were  prevented  by  a  violent  storm  of  rain,  which 
lasted  for  four  and  twenty  hours. 

This  inclement  weather  was  particularly  distressing  to  the 
Americans  ;  who  were  scantily  clothed,  most  of  them  destitute 
of  blankets,  and  separated  from  their  tents  and  baggage.  The 
rain  penetrated  their  cartridge-boxes  and  the  ill-fitted  locks 
of  their  muskets,  rendering  the  latter  useless,  being  deficient  in 
bayonets.  In  this  plight,  Washington  gave  up  for  the  present 
all  thought  of  attacking  the  enemy,  as  their  discipline  in  the 
use  of  the  bayonet,  with  which  they  were  universally  furnished, 
would  give  them  a  great  superiority  in  action.  "The  hot- 
headed politicians,"  writes  one  of  his  officers,  "will  no  doubt 
censure  this  part  of  his  conduct,  while  the  more  judicious  will 
approve  it,  as  not  only  expedient,  but,  in  such  a  case,  highly 
commendable.  It  was  without  doubt  chagrining  to  a  person  of 
his  fine  feelings  to  retreat  before  an  enemy  not  more  in  num- 
ber than  himself ;  yet,  with  a  true  greatness  of  spirit  he  sacri- 
ficed them  to  the  good  of  his  country."  1  There  was  evidently  a 
growing  disposition  again  to  criticise  Washington's  movements, 
yet  how  well  did  this  officer  judge  of  him. 

The  only  aim,  at  present,  was  to  get  to  some  dry  and  secure 
)lace,  where  the  army  might  repose  and  refit.     All  day,  and 

1  Memoir  of  Major  Samuel  Shaw,  by  Hon.  Joeiah  Quincy. 


386  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

for  a  great  part  of  the  night,  they  marched  under  a  cold  and 
pelting  rain,  and  through  deep  and  miry  roads,  to  the  Yellow 
Springs,  thence  to  Warwick,  on  French  Creek  ;  a  weary  march 
in  stormy  weather  for  troops  destitute  of  every  comfort,  and 
nearly  a  thousand  of  them  actually  barefooted.  At  Warwick 
Furnace,  ammunition  and  a  few  muskets  were  obtained,  to  aid 
in  disputing  the  passage  of  the  Schuylkill,  and  the  advance  of 
the  enemy  on  Philadelphia. 

From  French  Creek,  Wayne  was  detached  with  his  division, 
to  get  in  the  rear  of  the  enemy,  form  a  junction  with  General 
Smallwood  and  the  Maryland  militia,  and,  keeping  themselves 
concealed,  watch  for  an  opportunity  to  cut  off  Howe's  baggage 
and  hospital  train ;  in  the  mean  time  Washington  crossed  the 
Schuylkill  at  Parker's  Ford,  and  took  a  position  to  defend 
that  pass  of  the  river. 

Wayne  set  off  in  the  night,  and,  by  a  circuitous  march,  got 
within  three  miles  of  the  left  wing  of  the  British  encamped  at 
Tredyffrin,  and  concealing  himself  in  a  wood,  waited  the  arrival 
of  Smallwood  and  his  militia.  At  daybreak  he  reconnoitred 
the  camp,  where  Howe,  checked  by  the  severity  of  the  weather, 
had  contented  himself  with  uniting  his  columns,  and  remained 
under  shelter.  All  day  Wayne  hovered  about  the  camp  ;  there 
were  no  signs  of  marching  ;  all  kept  quiet,  but  lay  too  compact 
to  be  attacked  with  prudence.  He  sent  repeated  messages  to 
Washington,  describing  the  situation  of  the  enemy,  and  urging 
him  to  come  on  and  attack  them  in  their  camp.  "  Their  supine- 
ness,"  said  he  in  one  of  his  notes,  "  answers  every  purpose  of 
giving  }Tou  time  to  get  up :  if  they  attempt  to  move,  I  shall 
attack  them  at  all  events.  .  .  .  There  never  was,  uor  never  will 
be,  a  finer  opportunity  of  giving  the  enemy  a  fatal  blow  than 
at  present.     For  God's  sake  push  on  as  fast  as  possible." 

Again,  at  a  later  hour,  he  writes:  "The  enemy  are  very 
quiet,  washing  and  cooking.  I  expect  General  Maxwell  on 
the  left  flank  every  moment,  and,  as  I  lay  on  the  right,  we 
only  want  you  in  the  rear  to  complete  Mr.  Howe's  business. 
I  believe  he  knows  nothing  of  my  situation,  as  I  have  taken 
every  precaution  to  prevent  any  intelligence  getting  to  him, 
at  the  same  time  keeping  a  watchful  e}Te  on  his  front,  flanks 
and  rear." 

His  motions,  however,  had  not  been  so  secret  as  he  imagined. 
He  was  in  a  part  of  the  country  full  of  the  disaffected,  and  Sir 
William  had  received  accurate  information  of  his  force  and 
where  he  was  encamped.  General  Grey,  with  a  strong  detach- 
ment, was  sent  to  surprise  him  at  night  in  his  lair.     Late  in 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  387 

the  evening,  when  Wayne  had  set  his  pickets  and  sentinels,  and 
thrown  out  his  patrols,  a  countryman  brought  him*  word  of  the 
meditated  attack.  He  doubted  the  intelligence,  but  strength- 
ened his  pickets  and  patrols,  and  ordered  his  troops  to  sleep 
upon  their  arms. 

At  eleven  o'clock  the  pickets  were  driven  in  at  the  point  of 
the  bayonet  —  the  enemy  were  advancing  in  column.  Wayne 
instantly  took  post  on  the  right  of  his  position,  to  cover  the 
retreat  of  the  left,  led  by  Colonel  Humpton,  the  second  in 
command.  The  latter  was  tardy,  and  incautiously  paraded  his 
troops  in  front  of  their  fires,  so  as  to  be  in  full  relief.  The 
enemy  rushed  on  without  firing  a  gun  ;  all  was  the  silent  but 
deadly  work  of  the  bayonet  and  the  cutlass.  Nearly  three 
hundred  or  Humpton's  men  were  killed  or  wounded,  and  the 
rest  put  to  flight.  Wayne  gave  the  enemy  some  well-directed 
volleys,  and  then  retreating  to  a  small  distance,  rallied  his 
troops,  and  prepared  for  further  defence.  The  British,  how- 
ever, contented  themselves  with  the  blow  they  had  given,  and 
retired  with  very  little  loss,  taking  with  them  between  seventy 
and  eighty  prisoners,  several  of  them  officers,  and  eight  baggage 
wagons,  heavity  laden. 

General  Smallwood,  who  was  to  have  co-operated  with 
Wayne,  was  within  a  mile  of  him  at  the  time  of  his  attack  ; 
and  would  have  hastened  to  his  assistance  with  his  well-known 
intrepidity ;  but  he  had  not  the  corps,  under  his  command  with 
which  he  had  formerly  distinguished  himself,  and  his  raw  mili- 
tia fled  in  a  panic  at  the  first  sight  of  a  return  party  of  the 
enem}7. 

Wayne  was  deeply  mortified  by  the  result  of  this  affair,  and, 
finding  it  severely  criticised  in  the  army,  demanded  a  court- 
martial,  which  pronounced  his  conduct  every  thing  that  was  to 
be  expected  from  an  active,  brave,  and  vigilant  officer ;  what- 
ever blame  there  was  in  the  matter  fell  upon  his  second  in  com- 
mand, who,  by  delay,  or  misapprehension  of  orders,  and  an 
unskilful  disposition  of  his  troops,  had  exposed  them  to  be 
massacred. 

On  the  21st,  Sir  William  Howe  made  a  rapid  march  high  up 
the  Schuylkill,  on  the  road  leading  to  Reading,  as  if  he 
intended  either  to  capture  the  military  stores  deposited  there, 
or  to  turn  the  right  of  the  American  army.  Washington 
kept  pace  with  him  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river,  up  to 
Pott's  Grove,  about  thirty  miles  from  Philadelphia. 

The  movement  on  the  part  of  Howe  was  a  mere  feint.  No 
sooner  had  he  drawn  Washington  so   far  up  the  river,  than, 


388  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

by  a  rapid  counter-march  on  the  night  of  the  22d,  he  got  to 
the  ford  below,  threw  his  troops  across  on  the  next  morning, 
and  pushed  forward  for  Philadelphia.  By  the  time  Washing- 
ton was  apprised  of  this  counter-movement,  Howe  was  too 
far  on  his  way  to  be  overtaken  by  harassed,  barefooted 
troops,  worn  out  b}'  constant  marching.  Feeling  the  neces- 
sity of  immediate  re-enforcements,  he  wrote  on  the  same  day  to 
Putnam  at  Peekskill :  "The  situation  of  our  affairs  in  this 
quarter  calls  for  every  aid  and  for  every  effort.  I  therefore 
desire  that,  without  a  moment's  loss  of  time,  you  will  detach 
as  many  effective  rank  and  file,  under  proper  generals  and 
officers,  as  will  make  the  whole  number,  including  those  with 
General  McDougall,  amount  to  twenty-five  hundred  privates 
and  non-commissioned  fit  for  duty. 

"  I  must  urge  you,  by  every  motive,  to  send  this  detach- 
ment without  the  least  possible  delay.  No  considerations  are 
to  prevent  it.  It  is  our  first  object  to  defeat,  if  possible,  the 
army  now  opposed  to  us  here." 

On  the  next  day  (24th)  he  wrote  also  to  General  Gates. 
"This  army  has  not  been  able  to  oppose  General  Howe's 
with  the  success  that  was  wished,  and  needs  a  re-enforcement. 
I  therefore  request,  if  you  have  been  so  fortunate  as  to 
oblige  General  Burgoyne  to  retreat  to  Ticonderoga,  or  if  you 
have  not,  and  circumstances  will  admit,  that  }7ou  will  order 
Colonel  Morgan  to  join  me  again  with  his  corps.  I  sent  him 
up  when  I  thought  you  materially  wanted  him  ;  and,  if  his 
services  can  be  dispensed  with  now,  you  will  direct  his  im- 
mediate return." 

Having  called  a  council  of  officers  and  taken  their  opinions, 
which  concurred  with  his  own,  Washington  determined  to 
remain  some  days  at  Pott's  Grove,  to  give  repose  to  his 
troops,  and  await  the  arrival  of  re-enforcements. 

Sir  William  Howe  halted  at  Germantown,  within  a  short 
distance  of  Philadelphia,  and  encamped  the  main  body  of  his 
army  in  and  about  that  village ;  detaching  Lord  Cornwallis 
with  a  large  force  and  a  number  of  officers  of  distinction,  to 
take  formal  possession  of  the  city.  That  General  marched 
into  Philadelphia  on  the  26th,  with  a  brilliant  staff  and  escort, 
and  followed  by  splendid  legions  of  British  and  Hessian 
grenadiers,  long  trains  of  artillery  and  squadrons  of  light 
dragoons,  the  finest  troops  in  the  army  all  in  their  best  array  ; 
stepping  to  the  swelling  music  of  the  band  playing  God  save 
the  King,  and  presenting  with  their  scarlet  uniforms,  their 
glittering    arms    and    flaunting    feathers,    a   striking    contrast 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  389 

to  the  poor  patriot  troops,  who  had  recently  passed  through 
the  same  streets,  weary  and  way-worn,  and  happy  if  they 
could  cover  their  raggedness  with  a  brown  linen  hunting- 
frock,  and  decorate  their  caps  with  a  sprig  of  evergreen. 

In  this  way  the  British  took  possession  of  the  city,  so  long 
the  object  of  their  awkward  attempts,  and  regarded  by  them 
as  a  triumphant  acquisition ;  having  been  the  seat  of  the 
general  government;  the  capital  of  the  confederacy.  Wash- 
ington maintained  his  characteristic  equanimity.  "  This  is  an 
event,"  writes  he  to  Governor  Trumbull,  "  which  we  have  rea- 
son to  wish  had  not  happened,  and  which  will  be  attended  with 
several  ill  consequences;  but  I  hope  it  will  not  be  so  detri- 
mental as  many  apprehend,  and  that  a  little  time  and  perse- 
verance will  give  us  some  favorable  opportunity  of  recovering 
our  loss,  and  of  putting  our  affairs  in  a  more  flourishing  con- 
dition.'' 

He  had  heard  of  the  prosperous  situation  of  affairs  in  the 
Northern  department,  and  the  repeated  checks  given  to  the 
enemy.  "I  flatter  myself,"  writes  he,  "we  shall  soon  hear 
that  they  have  been  succeeded  by  other  fortunate  and  interest- 
ing events,  as  the  two  armies,  by  General  Gates's  letter,  were 
encamped  near  each -other." 

We  will  now  revert  to  the  course  of  the  campaign  in  that 
quarter,  the  success  of  which  he  trusted  would  have  a  bene- 
ficial influence  on  the  operations  in  which  he  was  personally 
engaged.  Indeed  the  operations  in  the  Northern  department 
formed,  as.  we  have  shown,  but  a  part  of  his  general  scheme, 
and  were  constantly  present  to  his  thoughts.  His  generals  had 
each  his  own  individual  enterprise,  or  his  own  department  to 
think  about ;  Washington  had  to  think  for  the  whole. 


390  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 


CHAPTER   LIV. 

DUBIOUS     POSITION     OF      BURGOYNE COLLECTS      HIS      FORCES  — 

LADIES  OF  DISTINCTION  IN  HIS  CAMP  —  LADY  HARRIET  ACK- 
LAND THE  BARONESS  DE  RIEDESEL AMERICAN  ARMY  RE- 
ENFORCED  SILENT       MOVEMENTS      OF      BURGOYNE WATCHED 

FROM   THE    SUMMIT     OF     THE     HILLS HIS     MARCH     ALONG     THE 

HUDSON POSITION     OF     THE     TWO     CAMPS BATTLE     OF      THE 

19TH     SEPTEMBER BURGOYNE     ENCAMPS      NEARER FORTIFIES 

HIS    CAMP PROMISED    CO-OPERATION    BY     SIR     HENRY     CLINTON 

DETERMINES    TO    AWAIT    IT QUARREL    BETWEEN    GATES    AND 

ARNOLD ARNOLD   DEPRIVED    OF   COMMAND  —  BURGOYNE  WAITS 

FOR   CO-OPERATION. 

The  checks  which  Burgoyne  had  received  on  right  and  left, 
and,  in  a  great  measure,  through  the  spontaneous  rising  of  the 
country,  had  opened  his  eyes  to  the  difficulties  of  his  situation, 
and  the  errors  as  to  public  feeling  into  which  he  had  been  led 
by  his  tory  counsellors.  "The  great  bulk  of  the  country  is 
undoubtedly  with  the  Congress  in  principle  and  zeal,"  writes 
he,  "and  their  measures  are  executed  with  a  secrecy  and 
despatch  that  are  not  to  be  equalled.  Wherever  the  king's 
forces  point,  militia,  to  the  amount  of  three  or  four  thousand, 
assemble  in  twenty-four  hours :  they  bring  with  them  their  sub- 
sistence, etc.,  and,  the  alarm  over,  they  return  to  their  farms. 
The  Hampshire  Grants,  in  particular,  a.  country  unpeopled  and 
almost  unknown  last  war,  now  abounds  in  the  most  active  and 
most  rebellious  race  of  the  continent,  and  hangs  like  a  gather- 
ing storm  upon  my  left."  What  a  picture  this  gives  of  a 
patriotic  and  warlike  yeomanry.  He  complains,  too,  that  no 
operation  had  yet  been  undertaken  in  his  favor ;  the  Highlands 
of  the  Hudson  had  not  even  been  threatened ;  the  conse- 
quence was  that  two  brigades  had  been  detached  from  them  to 
strengthen  the  army  of  Gates,  strongly  posted  near  the  mouth 
of  the  Mohawk  River,  with  a  superior  force  of  Continental 
troops,  and  as  many  militia  as  he  pleased. 

Burgoyne  declared,  that  had  he  any  latitude  in  his  orders, 
he  would  remain  where  he  was,  or  perhaps  fall  back  to  Fort 
Edward,  where  his  communication  with  Lake  George  would  be 
secure,  and  wait  for  some  event  that  might  assist  his  move- 
ment forward ;  his  orders,  however,  were  positive  to  force  a 
junction  with  Sir  William  Howe.     He  did  not  feel   at  liberty, 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  891 

therefore,  to  remain  inactive  longer  than  would  be  necessary 
to  receive  the  re-enforcements  of  the  additional  companies, 
the  German  drafts  and  recruits  actually  on  Lake  Champlain, 
and  to  collect  provisions  enough  for  twenty-five  days.  These 
re-enforcements  were  indispensable,  because  from  the  hour  he 
should  pass  the  Hudson  River  and  proceed  toward  Albany, 
all  safety  of  communication  would  cease. 

"  I  3'et  do  not  despair,"  adds  he,  manfully.  "  Should  I 
succeed  in  forcing  my  way  to  Albany,  and  find  that  country 
in  a  state  to  subsist  my  army,  I  shall  think  no  more  of  a 
retreat,  but,  at  the  worst,  fortify  there,  and  await  Sir  William's 
operations."  * 

A  feature  of  peculiar  interest  is  given  to  this  wild  and  rug- 
ged expedition,  by  the  presence  of  two  ladies  of  rank  and 
refinement,  involved  in  its  perils  and  hardships.  One  was 
Lady  Harriet  Ackland,  daughter  of  the  Earl  of  Ilchester,  and 
wife  of  Major  Ackland  of  the  grenadiers ;  the  other  was  the 
Baroness  De  Riedesel,  wife  of  the  Hessian  major-general. 
Both  of  these  ladies  had  been  left  behind  in  Canada.  Lady 
Harriet,  however,  on  hearing  that  her  husband  was  wounded 
in  the  affair  at  Hubbard  ton,  instantly  set  out  to  rejoin  him, 
regardless  of  danger,  and  of  her  being  in  a  condition  before 
long  to  become  a  mother. 

Crossing  the  whole  length  of  Lake  Champlain,  she  found 
him  in  a  sick  bed  at  Skenesborough.  After  his  recovery, 
she  refused  to  leave  him,  but  had  continued  with  the  army 
ever  since.  Her  example  had  been  imitated  by  the  Baroness 
De  Riedesel,  who  had  joined  the  army  at  Fort  Edward,  bring- 
ing with  her  her  three  small  children.  The  friendship  and 
sympathy  of  these  two  ladies  in  all  scenes  of  trial  and  suffer- 
ing, and  their  devoted  attachment  to  their  husbands,  afford 
touching  episodes  in  the  story  of  the  campaign.  When  the 
army  was  on  the  march,  they  followed  a  little  distance  in  the 
rear,  Lady  Harriet  in  a  two-wheeled  tumbril,  the  Baroness  in 
a  calash,  capable  of  holding  herself,  her  children,  and  two 
servants.  The  latter  has  left  a  journal  of  her  campaign- 
ing, which  we  may  occasionally  cite.  "  They  moved,"  she 
says,  "in  the  midst  of  soldiery,  who  were  full  of  animation, 
singing  camp  songs,  and  panting  for  action.  They  had  to 
travel  through  almost  impassable  woods  ;  in  a  picturesque  and 
beautiful  region ;  but  which  was  almost  abandoned  by  its 
inhabitants,  who  had  hastened  to  join  the  American  army." 

»  J  Letter  to  Lord  George  Germain. 


392  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

"They  added  much  to  its  strength/'  observes  she,  "as  they 
were  all  good  marksmen,  and  the  love  of  their  country  inspired 
them  with  more  than  ordinary  courage."  1 

The  American  army  had  received  various  re-enforcements: 
the  most  efficient  was  Morgan's  corps  of  riflemen,  sent  by 
Washington.  He  had  also  furnished  it  with  artillery.  It  was 
now  about  ten  thousand  strong.  Schuyler,  finding  himself  and 
his  proffered  services  slighted  by  Gates,  had  returned  to  Albany. 
His  patriotism  was  superior  to  personal  resentments.  He  still 
continued  to  promote  the  success  of  the  campaign,  exerting  his 
influence  over  the  Indian  tribes,  to  win  them  from  the  enemy. 
At  Albany,  he  held  talks  and  war  feasts  with  deputations 
of  Oneida,  Tuscarora,  and  Onondaga  warriors  ;  and  procured 
scouting  parties  of  them,  which  he  sent  to  the  camp,  and  which 
proved  of  great  service.  His  former  aide-de-camp,  Colonel 
Brockholst  Livingston,  and  his  secretary,  Colonel  Varick, 
remained  in  camp,  and  kept  him  informed  by  letter  of  passing 
occurences.  They  were  much  about  the  person  of  General 
Arnold,  who,  since  his  return  from  relieving  Fort  Stanwix, 
commanded  the  left  wing  of  the  army.  Livingston,  in  fact, 
was  with  him  as  aide-de-camp.  The  jealousy  of  Gates  was 
awakened  by  these  circumstances.  He  knew  their  attachment 
to  Schuyler,  and  suspected  they  were  prejudicing  the  mind  of 
Arnold  against  him ;  and  this  suspicion  may  have  been  the 
origin  of  a  coolness  and  neglect  which  he  soon  evinced  toward 
Arnold  himself.  These  young  officers,  however,  though  devo- 
tedly attached  to  Schuyler  from  a  knowledge  of  his  generous 
character,  were  above  any  camp  intrigue.  Livingston  was 
again  looking  forward  with  youthful  ardor  to  a  brush  with  the 
enemy  ;  but  regretted  that  his  former  chief  would  not  be  there 
to  lead  it.  "  Burgoyne,"  writes  he  to  Schuyler  exultingly,  "  is 
in  such  a  situation,  that  he  can  neither  advance  nor  retire  with- 
out fighting.  A  capital  battle  must  soon  be  fought.  I  am 
chagrined  to  the  soul  when  I  think  that  another  person  will 
reap  the  fruits  of  your  labors."  2 

Colonel  Varick,  equally  eager,  was  afraid  Burgoyne  might  be 
decamping.  "His  evening  guns,"  writes  he,  "are  seldom 
heard,  and  when  heard,  are  very  low  in  sound."  3 

The  dense  forests,  in  fact,  which  covered  the  country  between 
the  hostile  armies,  concealed  their  movements,  and  as  Gates 
threw  out  no  harassing  parties,  his  information  concerning  the 
enemy  was  vague.     Burgoyne,  however,  was  diligently  colleet- 

1  Riedesel's  Memoirs.  2  MS.  Letter  to  Schuyler.  3  Idem.  * 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  393 

ing  all  his  forces  from  Skenesborough,  Fort  Anne  and  Fort 
George,  and  collecting  provisions ;  he  had  completed  a  bridge 
by  which  he  intended  to  pass  the  Hudson,  and  force  his  way  to 
Albany,  where  he  expected  co-operation  from  below.  Every 
thing  was  conducted  with  as  much  silence  and  caution  as  pos- 
sible. His  troops  paraded  without  beat  of  drum,  and  evening 
guns  were  discontinued.  So  stood  matters  on  the  11th  of 
September,  when  a  report  was  circulated  in  the  American  camp, 
that  Burgoyne  was  in  motion,  and  that  he  had  made  a  speech  to 
his  soldiers,  telling  them  that  the  fleet  had  returned  to  Canada, 
and  their  only  safety  was  to  fight  their  way  to  New  York. 

As  General  Gates  was  to  receive  an  attack,  it  was  thought  he 
ought  to  choose  the  ground  where  to  receive  it ;  Arnold,  there- 
fore, in  company  wtth  Kosciuszko,  the  Polish  engineer,  recon- 
noitred the  neighborhood  in  quest  of  a  good  camping-ground, 
and  at  length  fixed  upon  a  ridge  of  hills  called  Bemis's  Heights, 
which  Kosciuszko  proceeded  to  fortify. 

In  the  mean  time,  Colonel  Colburn  was  sent  off  with  a  small 
party  to  ascend  the  high  hills  on  the  east  side  of  the  Hudson, 
and  watch  the  movements  of  the  enemy  with  glasses  from  their 
summits,  or  from  the  tops  of  the  trees.  For  three  days  he 
kept  thus  on  the  look-out,  sending  word  from  time  to  time  to 
camp  of  all  that  he  espied. 

On  the  11th  there  were  the  first  signs  of  movement  among 
Burgoyne's  troops.  On  the  13th  and  14th,  they  slowly  passed 
over  a  bridge  of  boats,  which  they  had  thrown  across  the  Hud- 
son, and  encamped  near  Fish  Creek.  Colburn  counted  eight 
hundred  tents,  including  marquees.  A  mile  in  advance  were 
fourteen  more  tents.  The  Hessians  remained  encamped  on  the 
eastern  side  of  the  river,  but  intervening  woods  concealed  the 
number  of  their  tents.  There  was  not  the  usual  stir  of  military 
animation  in  the  camps.  There  were  no  evening  nor  morning 
guns. 

On  the  15th,  both  English  and  Hessian  camps  struck  their 
tents,  and  loaded  their  baggage  wagons.  By  twelve  o'clock 
both  began  to  march.  Colburn  neglected  to  notice  the  route 
taken  by  the  Hessians ;  his  attention  was  absorbed  by  the 
British,  who  made  their  way  slowly  and  laboriously  down  the 
western  side  of  the  river,  along  a  wretched  road  intersected  by 
brooks  and  rivulets,  the  bridges  over  which  Schuyler  had  broken 
down.  The  division  had  with  it  eighty-five  baggage  wagons 
and  a  great  train  of  artillery  ;  with  two  unwieldy  twenty-four- 
pounders,  acting  like  drag  anchors.  It  was  a  silent,  dogged 
march,  without  beat  of  drum,  or  spirit-stirring  bray  of  trumpet. 


394  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

A  body  of  light  troops,  new  levies,  and  Indians,  painted  and 
decorated  for  war,  struck  off  from  the  rest  and  disappeared  in 
the  forest,  up  Fish  Creek.  From  the  great  silence  observed  by 
Burgoyne  in  his  movements,  and  the  care  he  took  in  keeping 
his  men  together,  and  allowing  no  straggling  parties,  Colonel 
Colburn  apprehended  that  he  meditated  an  attack.  Having 
seen  the  army  advance  two  miles  on  its  march,  therefore,  he 
descended  from  the  heights,  and  hastened  to  the  American 
camp  to  make  his  report.  A  British  prisoner,  brought  in  soon 
afterward,  stated  that  Burgoyne  had  come  to  a  halt  about  four 
miles  distant. 

On  the  following  morning,  the  army  was  under  arms  at  day- 
light ;  the  enemy,  however,  remained  encamped,  repairing 
bridges  in  front,  and  sending  clown  guard  boats  to  reconnoitre  ; 
the  Americans,  therefore,  went  on  to  fortify  their  position. 
The  ridge  of  hills  called  Bemis's  Heights,  rises  abruptly  from  the 
narrow  flat  bordering  the  west  side  of  the  river.  Kosciuszko 
had  fortified  the  camp  with  intrenchments  three-quarters  of  a 
mile  in  extent,  having  redoubts  and  batteries,  which  commanded 
the  valley,  and  even  the  hills  on  the  opposite  side  of  the  river ; 
for  the  Hudson,  in  this  upper  part,  is  comparatively  a  narrow 
stream.  From  the  foot  of  the  height,  an  intrenchment  extended 
to  the  river,  ending  with  a  battery  at  the  water  edge,  command- 
ing a  floating  bridge. 

The  right  wing  of  the  army,  under  the  immediate  command 
of  Gates,  and  composed  of  Glover's,  Nixon's,  and  Patterson's 
brigades,  occupied  the  brow  of  the  hill  nearest  to  the  river,  with 
the  flats  below. 

The  left  wing,  commanded  by  Arnold,  was  on  the  side  of  the 
camp  furthest  from  the  river,  and  distant  from  the  latter  about 
three-quarters  of  a  mile.  It  was  composed  of  the  New  Hamp- 
shire brigade  of  General  Poor,  Pierre  Van  Courtlandt's  and 
James  Livingston's  regiments  of  New  York  militia,  the  Con- 
necticut militia,  Morgan's  riflemen,  and  Dearborn's  infantry. 
The  centre  was  composed  of  Massachusetts  and  New  York 
troops. 

Burgoyne  gradually  drew  nearer  to  the  camp,  throwing  out 
large  parties  of  pioneers  and  workmen.  The  Americans  dis- 
puted every  step.  A  Hessian  officer  observes :  "The  enemy 
bristled  up  his  hair,  as  we  attempted  to  repair  more  bridges. 
At  last,  we  had  to  do  him  the  honor  of  sending  out  whole  regi- 
ments to  protect  our  workmen."  } 

1  Schlozer's  Briefwechsel. 


LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON.  395 

It  was  Arnold  who  provoked  this  honor.  ^Lt  the  head  of  fif- 
teen hundred  men  he  skirmished  bravely  with  the  superior  force 
sent  out  against  him,  and  retired  with  several  prisoners. 

Burgoyne  now  encamped  about  two  miles  from  General 
Gates,  disposing  his  army  in  two  lines;  the  left  on  the  river, 
the  right  extending  at  right  angles  to  it,  about  six  hundred 
yards,  across  the  low  grounds  to  a  range  of  steep  and  rocky 
hills,  occupied  by  the  elite;  a  ravine  formed  by  a  rivulet  from 
the  hills  passed  in  front  of  the  camp.  The  low  ground  between 
the  armies  was  cultivated ;  the  hills  were  covered  with  woods, 
excepting  three  or  four  small  openings  and  deserted  farms. 
Beside  the  ravines  which  fronted  each  camp  there  was  a  third 
one,  midway  between  them,  also  at  right  angles  to  the  river.1 

On  the  morning  of  the  19th,  General  Gates  received  intelli- 
gence that  the  enemy  were  advancing  in  great  force  on  his  left. 
It  was,  in  fact,  their  right  wing,  composed  of  the  British  line 
and  led  by  Burgoyne  in  person.  It  was  covered  by  the  grena- 
diers and  light  infantry  under  General  Fraser  and  Colonel 
Breyman,  who  kept  along  the  high  grounds  on  the  right ;  while 
they,  in  turn,  were  covered  in  front  and  on  the  flanks  by 
Indians,  provincial  royalists  and  Canadians. 

The  left  wing  and  artillery  were  advancing  at  the  same  time, 
under  Major-General  Phillips  and  Riedesel,  along  the  great  road 
and  meadows  by  the  river  side,  but  they  were  retarded  by  the 
necessity  of  repairing  broken  bridges.  It  was  the  plan  of  Bur- 
goyne, that  the  Canadians  and  Indians  should  attack  the  central 
outposts  of  the  Americans,  and  draw  their  attention  in  that 
direction,  while  he  and  Fraser,  making  a  circuit  through  the 
woods,  should  join  forces  and  fall  upon  the  rear  of  the  Ameri- 
can camp.  As  the  dense  forests  hid  them  from  each  other, 
signal  guns  were  to  regulate  their  movements.  Three;  fired  in 
succession,  were  to  denote  that  all  was  ready,  and  be  the  signal 
for  an  attack  in  front,  flank  and  rear. 

The  American  pickets,  stationed  along  the  ravine  of  Mill 
Creek,  sent  repeated  accounts  to  General  Gates  of  the  move- 
ments of  the  enemy ;  but  he  remained  quiet  in  his  camp  as  if 
determined  to  await  an  attack.  The  American  officers  grew 
impatient.  Arnold  especially,  impetuous  by  nature,  urged  re- 
peatedly that  a  detachment  should  be  sent  forth  to  check  the 
enemy  in  their  advance,  and  drive  the  Indians  out  of  the  woods. 
At  length  he  succeeded  in  getting  permission,  about  noon,  to 
detach  Morgan  with  his  riflemen  and  Dearborn  with  his  infantry 

i  Wilkinson's  Memoirs,  i.  236. 


396  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

from  his  division.  They  soon  fell  in  with  the  Canadians  and 
Indians,  which  formed  the  advance  guard  of  the  enemy's  right, 
and  attacking  them  with  spirit,  drove  them  in  or  rather  dispersed 
them.  Morgan's  riflemen,  following  up  their  advantage  with 
too  much  eagerness,  became  likewise  scattered,  and  a  strong 
re-enforcement  of  royalists  arriving  on  the  scene  of  action,  the 
Americans,  in  their  turn,  were  obliged  to  give  way. 

Other  detachments  now  arrived  from  the  American  camp, 
led  by  Arnold,  who  attacked  Fraser  on  his  right,  to  check  his 
attempt  to  get  in  the  rear  of  the  camp.  Finding  the  position 
of  Fraser  too  strong  to  be  forced,  he  sent  to  head-quarters  for 
re-enforcements,  but  they  were  refused  by  Gates,  who  declared 
that  no  more  should  go ;  "  he  would  not  suffer  his  camp  to  be 
exposed."  1 

The  reason  he  gave  was  that  it  might  be  attacked  by  the 
enemy's  left  wing. 

Arnold  now  made  a  rapid  counter-march,  and,  his  movement 
being  masked  by  the  woods,  suddenly  attempted  to  turn  Fraser's 
left.  Here  he  came  in  full  conflict  with  the  British  line,  and 
threw  himself  upon  it  with  a  boldness  and  impetuosity  that  for 
a  time  threatened  to  break  it,  and  cut  the  wings  of  the  army 
asunder.  The  grenadiers  and  Breyman's  riflemen  hastened  to 
its  support.  General  Phillips  broke  his  way  through  the  woods 
with  four  pieces  of  artillery,  and  Riedesel  came  on  with  his 
heavy  dragoons.  Re-enforcements  came  likewise  to  Arnold's 
assistance,  his  force,  however,  never  exceeded  three  thousand 
men,  and  with  these,  for  nearly  four  hours,  he  kept  up  a  con- 
flict almost  hand  to  hand,  with  the  whole  right  wing  of  the  Brit- 
ish army.  Part  of  the  time  the  Americans  had  the  advantage 
of  fighting  under  the  cover  of  a  wood,  so  favorable  to  their 
militia  and  sharpshooters.  Burgoyne  ordered  the  woods  to  be 
cleared  by  the  bayonet.  His  troops  rushed  forward  in  columns 
with  a  hurrah  !  The  Americans  kept  within  their  intrenchments, 
and  repeatedly  repulsed  the'm  ;  but,  if  they  pursued  their  advan- 
tage, and  advanced  into  open  field,  they  were  in  their  turn 
driven  back. 

Night  alone  put  an  end  to  a  conflict,  which  the  British  ac- 
knowledged to  have  been  the  most  obstinate  and  hardly  fought 
they  had  ever  experienced  in  America.  Both  parties  claimed 
the  victory.  But,  though  the  British  remained  on  the  field  of 
battle,  where  they  lay  all  night  upon  then'  arms,  they  had 
failed  in  their  object ;  they  had  been  assailed  instead  of  being 

1  Colonel  Varick  to  Schuyler.    Schuyler  Papers. 


LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON.  397 

the  assailants  ;  while  the  American  troops  had  accomplished 
the  purpose  for  which  they  had  sallied  forth  ;  had  checked  the 
advance  of  the  enemy,  frustrated  their  plan  of  attack,  and 
returned  exulting  to  their  camp.  Their  loss,  in  killed  and 
wounded,  was  between  three  .and  four  hundred,  including  sev- 
eral officers  ;  that  of  the  enemy  upward  of  five  hundred. 

Burgoyne  gives  an  affecting  picture  of  the  situation  of  the 
ladies  of  rank  already  mentioned,  during  this  action.  Lady 
Harriet  had  been  directed  by  her  husband,  Major  Ackland,  to 
follow  the  route  of  the  artillery  and  baggage,  which  was  not 
exposed.  "  At  the  time  the  action  began,"  writes  Burgoyne, 
'*  she  found  herself  near  a  small  uninhabited  hut,  where  she 
alighted.  When  it  was  found  the  action  was  becoming  general 
and  bloody,  the  surgeons  of  the  hospital  took  possession  of  the 
same  place,  as  the  most  convenient  for  the  first  care  of  the 
wounded.  Thus  was  the  lady  in  hearing  of  one  continued  fire 
of  cannon  and  musketry,  for  four  hours  together,  with  the 
presumption,  from  the  post  of  her  husband  at  the  head  of  the 
grenadiers,  that  he  wras  in  the  most  exposed  part  of  the  action. 
She  had  three  female  companions,  the  Baroness  of  Riedesel, 
and  the  wives  of  two  British  officers,  Major  Harnage  and  Lieu- 
tenant Reynell ;  but  in  the  event  their  presence  served  but 
little  for  comfort.  Major  Harnage  was  soon  brought  to  the 
surgeons  very  badly  wounded ;  and  in  a  little  time  after  came 
intelligence  that  Lieutenant  Reynell  was  shot  dead.  Imagina- 
tion wants  no  helps  to  figure  the  state  of  the  whole  group." 

Arnold  was  excessively  indignant  at  Gates'  withholding  the 
re-enforcements  he  had  required  in  the  heat  of  the  action ;  had 
they  been  furnished,  he  said,  he  might  have  severed  the  line  of 
the  enemy  and  gained  a  complete  victory.  He  was  urgent  to 
resume  the  action  on  the  succeeding  morning  and  follow  up  the 
advantage  he  had  gained,  but  Gates  declined,  to  his  additional 
annoyance.  He  attributed  the  refusal  to  pique  or  jealousy,  but 
Gates  subsequently  gave  as  a  reason  the  great  deficiency  of 
powder  and  ball  in  the  camp,  which  was  known  only  to  himself, 
and  which  he  kept  secret  until  a  supply  was  sent  from  Albany. 

Burgoyne  now  strengthened  his  position  with  intrenchments 
and  batteries,  part  of  them  across  the  meadows  which  bordered 
the  river,  part  on  the  brow  of  the  heights  which  commanded 
them.  The  Americans  likewise  extended  and  strengthened 
their  line  of  breastworks  on  the  left  of  the  camp  ;  the  right  was 
already  unassailable.  The  camps  were  within  gunshot,  but  with 
ravines  and  woods  between  them. 

Washington's  predictions  of   the  effect  to  be  produced  by 


398  LIFE  OF   WASHINGTON. 

Morgan's  riflemen  approached  fulfilment.  The  Indians,  dis- 
mayed at  the  severe  treatment  experienced  from  these  veteran 
bush  fighters,  were  disappearing  from  the  British  camp.  The 
Canadians  and  royal  provincials,  "  mere  trimmers,"  as  Bur- 
goyne  called  them,  were  deserting  in  great  numbers,  and  he  had 
no  confidence  in  those  who  remained. 

His  situation  was  growing  more  and  more  critical.  On  the 
21st,  he  heard  shouts  in  the  American  camp,  and  in  a  little 
while  their  cannon  thundered  a  feu  de  joie.  News  had  been 
received  from  General  Lincoln,  that  a  detachment  of  New 
England  troops  under  Colonel  Brown  had  surprised  the  carry- 
ing-place, mills,  and  French  lines  at  Ticonderoga,  captured  an 
armed  sloop,  gunboats  and  bateaux,  made  three  hundred  prison- 
ers, besides  releasing  one  hundred  American  captives,  and  were 
laying  siege  to  Fort  Independence.1 

Fortunately  for  Burgoyne,  while  affairs  were  darkening  in 
the  North,  a  ray  of  hope  dawned  from  the  South.  While  the 
shouts  from  the  American  camp  were  yet  ringing  in  his  ears, 
came  a  letter  in  cipher  from  Sir  Henry  Clinton,  dated  the  12th 
of  September,  announcing  his  intention  in  about  ten  days  to 
attack  the  forts  in  the  Highlands  of  the  Hudson. 

Burgoyne  sent  back  the  messenger  the  same  night,  and  des- 
patched, moreover,  two  officers  in  disguise,  by  different  routes, 
all  bearing  messages  informing  Sir  Henry  of  his  perilous  situ- 
ation, and  urging  a  diversion  that  might  oblige  General  Gates 
to  detach  a  part  of  his  army  ;  adding,  that  he  would  endeavor 
to  maintain  his  present  position,  and  await  favorable  events 
until  the  12th  of  October.2 

The  jealousy  of  Gates  had  been  intensely  excited  at  finding 
the  whole  credit  of  the  late  affair  given  by  the  army  to  Arnold  : 
in  his  despatches  to  government  he  made  no  mention  of  him. 
This  increased  the  schism  between  them.  Wilkinson,  the  adju- 
tant-general, who  was  a  sycophantic  adherent  of  Gates,  pan- 
dered to  his  pique  by  withdrawing  from  Arnold's  division 
Morgan's  rifle  corps  and  Dearborn's  light  infantry,  its  arm  of 
strength,  which  had  done  such  brilliant  service  in  the  late  affair  : 
they  were  henceforth  to  be  subject  to  no  order  but  those  from 
head-quarters. 

Arnold  called  on  Gates  on  the  evening  of  the  22d,  to  remon- 
strate. High  words  passed  between  them,  and  matters  came 
to  an  open  rupture.  Gates,  in  his  heat,  told  Arnold  that  he  did 
not  consider  him  a  major-general,  he  having  sent  his  resignation 

1  Colonel  Varick  to  Schuyler.     Schuyler  Papers. 

2  Burgoyne  to  Lord  George  Germain. 


LIFE   OF    WASHINGTON.  39U 

to  Congress  —  that  he  had  never  given  him  the  command  of 
any  divison  of  the  army  —  that  General  Lincoln  would  arrive 
in  a  day  or  two,  and  then  he  would  have  no  further  occasion 
for  him,  and  would  give  him  a  pass  to  go  to  Philadelphia,  when- 
ever he  chose.1 

Arnold  returned  to  his  quarters  in  a  rage,  and  wrote  a  note 

o  Gates  requesting  the  proffered  permit  to  depart  for  Phila- 

ielpbia;  by  the  time  he  received  it  his  ire  had  cooled  and  he 

had  changed  his  mind.     He  determined  to  remain  in  camp  and 

abide  the  anticipated  battle. 

Lincoln,  in  the  mean  time,  arrived  in  advance  of  his  troops ; 
which  soon  followed  to  the  amount  of  two  thousand.  Part  of 
the  troops,  detached  by  him  under  Colonel  Brown,  were  besie- 
ging Ticonderoga  and  Fort  Independence.  Colonel  Brown  him- 
self, with  part  of  his  detachment,  had  embarked  on  Lake  George 
in  an  armed  schooner  and  a  squadron  of  captured  gunboats  and 
bateaux,  and  was  threatening  the  enemy's  deposit  of  baggage 
and  heavy  artillery  at  Diamond  Island.  The  toils  so  skilfully 
spread  were  encompassing  Burgoyne  more  and  more  ;  the  gates 
of  Canada  were  closing  behind  him. 

A  morning  or  two  after  Lincoln's  arrival,  Arnold  observed 
him  giving  some  directions  in  the  left  division,  and  quickly 
inquired  whether  he  was  doing  so  by  order  of  General  Gates ; 
being  answered  in  the  negative,  he  observed  that  the  left  divis- 
ion belonged  to  him  ;  and  that  he  believed  his  (Lincoln's) 
proper  station  was  on  the  right,  and  that  of  General  Gates 
ought  to  be  in  the  centre.  He  requested  him  to  mention  this  to 
General  Gates,  and  have  the  matter  adjusted. 

"He  is  determined,"  writes  Varick,  "  not  to  suffer  any  one 
to  interfere  in  his  division,  and  sa3Ts  it  will  be  death  to  any 
officer  who  does  so  in  action."  Arnold,  in  fact,  was  in  a  belli- 
cose vein,  and  rather  blustered  about  the  camp.  Gates,  he 
said,  could  not  refuse  him  his  command,  and  he  would  not 
yield  it  now  that  a  battle  was  expected. 

Some  of  the  general  officers  and  colonels  of  his  division 
proposed  to  make  him  an  address,  thanking  him  for  his  past 
services,  particularly  in  the  late  action,  and  entreating  him 
to  stay.  Others  suggested  that  the  general  officers  should  en- 
deavor to  produce  a  reconciliation  between  the  jarring  parties. 
Lincoln  was  inclined  to  do  so  ;  but,  in  the  end,  neither  measure 
was  taken  through  fear  of  offending  General  Gates.  In  the 
mean   time  Arnold  remained  in  camp,  treated,   he  said,  as  a 

1  Colonel  Livingston  to  Schuyler.    Schuyler  Tapers. 


400  LIFE  OF  WASHINGTON. 

cipher,  and  never  consulted ;  though  when  Congress  had  sent 
him  to  that  department,  at  the  request  of  General  Washington, 
they  expected  the  commander  would  at  least  have  taken  his 
opinion  on  public  matters. 

On  the  30th,  he  gave  vent  to  his  feelings  in  an  indignant  let- 
ter to  Gates.  "Notwithstanding  I  have  reason  to  think  your 
treatment  proceeds  from  a  spirit  of  jealousy,"  writes  he,  "  and 
that  I  have  every  thing  to  fear  from  the  malice  of  my  enemies, 
conscious  of  my  own  innocency  and  integrity,  I  am  determined 
to  sacrifice  my  feelings,  present  peace  and  quiet,  to  the  public 
good,  and  continue  in  the  army  at  this  critical  juncture,  when 
my  country  needs  every  support. 

"  I  hope,"  concludes  he,  "  you  will  not  impute  this  hint  to  a 
wish  to  command  the  army,  or  to  outshine  you,  when  I  assure 
you  it  proceeds  from  my  zeal  for  the  cause  of  my  country,  in 
which  I  expect  to  rise  or  fall."  1 

All  this  time  the  Americans  were  harassing  the  British  camp 
with  frequent  night  alarms  and  attacks  on  its  pickets  and  out- 
posts. 

"  From  the  20th  of  September  to  the  7th  of  October,"  writes 
Burgoyne,  "  the  armies  were  so  near,  that  not  a  night  passed 
without  firing,  and  sometimes  concerted  attacks  upon  our  ad- 
vanced pickets.  I  do  not  believe  either  officer  or  soldier  evei 
slept  in  that  interval  without  his  clothes  ;  or  that  any  general 
officer  or  commander  of  a  regiment  passed  a  single  night  with- 
out being  upon  his  legs  occasionally  at  different  hours,  and  con- 
stantly an  hour  before  daylight."  2 

Still  Burgoyne  kept  up  a  resolute  mien,  telling  his  soldiers, 
in  a  harangue,  that  he  was  determined  to  leave  his  bones  on 
the  field,  or  force  his  way  to  Albany.  He  yet  clung  to  the 
hope  that  Sir  Henry  Clinton  might  operate  in  time  to  relieve 
him  from  his  perilous  position. 

We  will  now  cast  a  look  toward  New  York,  and  ascertain 
the  cause  of  Sir  Henry's  delay  in  his  anxiously  expected  opera- 
tions on  the  Hudson. 

1  Gates's  Papery  N.Y.  Hist.  Lib.  a  Burgoyne's  Expedition,  p.  166. 

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